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Ministry of Finance has underscored the importance of digitisation the tax system for enhanced compliance.

Speaking at the 25th Uganda Economic Update 2025, acting secretary to the Treasury Patrick Ocailap, said digital systems, such as digital tax stamps, have been impactful tools in taxing everyday products and widening the tax base.

‘The use of digital systems is great for our country and will help URA collect more revenue, such as digital stamps on everyday products that we find in the supermarkets,’ he said.

The World Bank, in partnership with the Ministry of Finance and Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), yesterday launched the 25th Uganda Economic Update under the theme ‘Increasing Uganda’s Fiscal Space through Improved Revenue Mobilisation and Enhanced Efficiency of Spending and Service Delivery.’

The report highlights how technology and stronger governance could help Uganda close its revenue gap and improve service delivery.

Mr Ocailap underscored the role of digital stamps that have been visible in enhancing tax compliance under the excise duty regime.

Introduced in 2019, digital tax stamps are designed to protect the supply chain of excisable goods such as beer, spirits, wine, soft drinks, bottled water, cement, and tobacco.

Each product is affixed with a unique stamp that can be traced and authenticated, enabling URA to verify tax compliance and curb illicit trade.

The system is implemented by SICPA Uganda under the aegis of URA and the Ministry of Finance. Manufacturers and importers are required to use stamps as their goods move from production or importation into the market.

By mid-2023, URA reported that more than 1,100 manufacturers and over 300 importers had enrolled on the platform, up from just 200 in 2019.

Ms Francisca Ayodeji, the World Bank country manager, said Uganda’s expanding tax base and improving compliance are critical to creating the fiscal space needed to invest in health, education, and social protection.

‘By working together, we can ensure that reforms in revenue mobilisation … translate into tangible improvements in service delivery,’ she said.

The latest Economic Update emphasises that revenue mobilisation must be paired with efficient and transparent public spending, noting that collecting more taxes alone will not create the fiscal space Uganda requires unless funds are directed to priority areas.

The African Development Bank Group new president, Dr Sidi Ould Tah, who took office on September 1, has unveiled a reform blueprint he calls the ‘Four Cardinal Points,’ which seeks to shape the Bank’s work across the continent-including in Uganda.

At its core, the plan focuses on mobilising Africa’s financial resources by scaling blended finance and deploying innovative instruments such as green and social bonds, with the aim of stretching scarce capital and drawing in private investors.

For Uganda, where firms grapple with high borrowing costs and low long-term financing, deeper AfDB mobilisation could unlock funding for productive investment.

Dr Ould Tah will also reform and consolidate financial systems by prioritizing stronger financial governance, deeper capital markets, and better risk management, and harness demographic transformation by focusing on skilling, digital empowerment, and support for women and youth entrepreneurs.

Uganda’s vibrant tech scene, from mobile-money innovators to a growing startup ecosystem, could benefit from AfDB-backed digital infrastructure, skilling programmes, and venture finance that connect young creators to markets.

He will also build climate-resilient infrastructure and drive value addition by emphasizing focus on renewables, efficient transport corridors, and climate financing.

AfDB support has already helped expand energy access, upgrade trade corridors, and strengthen agriculture value chains, laying foundations for business expansion and export competitiveness.

Ould Tah is credited with transforming BADEA into a high-performing lender, and he is determined to create a more agile, ambitious, and accountable AfDB, where every dollar raised should work harder for Africa’s future.

For Uganda, success will be measured in cheaper capital, stronger institutions, youth opportunities, and infrastructure that can withstand the next shock.

The Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) has resumed strict enforcement patrols to curb littering and maintain cleanliness across the city as it gears up for the highly anticipated City Festival.

The move is part of a broader campaign to ensure the city remains clean, welcoming, and safe for both residents and visitors.

KCCA Executive Director Hajati Sharifah Buzeki emphasized the importance of proactive measures ahead of the festival.

“We are committed to keeping Kampala clean. Our teams will patrol major streets, markets, and public spaces to ensure compliance with sanitation regulations. Littering will not be tolerated,” she said.

The enforcement efforts will be complemented by public awareness campaigns aimed at educating residents on the proper disposal of waste and the importance of maintaining a clean environment.

“Cooperation from the community is key to achieving a litter-free city,” Buzeki added.

Minister for Kampala Hajati Minsa Kabanda welcomed the initiative, noting that a clean city is not just a matter of pride but also of public health.

“Kampala hosts thousands of people every year during the City Festival. It is crucial that we present our city in the best possible way. A clean city promotes tourism, business, and the overall well-being of our citizens,” Kabanda said.

The City Festival, which attracts visitors from across Uganda and beyond, will feature cultural displays, music performances, health services, and food exhibitions. Ms. Buzeki urged all residents and business owners along festival routes to comply with sanitation regulations and avoid activities that generate litter in public spaces.

“KCCA’s enforcement teams are equipped to issue fines and take corrective measures against individuals or businesses that disregard the rules,” she said. “This is not about punishment alone; it is about creating a culture of responsibility and pride in our city.”

With a zero-tolerance approach to littering, KCCA aims to make Kampala a model city during high-profile events. Authorities are optimistic that with cooperation from residents, Kampala will host a safe, enjoyable, and clean City Festival for all.

Foreign banks are pulling out of Africa after decades of operations, saddled by declining profits and rising operational costs. This reflects the continent’s changing investment landscape and the diminishing appeal of the financial services sector.

Ongoing exits are largely linked to increasing competition from telecoms and financial technology (fintech) firms. Mobile and digital financial services offerings have weakened the dominance of global banks, worsened by weakening currencies, political instability in several countries, and rising cases of terrorism.

A new study by global rating agency, Moody’s, spotlights recent exits, noting that a tough operating environment has seen top global lenders, which have operated on the continent for years, scale down operations or exit completely. Some have sold their African businesses to local banking operators.

‘Africa was long regarded as one of the next frontiers for global banking expansion. But the perception of many Western (foreign) banks has shifted over the last decade owing to disappointing profitability and rising operational challenges,’ Moody’s says.

The report notes that Western banking groups, some of which have been in Africa for more than a century, are increasingly leaving the continent, and as they reassess their strategies in Africa, a growing number are choosing to scale back or exit entirely from certain markets.

Since 2019, at least seven major foreign lenders have announced plans to either scale back or leave Africa completely. They include some large British and French banking groups, such as Barclays, Standard Chartered, BNP Paribas, Credit Agricole, Groupe BPCE, HSBC, and Société Générale.

The report notes that Africa’s retail banking in particular has fallen short of expectations for some foreign banks, with increasing competition from mobile and digital competitors challenging traditional banks’ market shares and profitability.

For African countries lacking comprehensive banking networks, Moody’s notes, mobile banking has become an easy alternative for money transfers and an important vehicle for increasing banking penetration.

But fintech startups and mobile money operators such as ‘Safaricom’s M-Pesa, Orange Money, and MTN Mobile Money have also expanded rapidly, offering a wide range of financial services to underserved individuals and new markets like the microcredit segment.’

Competition between traditional banks, fintech startups, and mobile money operators is intense, and traditional banks are working hard to defend market shares while preserving profitability, the report notes.

But rising interest rates at the tail end of the Covid- 19 have also dulled the attractiveness of African markets for some foreign banks, causing them to single out African operations as being higher risk but less profitable than other regions.

In addition, weakening in the value of some local currencies against the dollar or European units has cut the contribution of African operations to foreign banks’ revenues and profitability.

Recent economic shocks, such as Covid-10 in 2020 and the commodity crunch that followed, hit emerging African middle classes, adding further pressure.

‘Several countries are still bearing the scars of the pandemic in the form of higher debt and increased poverty,’ Moody’s says.

Moreover, political instability in several African countries has fuelled uncertainty and, in some cases, led to economic sanctions, constraining banks’ ability to conduct their business and repatriate profits.

There have been a series of coups in sub-Saharan countries in recent years, including Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Gabon.

The emergence of terrorist organisations in a few countries has also put African operations in the spotlight.

Tightened regulations on Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing have added greater complexity to banking operations, increasing the regulatory burden and magnifying reputational risk.

As of June 2025, 12 out of the 24 countries on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list of jurisdictions under scrutiny for money laundering and terrorist financing were in Africa.

According to Moody’s US sanctions currently imposed on nine African countries add another layer of risk, and as a result, foreign banks, some of which have been in Africa for more than a century, are increasingly leaving the continent.

Britain’s Standard Chartered, which has operated in Africa for around 150 years, is progressively reducing its footprint.

The lender in 2022 announced plans to leave five African countries, Angola, Cameroon, Gambia, Sierra Leone, and Zimbabwe, and exit the Consumer, Private, and Business Banking segments in Tanzania and Cote d’Ivoire, given the complexity and high cost-to-income ratio of operating in these markets.

Its shareholding in these subsidiaries were finally sold to Access Bank in July 2023.

The bank has also announced plans to divest from its wealth and retail banking businesses in Uganda, Botswana, and Zambia.

Standard Chartered made a $217 million loss on the sale of its business in Zimbabwe, Angola, and Sierra Leone, largely due to forex translation.

Barclays, whose operations on the continent span more than 100 years, marked its complete exit from the region in December 2017 by reducing its shareholding in South Africa’s Barclays Africa Group from 62.3 percent to a non-controlling stake of 14.9 percent.

The lender sold off business units it did not consider core operations and shifted attention to consumer, corporate, and investment banking in Europe and US.

UK’s financial conglomerate Atlas Mara, which had acquired banks in seven African countries, has already exited the continent, terming its African investments ‘risky’ and the sub-Saharan African macroeconomic environment as ‘challenging’, exacerbated by Covid-19.

Consequently, from September 2020 to date, Atlas Mara has completely divested from Mozambique, Rwanda, Tanzania, Botswana, and Zambia.

In June 2023, French bank Société Générale announced the sale of its stakes in several African subsidiaries.

It sold its holdings in Mozambique (65 percent) and Burkina Faso (52.6 percent) to Vista Group, and its stake in Chad (67.8 percent) to Coris Bank.

Last month (August 2025), it also sold its 95.5 percent stake in Mauritania to Enko Capital.

In Cameroon and the Republic of Congo, the bank’s participations were ultimately acquired by the respective local governments, which exercised their right of first refusal.

Société Générale also announced that it had signed an agreement to sell its 57.2 percent stake in its Equatorial Guinea subsidiary to Vista Group.

However, since the announcement, there has been no official confirmation that the transaction has been completed.

As of June 2025, disposal processes are also underway in Guinea Conakry and Benin.

The bank cited a lack of critical mass and limited synergies with the rest of the group as key reasons for its exit, aiming for a more efficient allocation of capital.

By the end of presidential nominations for the 2026 elections, no female candidate had made it to the contest. Despite interests, the bar seemed to have been too high for those who attempted to enter the race. Some people have made this a big deal. One prospective candidate was bold enough to accuse the Electoral Commission of discrimination, insisting that they do not want women. Key questions remain: What are the possibilities that female candidates would have done well in the elections? What are the lessons from the previous female candidates? What do women lose by not participating directly?

In 2006, when Miria Obote was presented by the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) to contest for President, it seemed exciting for some that history had been made. Finally, we were in the books of history for having scaled the gender barriers, breaking the highest ceiling. The first female presidential candidate in our history sounds good. It inspires the next generation, it appears. For the subsequent three years, Beti Kamya 2011, Maureen Kyalya in 2016, and Nancy Kalembe in 2021, all managed to make their mark by managing to get nominated and campaign. Their performance in each election is a story for another day, and I dare not discourage the next generation of aspirants.

While after the elections, for some, we forgot, there seems to have been created an expectation that female candidates are a norm for a presidential election. Sometimes that is the most significant win. The normalisation of a practice, even when the outcome would not change. Why does it matter that we should have female candidates? The law, when dreaming up affirmative action for women in politics, considered the Local Council levels and Parliament for such, but remained gender neutral for the presidential race. Was that a tactful way to lock out the women? What incentives were put in place to encourage the participation of women in presidential elections as candidates?

It may seem that, suddenly, the constitutional acknowledgement that women suffered some historical and social injustices that impaired their participation in politics, for which affirmative action was needed, did not matter at the presidential level. Or perhaps, leaving out incentives for the participation of women at the presidential level was a quiet way to say women were not ready for that level. If it matters that women participate at that level, then we must ask how meaningful that participation might be. Would a 20-year-old, who expresses interest in running for the presidency, necessarily reflect understanding of the demands of the office and what is required for it?

Perhaps it demonstrates our lack of guidance on who is fit for such an office. Not that there is anything wrong with a 20-year-old running for the office, of course. But even as women, we should be able to ask, which women are able to run and lead rather than have women for the sake of it. The legal logic is that the office of the President is so serious that there should be no need to add incentives for women to participate. They either are capable or they are not. Yet, incentives such as levelling the playing field for participation, making politics less toxic and far from a war zone, and freeing space for political belonging are all crucial for an improved environment in which women are capable of meaningfully participating.

There are many ways that women’s participation is discouraged, without actually saying so. Women assess what they are dealing with. Still, women’s participation need not be in the race itself. Rather than wait to be invited to the kings’ table, where the manners are defined for them, they can claim some space in the electoral process and participate meaningfully. In the campaign process, women can mobilise voters and educate them about the importance of being active in the elections.

Women can also participate in making demands for a peaceful election because all who participate are their children. And lastly, women can be involved in the election process as observers, pacifiers, and discussants, raising critical issues for voters to assess and make demands on candidates. We must address ourselves to the nature of politics and participation needed. Women should not just be candidates in an election as trophies to be admired and thereafter sizzle out. They can add value in a variety of ways to the democratic process. It is those ways we have to keep engaging with, even outside the race.

Timing is everything!

The administration of Kawempe Muslim Secondary School left it late but they chose the right time to recognise their girls’ school football team for their efforts over the last six years.

“Small tokens of appreciation look unpleasant to the eyes but they help motivate and build strong bonds,” the school headteacher Hajati Zulaika Kibirige said, borrowing from a Luganda proverb, as she rewarded the players – particularly those that represented the school and finished second in girls’ football at the 2025 Federation of East Africa Secondary School Sports Association (Feasssa) Games in Kakamega in August – with Hisense 32 inch LED television screens.

This was during a function held at the campus and presided over by titular head of Muslims in Uganda Prince Kassim Nakibinge to bid farewell to old school board (2019-2025) and usher in the new one for the next five years. The debate team that includes school head prefect Hussein Kabogoza, Fahad Musasizi, and Janat Firidaus and is tutored by Ziriya Nakyejjwe was also recognized for winning the East Africa Schools Debating Championships in Arusha early last month.

In the period 2019-2025; Kawempe finished third at the 2024 Caf U-14 African Schools Championship in Zanzibar thereby winning $150,000 (about Shs550m) and topped the Cecafa zonal qualifiers for the aforementioned tournament in 2023 thereby winning $100,000 (about Shs370m). They also won at the Feasssa Games in 2019 (Arusha) and 2023 (Huye). Kawempe will again represent Uganda in the Cecafa Schools tournament later in the year after winning the national qualifiers in Tororo in July.

Domestically, Kawempe also won the girls’ football titles at the Uganda Secondary Schools Sports Association (USSSA) Games in 2019 and 2024, Uganda Muslim Education Association (Umea) Games for the last four years consecutively, and many more.

Motivation for the league

Part of this school team also feeds into the renowned Kawempe Muslim side that plays in the Fufa Women Super League (FWSL) and won that national title in the 2023/24 season. Others play for the side that competes in the second tier Elite League (FWEL) and is attached to Uganda Revenue Authority.

The 2023/24 feat earned the Ayub Khalifa-coached side a place at the Caf Women’s Champions League qualifiers in Ethiopia in 2024, where they finished third.

The 2025/26 FWSL season kicks off on Friday and Khalifa admits that “a surprise appreciation package came in handy” for his side that is preparing to take on rivals and current champions Kampala Queens (KQ) in their league opener at home.

“We are happy to see that our efforts are appreciated. It is another reason to keep giving everything we have on pitch for the school team and club,” talisman Agnes Nabukenya, said.

Some of the players were joined at the function by their parents. Dorcus Kisakye’s mother Jane Nakaziba sells banana leaves in Owino and “cannot believe how far football has taken my daughter, travelling beyond my dreams, from one country to another.”

Zoena Kampi’s father Ali Waiswa, a lecturer at Kyambogo University, said “the new set will resolve quarrels for television at home” while Shadia Nabirye’s father, Meddie Musomerwa said “our story starts at Kawempe and I will die supporting it,” despite his older daughter Shakirah Nankwanga moving from the school to KQ in June 2024.

Task at hand

The outgoing board led by Hajji Hasib Takuba Kabuye celebrated sucesses from their five-year strategic plan that include; infrastructure development in terms of a new dormitory for the girls, completing the Science block and renovating the administration block, plus working with its alumni to modify the gate.

The school, which has maintained a great academic standard in Kampala’s top three and Uganda’s top 15, has also acquired neighbouring lands for expansion

“The memorable parts of our leaderships included the change of leadership (from former headteacher Hajji Bruhane Mugerwa), acquiring lands – about three to four acres to develop, and putting up a sports policy that allowed us to support the girls better (with scholarships and putting them in competitions at all possible levels).

“Now I am hoping that the school playground will be turned into a stadium. We have some money and also won some (from Caf) to do this,” Hajji Takuba said challenging the new board led by Makerere University educationist Muhammad Kiggungu Musoke.

The headteacher stressed that they indeed “plan to set up one of the best stadiums in Kawempe division and probably the country” but are “yet to receive the funds from Caf” and “are in constant communication with Fufa incase of any developments.”

It might be just as well that this year’s World News Day, on Sunday, was treated as an afterthought by all and sundry in Uganda. The day draws attention to the power of fact-based journalism. The promotion of truth and media literacy cannot be understated, not least because we find ourselves living in a post-truth world where alternative facts, surprisingly, hold sway.

On the eve of this year’s World News Day, the story of Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja reportedly ordering the police to quiz a Galaxy TV journalist, Mr David Mwesigwa, bubbled under the radar. This was after the leader of government business in Parliament erroneously came to the conclusion that Mr Mwesigwa misled President Museveni. While fielding questions from the media following his nomination ahead of next year’s presidential poll, Mr Museveni learnt from the TV journalist that the conditions at Mukono General Hospital, Kayunga Regional Referral Hospital, and Namuganga Health Centre III left a lot to be desired.

Ms Nabbanja says a fact-finding trip she undertook established that the journalist was only partially telling the truth. She now reportedly wants the police to crack the whip, leaving the journalist on tenterhooks. The development highlights the difficulties of doing journalistic work. It is increasingly becoming dangerous to serve as a mouthpiece for the voiceless and afflicted. The ruling elite is invested in perpetuating a narrative that serves the minority.

The Nation Media Group is guided by a bifurcated goal of comforting the afflicted and afflicting the comfortable. Like Mr Mwesigwa, we are acutely aware that a fidelity to the truth typically comes at a price. And we have the bruises to show for it. When presidential candidates kick-started their campaigns on Monday with their sights firmly set on the State House, we were-as has been the case over the past months-shut out of covering the incumbent, Mr Museveni. Our crime remains choosing truth by comforting the afflicted and afflicting the comfortable.

As candidates barnstorm the country over the next 80 odd days, we can only promise to be insatiably curious and resolute in our pursuit for the truth. Everyday. The ball might be dropped on some occasions, but, on the whole, so-called alternative facts will not be our cup of tea. We do not take our calling that demands a fidelity to truth lightly. No. Access to information matters more than ever, not least because there is an infodemic of false information spreading throughout all four corners of Uganda. It is dangerous if choices are made on the basis of this type of information.

So, even in the face of growing flak from the ruling elite, we head into the current electoral cycle with words of encouragement to our journalists-and indeed other independent actors-to be brave while holding all and sundry accountable. We are consciously aware that the braveness has to be matched with impartiality since the public could do with the steady delivery of reliable information. We do not take for granted the fact that the information that our reportage will put out over the next 80 odd days will empower Ugandans to make informed decisions as they participate in a democratic process. This is why we strongly believe that Mr Mwesigwa’s travails should not be treated as an afterthought. Ditto World News Day.

Presidential candidate Mubarak Munyagwa of the Common Man’s Party Tuesday canceled his initial campaign visits to Bugiri and Bugweri districts in the Busoga sub-region, redirecting his efforts to Namuwongo instead.

The unexpected change left residents to go about their normal routines, with no political activity taking place in the two districts.

Speaking via phone, Munyagwa told Monitor that: ‘I have canceled my trip to Bugiri. I’m campaigning in Namuwongo. I will do my tour of the Busoga sub-region next week, starting in Kamuli District on Thursday.’

According to the Electoral Commission campaign arrangment, he is scheduled to be in Jinja District/City on October 1 but the shift makes Kamuli the first district in his Busoga region outreach.

Residents in Bugiri raised concerns over long-standing local issues, including the construction of the Nankoma-Bugiri-Namutumba road and the promised Bugiri central market, pledged by President Museveni during the 2021 campaigns but not yet implemented.

Rebecca Kagoya, a tailor in Bugiri Town, said the lack of local health facilities exacerbates congestion at Bugiri General Hospital.

‘The incoming president should focus on building health centers at the parish level to reduce the burden on the main hospital,’ she said, calling for more health workers and better equipment at lower-level facilities.

She also stressed the need for improved roads, noting that ‘if the roads are improved, it will be easier for every Ugandan to boost their household income.’

Youth unemployment was another pressing concern. Hamisi Waiswa, a resident of Kayango in Kapyanga Sub-county, urged the government to create more job opportunities for young people.

‘If the government creates jobs for the youth, it will help reduce theft and other crimes among young people,’ he told Monitor.

Traders in Bugiri Town raised their frustrations over the delay in constructing the central market. Badiru Kilego, Chairperson of Bugiri Central Market, said poor working conditions continue to affect their livelihoods due to the government’s inaction.

Munyagwa’s campaign, which began in Kampala on September 29, aims to address both national and local concerns as he challenges long-serving President Museveni in the 2026 elections.

Local government workers under the Uganda Local Government Workers Union (ULGWU) have announced an indefinite sit-down strike starting October 1, 2025, citing government inaction on salary disparities within the public service.

On Tuesday, ULGWU Secretary General Hassan Mudiba said workers were left with no option but to resort to industrial action to compel the government to address their concerns.

‘We gave notice to the government through the head of Public Service and secretary to Cabinet on September 18, 2025, of workers’ intention to undertake industrial action commencing October 1, 2025, pursuant to section 14(a)(b) on serving notices between the government and Labour Union. Unfortunately, the government has not responded to the notice,’ Mudiba told journalists.

Despite a wage bill increase from Shs7.8 trillion in FY 2024/25 to Shs8.6 trillion in FY 2025/26, local government workers categorized under unconditional grant wages did not benefit from the increment, the union said.

Mudiba accused the government of creating ‘salary disparities’ through selective increases, polarizing the civil service and demoralizing employees.

He also criticized the opacity of certain salary structures.

‘Like National Planning Authority (NPA), their salary structures cannot be seen yet there are not even scientists, and I challenge government to make public their salary structure and that of National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA),’ he said.

National Treasurer of ULGWU, Miriam Mukani, said there was still room for dialogue.

‘If government comes up and says let us have a dialogue, there is room. But as of now, since there is no response, there is nothing much we can do other than keeping on the strike until the government realizes that local government workers also matter,’ she explained.

Striking in Uganda is protected under Article 40(3) of the Constitution, which guarantees workers the right to join a union, undertake collective bargaining, and withdraw labor in accordance with the law.

Article 20 further obliges all government agencies and persons to uphold these rights.

Mudiba warned against any form of intimidation during the strike stating that: ‘We would not expect any administrative authority, either Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), Chairperson LC IVs, Chief Administrative Officers, District Police commanders, among others, to interfere, intimidate or harass workers during their peaceful strike.’

Although the Ministry of Local Government has yet to officially respond, the strike is expected to disrupt local government operations nationwide.