Tanzania aims to save over Sh2.8 trillion by boosting local production

Dar es Salaam. Tanzania expects to save more than Sh2.8 trillion annually by cutting reliance on imported goods, as the government steps up an ambitious industrialisation drive aligned with the first phase of Dira ya Maendeleo 2050, the country’s long-term national development vision set to begin next year.

The plan, unveiled by the Minister of State in the President’s Office (Planning and Investment), Prof Kitila Mkumbo, marks a major shift in Tanzania’s economic strategy. It is aimed at strengthening domestic manufacturing, reshaping investment incentives and tackling the country’s growing youth unemployment crisis.

Speaking to journalists in Dar es Salaam on Monday, December 8, 2025, Prof Mkumbo said the government had identified eight priority products from the 96 items worth Sh15 trillion imported in 2024 and would now work with investors to produce them locally. “Our target is to save Sh2.8 trillion by replacing imports with local production,” he said.

“From next year, Tanzania will no longer need to import sugar. In fact, we will be looking for export markets for the surplus we produce.

” Sugar and edible oil top the priority list. While Tanzania has processing plants for sunflower oil, raw material shortages remain a challenge.

“The problem is not processing capacity,” Prof Mkumbo noted. “It is the lack of raw materials.

That is why new investment must include contractual farming arrangements, similar to those used in the sugar sector.” Other targeted imports include wheat, dairy and beef products, as well as fish from deep-sea and cage-based aquaculture.

Tourism and real-estate development are also highlighted, with plans to revitalise urban areas such as Vingunguti, Manzese and Buguruni through public-private partnerships, replacing old structures with modern commercial and residential buildings. Prof Mkumbo said the approach aims to shift Tanzania from a consumption-driven economy to a production-led one, boosting exports and stabilising foreign exchange flows.

Investment strategy To attract the scale of private-sector participation needed, Tanzania is overhauling its investment climate. The government is strengthening the One-Stop Facilitation Centre to ensure investors obtain permits and registrations “in one place, with full authority”.

The Tanzania Investment and Special Economic Zones Authority (TISEZA) now manages a national land bank of 170,176 hectares, including 78,444 hectares of large farms earmarked for agricultural investment. “The challenge of land for investment has reduced significantly,” Prof Mkumbo said.

“Anyone with a large farm can now submit it to TISEZA, which will then secure investors for joint development.” The country currently has 34 Special Economic Zones covering 22,623 hectares, with more planned as the government prepares to roll out a national investment platform and hold quarterly sessions with investors to resolve bottlenecks more swiftly.

Investment projects will be prioritised based on job creation, export potential, and value-addition capacity, especially in mining, where policy dictates that investors must process minerals domestically before export. Economist Prof Benedict Mongula described the plan as “logical and overdue” but warned that its success hinges on investor confidence.

“This requires the private sector to be central,” he said. “The government must make the environment predictable, transparent and cost-effective.

Investment flows where confidence is strong.” Industrial policy analyst Dr Neema Laurent said the Sh2.8 trillion target is achievable only if structural weaknesses are addressed.

“We must invest heavily in agricultural technology, logistics and skills development,” she said. “Otherwise, factories will continue to face raw-material shortages.

” She added that the policy’s biggest test will be its impact on youth unemployment, one of Tanzania’s most pressing socio-economic challenges. A direct response to youth unemployment With over 900,000 young Tanzanians entering the labour market each year and only a fraction securing formal jobs, youth inclusion has become a pressing issue.

Prof Mkumbo acknowledged the gap and outlined a strategy to “make young people feel part of the government’s economic agenda”. A new youth investment programme will be launched within EPZA zones, offering technical training, enterprise incubation and access to seed capital.

The government has already allocated 340 acres in Nala (Dodoma), Bagamoyo, Pwani, Mara and Ruvuma for young graduates–particularly from technical universities–to start manufacturing ventures. “We want to change the mindset that employment exists only in government,” he said.

“Young people will be supported to form companies, access land, and link up with industrial investors.” Financial institutions have already agreed to participate, he added.

Political stability and long-term confidence Prof Mkumbo said investment thrives on political stability, noting that Tanzania’s recent turbulence would be managed. “Every nation faces difficult moments.

We will overcome ours and remain a united country,” he said. As Tanzania prepares to implement Dira 2050, the government’s import-substitution drive represents more than an economic reform–it is an effort to redefine the country’s development model.

Success will depend on investor trust, policy consistency, and the country’s ability to harness the energy and innovation of its young population. But the goal is clear: a more self-reliant Tanzania that produces more, imports less, and creates jobs in the process.

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The rise and rupture: How Nyerere and Kambona’s political alliance collapsed

Dar es Salaam. In the formative years of Tanganyika’s independence, Julius Nyerere and Oscar Kambona were inseparable partners in statecraft–a visionary philosopher-president and his politically astute lieutenant who commanded TANU’s organisational machinery with unmatched charisma.

Their alliance, however, would not survive the ideological battles and power realignments that defined Tanzania’s first decade. What began as fraternity ended in suspicion, exile and a bitter political cold war that shadowed the nation for more than 30 years.

Allies at the summit of freedom Kambona, who served as TANU Secretary-General and later as Defence and Foreign Affairs minister, was instrumental in mobilising grassroots support that delivered independence in 1961. Nyerere relied on his political instincts and organisational touch, describing him as “a younger brother.” The synergy was personal as well as strategic: Nyerere stood as best man at Kambona’s wedding in London.

Few relationships in African liberation politics were as close–or as consequential. The Mutiny, the rift and political demotion The first cracks in their alliance appeared during the Dar es Salaam army mutiny of January 1964. With Nyerere temporarily out of the spotlight, it was Kambona, then Minister of Defence, who took charge, calming mutineers and restoring order.

“That event marked the beginning of Julius’s discomfort,” said a former senior TANU figure, quoted in 2011. “Oscar had shown he could control a crisis and that scared people close to Nyerere.” Soon after, Kambona was shifted from Defence to Foreign Affairs, a move seen by many as a calculated demotion.

The situation worsened in November 1964, when Kambona, without full authorisation, held a press conference alleging a Western plot against Tanzania, based on documents later discredited as forgeries. Nyerere, though privately sympathetic, was politically forced to disavow the claims.

“Kambona acted without full information,” Nyerere told the party’s National Executive Committee. “It was reckless diplomacy.

” At TANU’s December 1964 NEC meeting, Kambona was publicly censured. Though he retained his cabinet post, his political credibility had been severely undermined.

1967: Ideological collision over Ujamaa The Arusha Declaration hardened their divide. Nyerere’s push for socialist transformation and state control was deeply opposed by Kambona, who urged a gradual, experimental approach to Ujamaa: “He told me Ujamaa was not practical without pilot programs,” former minister Al Noor Kassum recalled.

“He worried it was too radical, too fast.” By 1966, Kambona was under surveillance, authorities froze his bank accounts, revealing nearly Pound 50,000 in unexplained deposits.

Facing mounting pressure, he quietly left the country. In July 1967, hours before possible arrest, he flew permanently into exile.

Kambona warns of authoritarian drift While in exile on a visit to Nigeria, Kambona gave a rare, blunt interview that reflected the depth of his break with Nyerere’s system. Asked about the state of Tanzanian politics, he replied: “I feel a bit unhappy with the development of the present in Tanzania, because I have my concern that the events are leading towards the establishment of dictatorship in my country.

” He argued that Tanzania’s one-party framework prevented any true measure of public sentiment: “There is no way of finding this out, because in Tanzania there is only one party, and this is one party by law.” On the future, Kambona issued an unequivocal caution: “It all depends upon how long the people of Tanzania will submit to this authoritarian rule.

” He further questioned the ideological compatibility of the East African Community and Ujamaa: “If Tanzania has chosen the way to socialism, how is it going to protect it? The other two are not socialist states.” A Long exile and a failed return From London, Kambona became one of Nyerere’s fiercest critics, accusing the regime of suppressing dissent and mismanaging the socialist project.

In 1967 he was labelled a coup plotter; a 1970 treason trial targeting his allies cemented his political exile. He returned in 1992 at the dawn of multiparty politics, but the landscape had shifted.

Younger leaders dominated, and his new party, TADEA, failed to regain national relevance. Nyerere, still the moral authority of the nation, dismissed his allegations of corruption among senior independence-era officials: “Let him provide evidence.

Otherwise, he is just shouting in the marketplace.” Kambona died in London in 1997, politically diminished but historically central.

A Political rupture that shaped the state The NyerereKambona schism was not merely personal. It set the course for Tanzania’s governance model.

With Kambona gone, internal checks within TANU disappeared, consolidating single-party authority and enabling a tighter ideological state. Kambona lost the war of political survival, but his warnings, on authoritarian drift, party-state fusion and economic direction, continue to echo in contemporary academic and policy debates.

Their story remains a lesson in the fragility of revolutionary alliances: two architects of independence whose destinies diverged, leaving behind both a nation and a caution for political history. .

Unsung architects of freedom: The hidden forces behind Tanganyika’s independence

Dar es Salaam. Every December 9, as the nation marks Tanganyika’s independence from British colonial rule, collective memory gravitates towards familiar names, those preserved in archives, street names and national ceremonies.

Yet behind the celebrated leaders stood a wide constellation of organisers, women mobilisers, trade unionists, teachers, clergy, youth networks and regional activists whose labour made independence not only achievable but national, participatory and irreversible. This is a tribute to the overlooked figures who quietly laid the foundations of uhuru.

Bibi Titi Mohammed: The woman who moved the massesFew figures translated nationalism into mass mobilisation as effectively as Bibi Titi Mohammed. When appointed to lead TANU’s women’s wing in 1955, she transformed it from a small committee into a nationwide movement.

Her communication style relied not on political theory but on Swahili songs, metaphors and familiar expressions that resonated with market traders, domestic workers, village women and small business owners. Under her leadership, women sold goats, pooled savings and recruited neighbours in their thousands.

TANU gained legitimacy not only among elites but among the women who sustained households, markets and rural trade networks. Independence might still have come, but without Bibi Titi it would not have been embraced so broadly by ordinary families.

John Benedict Mwakangale: A regional voice with continental reachFrom the Southern Highlands emerged John Mwakangale, a politician whose influence bridged local organisation and continental solidarity. Through his work with the Pan-African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa, he positioned Tanganyika’s struggle within the broader liberation currents of Kenya, Malawi, Uganda and other territories still under colonial rule.

At a moment when colonial authorities sought to isolate African movements and limit their cooperation, Mwakangale forged alliances and shared strategy. His efforts ensured Tanganyika’s independence was not an isolated event but part of a continental claim to black self-determination.

His role extended far beyond Parliament–he linked remote villages to global liberation networks. Michael Kamaliza and the workers’ frontWhile nationalist politicians addressed rallies, some of the most decisive pressure on the colonial administration came from workers’ actions–strikes, boycotts and coordinated protests.

At the centre of this mobilisation was Michael Kamaliza, who unified 17 unions under the Tanganyika Federation of Labour. Dockworkers, railway crews, clerks, tailors and plantation workers were organised into a single force capable of exerting national pressure.

Union halls became civic classrooms where workers discussed rights, dignity and the meaning of self-governance. Pamphlets circulated as coded political messages.

By the late 1950s, nearly half of Tanganyika’s workforce was unionised. Kamaliza understood that workers sought more than wages: they wanted representation and a voice in shaping a post-colonial nation.

Labour thus became the organised muscle of the independence movement. Oscar Kambona: Party builder and diplomatic voiceAs TANU’s first Secretary-General and later Foreign Minister, Oscar Salathiel Kambona served both as the party’s chief organiser and its early diplomatic face.

He coordinated branches across the country, trained district leaders and maintained internal cohesion at a time when the colonial state hoped to fracture the nationalist movement. After independence, Kambona placed Tanganyika firmly within Pan-African and global liberation frameworks.

From Accra to Lusaka, he reinforced the idea that Tanganyika was not an apprentice state but an equal partner in Africa’s freedom struggles. He gave the young nation organisational confidence and diplomatic clarity.

The grassroots machinery: Teachers, clergy, traders and youthIndependence was not only shaped in parliamentary halls; it was whispered in markets, spread in church courtyards and debated in classrooms. Teachers photocopied pamphlets on school equipment, clergy linked freedom to moral dignity, and traders carried political leaflets across caravan routes.

Youth groups, often disguised as community clubs, created early recruitment spaces. These networks strengthened the earlier Tanzania African Association and later TANU as it expanded nationally.

Market women circulated information faster than newspapers, while port workers created communication channels long before radio reached rural communities. Without these invisible mobilisers, nationalism might have remained an urban, elite project.

With them, it became a truly national awakening. Freedom’s quiet engineersThe midnight of December 9, 1961, was the culmination of years of effort by women who sold livestock to fund TANU, dockworkers who halted ports to demand dignity, teachers who turned classrooms into meeting halls and organisers who connected local struggles to continental liberation.

As Tanzania shapes its future, it must remember that history belongs not only to those who sign documents, but to those who organise gatherings, circulate messages, sing liberation songs and insist–quietly but resolutely–that a people must govern itself. .

Youth challenged to lead East Africa’s anti-corruption drive

Dar es Salaam. As the world marks International Anti-Corruption Day today, December 9, 2025 the East African Parliamentary Network Against Corruption (EAPNAC) has urged the region’s youth to champion integrity, transparency, and accountable governance.

This year’s global theme, “Uniting Youth Against Corruption: Building Tomorrow’s Integrity,” places young people at the centre of efforts to eradicate graft–one of the most persistent threats to development, peace, and social justice across East Africa. Corruption continues to erode public trust, limit economic opportunities, and weaken essential services.

Its impact is particularly severe for young people, many of whom face restricted access to quality education, healthcare, and employment. A 2024 international youth essay competition further revealed how corruption undermines youth participation in civic life and obstructs their ability to build secure futures.

With East Africa’s youth population estimated at 140 million in 2022, EAPNAC says young people represent the region’s strongest force for change. The network highlights three reasons youth must be central in anti-corruption efforts: they aredisproportionately affected by corruption; they represent the continent’s future leadership and workforce; and they are tech-savvy innovators capable of using digital tools to detect and report wrongdoing.

EAPNAC President, Mr Clement Musangabatware, stressed that empowering youth is essential to building a more accountable region. “Young people have the creativity, the courage, and the digital skills our region needs to dismantle corruption,” he said, adding: “If we are to build tomorrow’s integrity, we must start today by equipping youth to lead this fight.

“He noted that safeguarding whistle-blowers, strengthening governance systems, and promoting youth leadership are necessary steps towards long-term accountability. Technologies such as artificial intelligence and blockchain, he added, hold significant potential in exposing corruption when responsibly applied.

Established by the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) in 2024, EAPNAC seeks to reinforce parliamentary oversight, update anti-corruption legislation, and foster a culture of zero tolerance for graft across the region.Marking this year’s International Anti-Corruption Day, EAPNAC is calling on governments, the private sector, civil society, regional bodies, academic institutions and–most importantly–young people to unite in the fight against corruption.

“Together, we can build an East Africa where integrity guides our decisions, democracy thrives, and sustainable development becomes a reality for all,” said Musangabatware. .

WHO warns rising antimicrobial resistance is undermining decades of medical progress

Dar es Salaam. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has warned that antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is steadily weakening the effectiveness of essential medicines, threatening decades of medical progress and straining health systems already struggling to treat routine infections.

WHO Regional Director for Africa, Prof Mohamed Janabi, said signs of the growing threat are evident across the continent, from village clinics to referral hospitals, where patients increasingly battle infections that no longer respond to treatment, resulting in prolonged hospital stays and rising costs for households and governments. Prof Janabi delivered the warning during the commemoration of World Antimicrobial Resistance Awareness Week (WAAW), held from 2 to 6 December 2025 under the theme Act now, protect our present, secure our future.

According to WHO estimates, antimicrobial-resistant infections caused about 1.14 million deaths globally in 2021, surpassing fatalities from HIV and malaria.

Sub-Saharan Africa remains the most affected region. “If left unchecked, antimicrobial resistance could push millions into poverty, undermine food systems and reverse decades of progress.

Yet this is a fight we can win if we act with leadership, collaboration and accountability,” Prof Janabi said. WHO cites limited diagnostic capacity, weak infection-prevention systems, inappropriate use of medicines in humans and animals, and inadequate water, sanitation and hygiene as major drivers of resistance.

Prof Janabi called on African governments to scale up domestic investment in AMR action plans and laboratory systems, saying increased local financing is essential for sustainability and national ownership. He urged governments to integrate AMR control into primary health care, infection-prevention programmes and universal health coverage strategies, noting that embedding AMR responses in routine services will improve preparedness.

Prof Janabi also highlighted the need to empower frontline health workers–particularly pharmacists and veterinarians–with better training and tools to promote responsible antimicrobial use. Stronger regulation of antimicrobial manufacturing and waste disposal, he said, is vital to prevent environmental contamination.

He further underscored the importance of community engagement to discourage self-medication and ensure adherence to prescribed treatments. Governments, he said, should also work closely with farmers and industry stakeholders to curb misuse of antimicrobials in livestock and crop production.

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Tanzania renews call for investment in high-quality tree seeds to secure future forests

Dar es Salaam. Tanzania has renewed its call for increased investment in high-quality tree seeds, underscoring their importance in building resilient forests and meeting Africa’s rising demand for land restoration and industrial timber.

Speaking during the 25th African Forestry and Wildlife Commission (AFWC25) meeting on December 3, 2025, in Banjul, Gambia, the Commissioner for Conservation at the Tanzania Forest Services Agency (TFS), Prof Dos Santos Silayo, held discussions with leading tree genetics expert and TTSA co-founder, Dr Anders Pedersen. Their talks highlighted tree seed science as central to shaping forests capable of withstanding climate change while supporting commercial forestry and industrial growth.

Prof Silayo traced the development of Tanzania’s seed sector, noting that the Tanzania Tree Seed Agency, established in the 1990s with support from Dr Pedersen, has been further strengthened through TFS’s Tree Seed Production Unit. “High-quality seeds are the foundation of resilient forests,” Prof Silayo said, urging investors and restoration partners to prioritise certified seed sources from Tanzania’s accredited facilities.

Dr Pedersen said Africa has a strong opportunity to lead global forest regeneration if it continues investing in research, innovation and improved seed technologies. .

Silence falls over Mbeya as Tanzanians mark 64 years of independence

Mbeya. An unusual calm has settled across parts of Mbeya City, contrasting sharply with the atmosphere typically seen during national celebrations–with many attributing the change to the events of October 29 and heightened tension surrounding December 9.

Today, December 9, Tanzanians commemorate the country’s 64th Independence anniversary, yet a number of activities appear to have slowed down significantly compared to previous years. The Citizen correspondent visited areas of Soweto in the city and observed several shops closed, with almost no movement of residents in the vicinity.

Yesterday, December 8, the normally bustling Soweto market–known for its wide variety of goods–witnessed long queues as hundreds of residents rushed to buy different items. Some commodities were reported to be scarce and selling at higher prices.

Among the goods that saw price increases and shortages were sardines, onions, tomatoes, fish, meat, beans, bananas, potatoes, leafy vegetables and fruits. Residents, however, seemed less concerned about the rising prices and more focused on ensuring they had what they needed.

One of the traders at the market, Suleiman Hashim, said that for nearly a week residents had been busy purchasing supplies, unlike in previous days. “It is possible that the rush to buy essentials had a reason, because we heard that on December 9 there would be nonstop demonstrations.

That is why the situation was as it was,” he said. “But beyond that, what happened during the general election on October 29 gave many people a lesson, because some had not prepared themselves with enough supplies,” added Hashim.

Another resident, Rehema Charles, expressed surprise that citizens had chosen to stay indoors during a national holiday instead of carrying on with their income-generating activities, noting that such behaviour was unusual. “Even when celebrations were cancelled in the past, activities never came to a halt.

People were still able to continue with their responsibilities. Most of us depend on going out to get something to live on,” she explained.

“What happened on October 29 and what was being discussed online in the lead-up to December 9 are the main reasons why things are so quiet today and why people are staying indoors. Life has suddenly changed for us,” said Rehema, a resident of Nkwenzuru.

Due to the prevailing calm, transportation services–including bajaji and daladala–were difficult to find, while motorcycle taxis (bodaboda) were rarely seen, unlike the situation on Monday. .

Maximo: Our proposed changes needed time to transform KMC

Dar es Salaam. Former Kinondoni Municipal Council (KMC) head coach Marcio Maximo has said that he and his technical staff did everything within their power to improve the team’s performance, but the changes they had proposed required long-term implementation–time the club could not afford amid a difficult run of results.

Maximo and KMC reached a mutual agreement to part ways earlier this week following an unconvincing start to the Tanzania Mainland Premier League season. The Dar es Salaam-based side sit at the bottom of the league table with only four points from nine matches, a position that has put the club under mounting pressure and forced it to reconsider its technical direction.

Speaking after the decision, Maximo acknowledged the disappointing results but maintained that the technical bench had worked tirelessly to steer the team toward improvement. He said several unavoidable challenges hindered their ability to secure the desired results.

“We tried our best to secure positive results, but unfortunately we could not achieve them due to unavoidable reasons,” Maximo said. “We had already prepared plans to strengthen the squad during the mini-transfer window, but those changes will now be implemented by the new coach who takes charge after our departure.

” The Brazilian tactician expressed gratitude to the club’s leadership for their support during his tenure and emphasised that the decision to leave was made in a respectful and amicable manner. “We wish to inform the public that we have reached an agreement with KMC to relieve ourselves from the team,” he said.

“We thank the Municipal Director, the management, and the entire leadership of KMC for their untiring support throughout our stay.” Maximo also paid tribute to the players, commending them for their commitment, discipline, and professionalism even during challenging periods.

He urged them to extend the same level of cooperation and effort to the incoming technical team, both for their personal growth and for the betterment of the club. “We thank the players for their dedication and professionalism while they were under our management,” he noted.

“We urge them to work hard and give the same cooperation to the new technical bench for the sake of their development and the interests of the team.” Although he is leaving the dugout, Maximo hinted that his relationship with KMC remains positive and open, saying he would be ready to take part in any future assignment should the club need his expertise again.

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Tanzanian scientist charts the future of global agriculture

Arusha. A Tanzanian scientist has unveiled a publication offering scientific projections on how global agriculture will evolve over the next 100 years.

The new book, Global Agriculture Transformation, authored by Prof Joseph Ndunguru and published by Vision Publishers in the United States, provides an extensive examination of what farming could look like in the year 2126. Prof Ndunguru’s work is regarded as the first comprehensive study of its kind. It outlines how rapid technological innovation, coupled with the entry of more than 1.

2 billion young people into the sector globally, is expected to reshape the future of agriculture. Central to the book is an analysis of the transformative role of Artificial Intelligence (AI), automation and robotics in tomorrow’s farming systems.

“How will agriculture be defined in the next 100 years? The advancements in AI, automation, and the deployment of robotic machines are all explored in this new book,” Prof Ndunguru said. Tipped to become a global bestseller, the publication is set to be translated into ten languages.

Comprising 17 chapters, the book traces the evolution of agriculture from its early beginnings and domestication processes to the contemporary forces shaping global food production. Prof Ndunguru, who is the Director General of the Tanzania Plant Health and Pesticides Authority (TPHPA), formally presented the first copy to chairperson of the Presidential Food and Agriculture Council and former Prime Minister, Mr Mizengo Pinda.

The publication outlines the scientific, technological and policy reforms required to drive global agricultural transformation. It also discusses the influence of major international institutions such as the World Bank (WB) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) on national and global agricultural strategies.

Despite Africa’s heavy dependence on agriculture–where more than 580 million people rely on the sector–Prof Ndunguru voiced concern over the continent’s limited economic returns, noting that agriculture accounts for only 25 percent of Africa’s gross domestic product (GDP). “Agriculture in Africa is still lagging behind, and this book aims to shed light on the changes needed to move the sector forward,” he said.

Former Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda commended the publication, describing it as a critical resource for Tanzania’s economic advancement. “This book is extremely important.

We must secure additional copies for the President, Vice President and Prime Minister,” he said after receiving the inaugural copy. The book was launched during the 4th Annual General Meeting of the Crop Science Association of Tanzania (CROSAT), held under the theme “Advancing Climate-Resilient Crop Productivity through Sustainable Soil and Water Management Practices.

” The book also highlights the contributions of smallholder farmers and women cultivators to agricultural progress. Prof Ndunguru, a distinguished molecular plant virologist, received the Presidential Medal for Scientific Discoveries and Research Excellence in 2012 and the National Award for Best Agricultural Research Scientist in 2011. With more than two decades of experience, he has led several major scientific initiatives, including the $9.4 million Disease Diagnostics for Sustainable Cassava Productivity in Africa project, co-funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the UK’s Department for International Development (DFID).

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What would Nyerere do?

Dar es Salaam. As Tanzania marks the Independence Day of Tanganyika, a country that later united with Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanzania, the country finds itself reflecting not only on its political journey but also on urgent questions about unity, nationhood and the path forward after the turbulence that followed the October 29 general election.

With tensions, mistrust and political polarisation still visible in sections of society, many Tanzanians are asking a profound question: “What would Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, the man who led Tanganyika to independence, do if he were alive today? Similarly, one would ask what would Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume, the first President of Zanzibar, do if they were alive today?” The question is not rhetorical. It is anchored in the founding philosophy of Tanzania, a nation built on dialogue, unity, justice and collective responsibility.

Analysts, speaking with The Citizen ahead of this anniversary, said that at a moment when national cohesion feels fragile, there is immense value in returning to the political ethics and moral clarity that guided the two architects of the United Republic of Tanzania. Nyerere and Karume governed at a complex moment in the early years of independence, a time marked by uncertainty, ideological contestation and the enormous task of building a united national identity out of more than 120 ethnic groups.

Their styles differed; Nyerere’s intellectual socialism contrasting with Karume’s pragmatic, community-centred leadership, but both were firmly anchored in the belief that the young country could only survive through unity. Nyerere, famously known as ‘Mwalimu’, repeatedly emphasised that freedom was meaningless without peace and solidarity.

“Without unity, there is no future for a nation,” he once said, a line that continues to echo as the country navigates its current post-election environment. Karume, equally steadfast, believed in dialogue, discipline and the central role of ordinary citizens in protecting the stability of the Union.

In the years following the 1964 Revolution, his stance was clear: development and justice must be felt by everyone, or the nation would fracture. Independent Tanzania at a crossroads This year’s Independence Day arrives at a tense moment.

The October 29 election aftermath left a trail of political suspicion, social media confrontation and fresh wounds in the national psyche. Authorities have warned against coordinated attempts to mobilise young people for unrest, and political actors continue to debate the way forward.

The public mood is mixed-some feel hopeful, others anxious. Against this backdrop, experts say the country urgently needs a return to the principles that anchored the early republic.

A political historian and former don at Mzumbe University, Dr Lillian Mgaya, said Nyerere’s response would have been straightforward: confront the issue through national dialogue. “Mwalimu never shied away from difficult conversations,” she notes.

“He believed in the power of sitting together, speaking honestly and, most importantly, listening to each other. At this moment, he would urge Tanzanians to lower the political temperature, to agree on the facts, and to search for a collective way forward.

” Dr Mgaya adds that Nyerere’s style of political leadership was defined by moral persuasion rather than coercion. “He was deeply aware that unity could not be legislated-it had to be nurtured,” she said.

Sheikh Abeid Karume, analysts say, would emphasise stability, but always with a community-first approach. A researcher on Zanzibar’s political history, Mr Idrissa Hamad, explained: “Karume saw unity as a responsibility shared by the people themselves.

He believed leaders must protect peace, but citizens also had a duty to safeguard harmony.” According to Mr Hamad, Karume would advise leaders today to strengthen community dialogue structures, engage youth groups directly, and dismantle the mistrust that fuels political divisions.

“In Karume’s era, unity was both a political and a cultural project,” he said. Both founding fathers repeatedly emphasised that freedom came with obligations.

Nyerere said: “Our independence is not a licence for conflict; it is a commitment to build a society that cares for all.” In moments of tension, he urged calm and collective reasoning.

Today, many experts believe the same ethos is urgently needed. An education and governance analyst, Dr Joram Mwakipesile, noted in a WhatsAPP conversation that the country must reclaim civic education as a tool for nation-building–an approach Nyerere strongly championed.

“Our young people are politically energetic but often misinformed,” he noted. “Nyerere invested heavily in political education because he believed a nation of informed citizens was harder to divide.

Bringing back structured civic education would help restore unity.” For his part, constitutional law expert Advocate Mariam Mlewa argued that the founders would advocate for institutional trust and transparency.

“Nyerere and Karume believed in strong institutions built on public confidence,” she said. “Today, rebuilding national unity requires leaders to engage citizens openly, explain decisions clearly, and commit to fairness.

” With this Independence Day, analysts say this is a moment for the country to turn away from polarisation and reclaim the spirit of togetherness. Dr Mgaya reflected: “The founders built a nation on the belief that every Tanzanian, regardless of background, deserved dignity and a voice.

The best way to honour their legacy today is to choose unity over division.” In the words of Mwalimu Nyerere: “Differences will always exist.

But we must never allow them to tear apart our humanity or our country.” If Nyerere and Karume were alive today, analysts agree they would call for a renewed national conversation, one rooted in honesty, patience and the shared responsibility of citizens and leaders to protect the country’s unity.

They would likely insist on the power of dialogue as a tool for healing, encouraging Tanzanians to speak openly about their fears and expectations while refusing to let political differences override the collective good. Experts also believe the founding fathers would underscore the importance of civic education, reminding the nation that unity grows stronger when citizens understand their rights, responsibilities and the value of peace.

“A society grounded in political awareness,” they argued, “was more resilient against manipulation and division.” At the same time, Nyerere and Karume would urge institutions to act with fairness and transparency, emphasising that trust between the public and the State is essential for national harmony.

This would go hand in hand with a call for deliberate youth engagement–ensuring that the country’s young people, whose voices shape Tanzania’s future, are guided towards constructive and responsible participation in national affairs. As Tanzania marks 64 years of independence, the country stands at a moral crossroads.

The legacy of Nyerere and Karume offers a clear compass: unity is a choice, nationhood is a duty, and peace is a responsibility shared by all. .