Category: The Citizen

In Lwamgasa Village, Geita Region, about 60 children set to start Form One have vanished from classrooms, raising alarm among teachers and local leaders.

Despite strict attendance enforcement, the pull of nearby mining activities is proving stronger than the school bell, threatening the futures of these young students and the community’s efforts to keep children in education.

The government has stepped up investment in the energy sector with the launch of a Sh10.5 billion project to upgrade electricity distribution infrastructure in Kongwa District, Dodoma Region, and surrounding areas, aimed at improving reliability and supporting economic growth.

The project was launched on Tuesday, June 16, 2026, by Minister for Energy, Mr Deogratias Ndejembi, in the Mbande area, Kongwa, where he inaugurated a power switching station and an Automatic Voltage Regulator (AVR).

He said the government continues to prioritise the energy sector due to its central role in driving industrial development, investment, trade, and improved livelihoods. Mr Ndejembi said major national projects, including the Julius Nyerere Hydropower Project, expansion of the national grid, and investment in renewable energy, have raised generation capacity to more than 4,000 megawatts.

‘Reliable electricity supply is the foundation of industrial growth, business expansion, investment, and improved social services. That is why the government continues to invest heavily in this sector,’ he said.

He added that Dodoma Region has been given special priority in energy infrastructure development due to its status as the country’s capital and administrative centre.

According to him, the project includes the construction of a switching station, the installation of a 20MVA voltage regulating transformer, and a 33kV transmission line from Zuzu to Mbande, covering 92 kilometres.

He said the new infrastructure will end reliance on a single transmission line previously supplying Kongwa from Dodoma City, which had led to unstable electricity supply amid rising demand.

‘These investments will improve system stability, reduce outages, enhance voltage quality, and increase Tanesco’s capacity to meet current and future demand,’ he said.

Tanzania Electric Supply Company (Tanesco) managing director, Mr Lazaro Twange, said the project was informed by assessments showing rising demand driven by expanding economic and social activities in Kongwa and surrounding districts.

He said completion of the project will improve electricity supply in Kongwa, Gairo, Chamwino, and parts of Mpwapwa, while also creating a conducive environment for investment and production.

‘These infrastructures are designed to strengthen system stability, improve service reliability, and support socio-economic development,’ he said.

Mr Twange urged citizens to protect the electricity infrastructure to safeguard continued benefits from government investments.

‘We urge citizens to be the first protectors of this infrastructure by safeguarding it and reporting any acts of vandalism,’ he said.

Kongwa Industrialists and Traders Association chairperson, Mr Nemes Ritte, welcomed the project, saying businesses had been affected by frequent power outages and low voltage.

He said improved electricity supply would enhance production, attract investment, and boost economic growth in Kongwa and the wider Dodoma Region.

In the widely diverse socio-political landscape of African countries, the above complex words, namely: hegemony and kakistocracy, find the truest manifestations, hence there is a plenitude of case-studies for the same. This trend of politics is concerning because of the already foreseen risks, given the utter failure of its implementation elsewhere.

There is no debate about the primacy of dominance when politics, economics, culture, etc., are compared. Politics gives people greater access to power, which in turn impacts the entire societal body. The power to protect human life and dignity, and to influence productivity and integral development of persons, is largely in the political mantle. In most cases, experts have room to be at their best productive capacities if such is the motivation flowing top-down.

For instance, the whims of politics can water down and even tarnish the image and reputation of the expertise of experts such as teachers, lawyers, security personnel, investigators, physicians, engineers, etc., when their work is interfered with for whatever political interest. As such, when the political framework is built on principles of fairness, truth, and justice, the expertise of those responsible for governance flows at its best through the same veins.

Hegemony in Africa is manifested as dominance of family circles and cliques of the elite, with some leaders believing that other people do not qualify for political positions, except their children, relatives, or those from their circles. There are numerous examples of this all across the continent, most of which are known for causing civilians endless pain and grief in the effort to forcefully safeguard those seats of power for many decades now.

Nonetheless, in all hegemonic political systems, all over the world, there is always a local voice of resistance against oppression and domination.

The fact that it is done elsewhere does not justify that it is the right socio-political modus operandi, especially when it is clear that the states concerned are not monarchical, where, in principle, power is transferred by inheritance. Nepotism has deeply encroached African governance cycles, and often traces down to the lowest levels. The worst effect of this is not only a lack of proper representation of the people, but also having inefficient people in positions of power.

Kakistocracy is exactly that: a system of leadership under the worst, the least qualified, or even the most unscrupulous, who have somehow made their way up the ladder through their associations within elite and powerful circles.

This trend is particularly undesired because the interests of the leaders are far from improving the lives of the people. There is a lacuna of ambiguity and chaos in handling the priorities of society and solving actual problems.

Real-world problems need to be approached by people who first desire to bring change, and secondly, who personally have the know-how to initiate such change. It is not about capacity to command, or one’s popularity, but the ability to mobilise genuine action with genuine intention.

In socio-political systems that operate in this manner, accountability is an inexistent myth because those who are to hold each other accountable already have bonds of affinity, kinsmanship, etc. The legacy of this is embezzlement, misappropriation, low-quality, dysfunctional projects, suppression of the rule of law, and widespread infringement of human rights.

Today, Africa is home to over 20 conflicts that have lasted for more than two decades. This is the legacy inherited by the young generation alongside their youthfulness. The question is, amidst this widespread chaos and unfair politics, what are the chances of young people rising alongside their global peers while at home (in Africa) if governments do not make a conscious effort to challenge these persistent situations?

There cannot be growth if the political circles are not washed clean of corruption and the rule of law is not upheld as the absolute equaliser. It will continue to be a multiplication of speeches, plans, manifestos, committees, and philosophical publications, yet no actual impact on the ground.

It is really admirable to see in other countries how past leaders are made accountable for their economic choices and violations of human rights, and how the law is beyond wealth and popularity. In Africa, this move is similar to daydreaming, but it is indispensable. Until we get there, we are hardly going anywhere!

Somaliland has opened an embassy in Jerusalem, becoming one of the few foreign entities to establish a diplomatic mission in the disputed city, six months after Israel recognised the breakaway territory as an independent state.

The embassy was inaugurated during an official visit by Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi to Israel, where he met Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Netanyahu welcomed the move, describing it as a sign of deepening ties between the two sides and praising Somaliland’s decision to locate its mission in Jerusalem rather than Tel Aviv, where most foreign embassies are based.

The development has drawn sharp criticism from Somalia, which regards Somaliland as part of its territory. Mogadishu said engagement with Somaliland undermines Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The Palestinian Authority also condemned the embassy opening, saying it violated international law and resolutions concerning the status of Jerusalem.

Somaliland has governed itself since declaring independence from Somalia in 1991, maintaining its own government, currency and security forces.

However, it remained unrecognised internationally until Israel became the first country to formally recognise its independence in December 2025.

Tanzania’s startup scene has never looked busier. In 2024, the country counted 1,041 known active startups and 95 organisations working in entrepreneurship and innovation support.

There are accelerators, innovation weeks, grant windows, pitch competitions, bootcamps, demo days and closing ceremonies.

Anyone who follows the sector knows the rhythm. The rooms are full, the photos are good, the language is confident.

The harder question is what remains after the event banners come down.

In 2024, Tanzania attracted about $53 million in startup funding. One company, NALA, accounted for $40 million of that amount.

Remove NALA from the total and the rest of the country raised roughly $13 million in a market of 67 million people. That is not a rounding error. It is the clearest measure of how thin the market still is.

NALA carries the heavy load in Tanzania’s startup story. Its success deserves pride, not qualification.

A Tanzanian-founded company has raised serious international capital and built a payments business serving customers in the United Kingdom, Europe and the United States.

That is exactly the kind of ambition Tanzania should celebrate. But it should not be used to flatter a system that is not yet producing enough companies of similar depth. One exceptional founder cannot be made to stand in for an entire domestic pipeline.

The following year made the point harder to avoid. By late 2025, Tanzanian startups had raised under $15 million, while African startups had crossed $2.2 billion. Capital was still moving on the continent.

It was just not moving into Tanzania at the level our market size, talent and geography should command.

Kenya shows what a functioning investment market can begin to look like. In 2024, Kenyan startups raised about $638 million and took the largest share of startup funding in East Africa.

Since 2019, they have raised about $3.3 billion. Kenya is not a perfect comparison.

Nairobi has a deeper investor base, more regional headquarters and a longer record of venture-backed companies. But that is precisely the point.

Kenya built conditions that investors understand. Tanzania has built activity that visitors can attend.

Rwanda offers a different lesson. It is much smaller, with about 14 million people compared with Tanzania’s 67 million, yet it has been more deliberate about coordination, company registration and investor-facing reform.

Tanzania still lacks a unified startup policy. We have many programmes, but not yet the predictability and confidence that turn entrepreneurial energy into investable companies.

This is where the role of international development organisations needs honest scrutiny.

Their work is not worthless. Grants can help young companies test products, reach first customers and survive long enough to learn.

Some founders have received support they would not have found from banks, local investors or public agencies. That matters.

But useful support can still become a weak substitute for a real market.

Too much of the startup scene has become activity theatre. Workshops are held, entrepreneurs are trained, pitch competitions are staged, attendance sheets are signed, inclusion indicators are reported, photos are taken and donor reports are submitted, but far fewer people are required to answer what happened to the companies afterwards.

Did they survive after 18 months? Did they gain paying customers? Did they hire staff?

Did they raise follow-on funding? Did they move beyond grant money? These questions are harder to count, but they matter more.

A workshop can be reported immediately. A company takes years to prove.

That is the weakness at the centre of the ecosystem. A grant portfolio is not a venture market.

A pitch competition is not customer traction. An accelerator cohort is not a pipeline of investable companies.

Tanzania can keep producing well-designed reports that describe a lively ecosystem, while the actual market remains too shallow to finance the companies those reports celebrate.

This is not a criticism of Tanzanian founders. Many are building under conditions that would test even experienced entrepreneurs.

They face uncertain regulation, cautious banks, thin local risk capital, limited corporate procurement and investors who struggle to see a clear path to exit.

The issue is not founder ambition. The issue is the machinery around them.

Tanzania does not need another round of applause for being busy. It needs a startup act, clearer investment rules, more patient local capital and a better test of progress.

Public agencies, development partners, corporates and investors should be asking the same question.

How many Tanzanian companies, without depending mainly on grants or donor programmes, have reached commercial Series A funding in the last three years?

Until more Tanzanian startups can survive, raise commercial capital and scale without leaning on grants, the country’s startup story will remain what it is today – impressive in activity, thin in market depth.

Mansour Group, a global conglomerate operating in more than 100 countries, has launched a new commercial vehicle venture in Tanzania, strengthening its presence in one of East Africa’s key logistics and industrial markets.

The new business is expected to serve sectors including transport, logistics, mining, agriculture, construction and infrastructure – all central to Tanzania’s economic expansion and growing role as a regional trade hub.

The Group already operates in the country through Mantrac Tanzania, the authorised Caterpillar dealer, Mansour Automotive Tanzania and Delta Industrial Equipment Limited. Tanzania’s strategic position as a transit corridor for landlocked neighbours including Zambia, Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo continues to drive demand for efficient transport solutions, as regional supply chains become more interconnected.

Mansour Trucks Tanzania Managing Director Anurup Chartejee said the venture would support operators seeking greater efficiency and reliability in fleet operations.

‘The new venture is expected to strengthen support for businesses that rely on dependable transport operations, helping fleet owners, logistics operators and infrastructure contractors improve productivity and maximise uptime,’ he said.

He added that the investment reflects confidence in Tanzania’s industrial growth and its position as a gateway for regional trade, supported by ongoing investments in roads, ports, rail, energy and manufacturing.

While full operational details remain undisclosed, the company said the launch marks a further step in its long-term commitment to the Tanzanian market.

Further details on structure, partnerships and services are expected at an official launch event scheduled for 19 June 2026.

Uncertainty surrounding the future of the United States’ Food for Peace programme has revived a debate Africa can no longer afford to postpone: the continent’s dependence on external systems for food security.

For decades, Food for Peace has served as one of the largest sources of emergency food assistance for developing countries, including many across Africa.

However, recent developments in Washington suggest the programme may increasingly shift towards advancing American agricultural and trade interests alongside its humanitarian mission. While discussions continue in the United States, the implications for Africa extend beyond aid budgets. They raise wider questions about sovereignty, self-reliance and the continent’s ability to feed itself in an increasingly uncertain global environment.

The issue reflects a broader Pan-African argument that political independence remains incomplete without economic sovereignty. Across Africa, policymakers, scholars and development experts are increasingly questioning whether global systems adequately serve the continent’s long-term interests.

Tanzanian opposition politician and presidential candidate in the 2025 elections, Doyo Hassan Doyo recently argued that international institutions often fail to fully reflect the priorities of developing countries. Speaking on international governance, he said African countries should focus on strengthening their own systems rather than relying heavily on external structures.

‘The objective is not isolation, but balance,’ Doyo said, stressing the importance of building institutions capable of advancing African interests.

His remarks mirror concerns emerging around food security. If donor countries can redesign aid programmes based on domestic priorities, African countries remain vulnerable to policy decisions over which they have limited influence.

Africa possesses many of the resources required to reduce that vulnerability. The continent has vast agricultural land, significant freshwater resources and a rapidly growing labour force. Yet despite these advantages, many countries continue to import food and rely on emergency assistance during periods of crisis.

This contradiction highlights structural challenges that go beyond farming itself. Limited investment in irrigation, storage facilities, transport infrastructure and agro-processing continues to weaken productivity. Large amounts of food are lost after harvest while millions of people remain vulnerable to shortages.

The African Continental Free Trade Area also presents opportunities to strengthen regional food systems by enabling agricultural surpluses to move more efficiently across borders. Stronger regional integration could reduce dependence on imports from outside the continent and improve resilience during droughts, conflicts and supply disruptions.

Political analyst Dr Lupa Ramadhani of the University of Dar es Salaam said strong domestic institutions remain essential in reducing external dependence and strengthening policy independence.

‘Failure to act internally invites external attention,’ he said.

For Africa, the answer is not confrontation with international partners. Humanitarian assistance will continue to play an important role during emergencies, and global cooperation still offers important benefits. However, partnerships should support African priorities rather than define them.

The future of Africa’s food security will depend less on decisions made in Washington or other global capitals and more on investments in agriculture, infrastructure, regional trade and governance across the continent.

Members of Parliament have raised concern over mounting fiscal pressures on the government, warning that a widening financing gap in the Universal Health Insurance (UHI) scheme, rising public debt and weaknesses in project preparation could undermine the sustainability of key national programmes.

Presenting the Budget Committee report during debate on the Sh62.3 trillion 2026/27 national budget on Monday, committee chairman Mr Mashimba Mashauri Ndaki said Tanzania faces structural fiscal challenges that require urgent action to safeguard public finances.

Tanzania has been selected to host the 16th East African Parliamentary Games, which will take place in Arusha in January 2027 following a decision by Speakers of Parliament from the eight member states of the East African Community (EAC).

The decision was reached during the 12th Extraordinary Meeting of the Bureau of Speakers held in Arusha to discuss preparations for the regional sporting event, which brings together legislators and parliamentary staff from across East Africa.

The games were initially scheduled to be hosted by Somalia in 2026. However, Somalia formally requested to step aside due to ongoing political processes in the country, prompting the Bureau of Speakers to seek an alternative host. The East African Parliamentary Games are held annually on a rotational basis among EAC member states and feature a range of sporting disciplines, including football, netball, basketball, volleyball, athletics, tug-of-war and golf.

Speaking during the meeting, Speaker of the Senate of Kenya and Chairperson of the Bureau of Speakers, Amason Kingi, said the extraordinary session was convened after Somalia was unable to host the 21st Ordinary Meeting of the Parliamentary Games that had been planned for May 2026.

He urged Tanzania’s Parliament to begin preparations for the event, describing the games as an important platform for strengthening regional integration and cooperation.

“These games have become much more than a sporting competition. They are a symbol of unity, solidarity and friendship among the parliaments of East Africa,” Kingi said.

“They reflect the commitment of our legislatures to deepen regional integration and strengthen the bonds that unite the people of the East African Community.”

During the discussions, Tanzania’s Deputy Speaker, Daniel Sillo, expressed reservations about hosting the event in 2026 due to an already packed parliamentary calendar.

He noted that Tanzania is scheduled to host several major regional and international events, including the 153rd Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and meetings of the Great Lakes Parliamentary Forum.

“Traditionally, these games are held in December, but Tanzania will be occupied with a number of important parliamentary engagements during that period,” Sillo said.

“We therefore requested that another member state willing and ready to host the games this year be considered.”

However, Speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), Joseph Ntakirutimana, proposed postponing the tournament by one month if no other member state was prepared to host it.

Ntakirutimana said the games play a crucial role in promoting friendship, cultural exchange, solidarity and regional integration among parliamentarians and parliamentary staff across the region.

“These games cannot simply be abandoned because of scheduling challenges. Their contribution to regional cohesion is too important,” he said.

Following the proposal, Tanzania agreed to host the event under the revised timetable.

Announcing the final decision, Kingi confirmed that the 16th East African Parliamentary Games will be held in January 2027 in Arusha and will be jointly organised by the East African Legislative Assembly and the Parliament of Tanzania, with support from EAC member states and the EAC Secretariat.

The event is expected to attract hundreds of lawmakers, parliamentary officials and support staff from across the region, further strengthening East African cooperation through sports, cultural interaction and parliamentary diplomacy.

Tension disrupted the burial of a young man in Siha District, Kilimanjaro Region, after a group of bodaboda riders allegedly blocked the proceedings and placed a coffin carrying the deceased on the District Commissioner’s vehicle while demanding the release of colleagues arrested by police.

The incident involved Emmanuel Mwandry, a resident of Ngirinyi village in Nasai Ward, whose burial was interrupted after unrest broke out among mourners and bodaboda riders.