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This article is the second in a three-part series on crypto. The first part unpacked the basics: What digital assets are, how blockchain works, and why concepts like Bitcoin, stablecoins, and tokenisation matter for Uganda-from cheaper remittances to inflation protection and financial inclusion.

This second part picks up where that left off.

Uganda, once a pioneer in the crypto space, has grown increasingly hesitant-whether this reflects justified caution, a deeper ‘crypto clash,’ or mere regulatory apathy remains unclear.

However, both innovators and regulators are now grappling with the challenges and opportunities of this fast-evolving landscape.

The easiest way to picture crypto is through mobile money.

When you receive MTN or Airtel Mobile Money, no cash moves-your balance changes on the company’s internal ledger.

Crypto works the same way, but its ledger is not owned by one company. It is shared across a public blockchain, open to inspection and secured by cryptographic keys-digital locks and signatures that protect your money.

On this blockchain, tokens take different forms: currencies (Bitcoin), assets (investments/property), or stablecoins (digital twins of real money like USDT). That is why crypto is not just ‘internet money.’ It is an asset class worth over $4.4 trillion globally. Uganda’s laws already touch these foundations.

The Electronic Transactions Act, 2011, recognises digital signatures if uniquely linked to a user (Section 18). The National Payment Systems Act, 2020, covers electronic value transfers.

As Robert Kirunda, one of Uganda’s legal minds on the intersection of law, science, and technology, notes: ‘The debate is not whether crypto is real-it already fits concepts Uganda recognises. The issue is how to regulate it.’

Without clear regulations, crypto remains a grey area exposing investors and leaving regulators uncertain. This is not unusual. Mobile money also ran for about years before formal rules on lending and consumer protection emerged in 2013.

The International Monetary Fund echoes the same principle in its research notes on Finance and Technology: ‘strong regulation is essential to harness benefits while mitigating risks.’

Uganda once led. In 2015, Kirunda helped launch Bitreco, the first local Bitcoin exchange. By 2017, momentum crashed when the Finance Ministry warned the public: ‘You’re on your own.’

Kenya, meanwhile, built sandboxes-controlled spaces where innovation continued under regulator oversight. Uganda instead embraced what many call ‘regulatory apathy’-shutting the door rather than learning.

By 2018, the contrast was striking. In its first 90 days, Binance Uganda had processed $7 million in trades, compared to just Shs2 billion ($570,000) on the entire Uganda Securities Exchange at that time.

Regulators noticed, but with no framework, the opportunity fizzled. The message was clear: crypto volumes were already outpacing formal securities.

The clampdown hardened in 2021, when the Bank of Uganda barred licensed payment operators from handling crypto, wiping out billions in monthly transactions.

Yet, as Kirunda argues, ‘Scams have always existed. The solution is awareness, not killing an asset class.’

Courts soon reinforced the freeze. In April 2023, Justice Musa Ssekaana ruled in Silver Kayondo v. Bank of Uganda that crypto was illegal since it was not a recognised payment instrument under the 2020 Act.

Though no law expressly bans it, the ruling entrenched hostility. That leaves innovators squeezed.

As Albert Gitta, head of technology at MTN Mobile Money Uganda, puts it: ‘If somebody does not understand something, it is easy to say, ‘wait a minute.’ But that understanding can take years, while the market is not standing still.’

It is here that Gitta’s broader vision comes in: how to build a system that satisfies regulators while unlocking crypto’s benefits.

Dignity and privacy

Gitta’s dream is a system that is both regulated and flexible-where data is protected, customers feel safe, and crypto’s low-cost benefits are unlocked. Privacy, he argues, is not a side issue but the very foundation of trust.

‘Everybody deserves the benefit of a modern, connected life. Imagine a Ugandan system that becomes the base of a new economic order. A villager doesn’t care whether it’s mobile money or Bitcoin. They just need to know their number and PIN, and they should be able to transact cheaply, securely, and with dignity.’

In his view, the future is a shared platform where banks, fintechs, and mobile operators interconnect-and crypto is just another rail. Customers should not care whether their money moves through a bank, mobile wallet, or blockchain-only that the transaction works.

On this, Gitta and Kirunda converge: ‘bans and circulars don’t stop adoption. They only push it underground and rob Uganda of potential benefits. The smarter path is clear rules, capacity to manage risks, and accountability.’

As Gitta puts it: ‘We need to make sure the regulator is comfortable, and that we are accountable. Yes, we must know who is transacting. But at the same time, we must unlock the opportunities that come with faster, cheaper payment rails.’

Kirunda’s stance remains steady: regulation should begin not with bans, but with understanding, dialogue, and recognition that crypto is already a global asset class.

That raises the bigger question now shaping Uganda’s third wave of crypto: what comes next-especially as geopolitics collides with regulation.

Regulation and power

If Uganda’s first wave of crypto was about discovery, and the second about clashes with regulators, then the third wave is about the future. How to regulate it, balance innovation with protection, and position Uganda in a world where technology choices are shaped by geopolitics.

At the start of 2025, the Bank of Uganda floated the idea of a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC). Unlike Bitcoin, issued by anonymous developers, the pitch was that Ugandans could ‘trust’ their Central Bank as issuer. Consultations began in November, followed by further meetings in March.

But momentum slowed when U.S. President Donald Trump declared, ‘As long as I am president, there will never be a CBDC in the U.S.’ His warning revealed a bigger truth: digital currencies are not just about technology-they are about power.

So, will Uganda’s CBDC move forward? Robert Kirunda sees a deeper problem: regulators still assume crypto is ‘too difficult to regulate.’ In reality, he says, it is easier than mobile money.

‘Every transaction on a blockchain is traceable. With tools like Chainalysis, you can follow a token anywhere in the world. The real challenge is not regulation-it is understanding.’

Economists agree that regulation often comes down to a single principle: Know Your Customer (KYC). Major exchanges like Binance or Coinbase already require IDs, facial verification, and bank account linkage.

Yet this creates its own paradox: Exchanges will always comply with government demands over user privacy-just like banks do.

The paradox runs deeper. Ugandans already trust digital platforms such as Netflix, paying for subscriptions via bank cards without asking where servers are located. But with crypto, regulators insist it is ‘too risky.’

Several industry voices in law, finance, and technology reached out for this article suggest a way forward:

Political will: Some argue Uganda needs an executive order to unblock innovation while setting guardrails.

In the Education sphere, universities and law schools should add courses on emerging technologies.

Innovation funds: banks and fintechs like MTN and Airtel should pool resources to support blockchain solutions.

There should also be a Capital markets reform that allows listing of blockchain companies under existing trusted institutions.

As Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations (1776), ‘governments shouldn’t suffocate enterprise but set fair rules and let people use their skills freely.’

For Uganda, that means fear and bans only stifle growth; clear rules could unlock tools, attract investment, and widen inclusion.

Kirunda says: ‘Gen Z and Gen Alpha don’t care about your penal code. They live on their phones. Whether you like it or not, they will trade crypto. So you help them to do it better and safely.’

That tension-between caution and opportunity-frames Uganda’s current stance, where regulators distance themselves but industry leaders insist the Central Bank is more forward-thinking than many realise.

Uganda’s uneasy middle ground

For all the buzz, Uganda’s official stance on crypto has hardly shifted.

Dr Tumubweinee Twinemanzi, executive director of the National Payment Systems at the Bank of Uganda, says:

‘You are free to do whatever you want with it [crypto] because it has no jurisdiction. We are just saying you won’t have the same protections as you would if you were using a currency issued by the Bank of Uganda. So you do so at your own risk. If you choose to risk and make money, by all means-that is the whole purpose of money. The higher the risk, the higher the reward. Fantastic for you.’

This cautious distance goes back to October 2017, when the Ministry of Finance first warned that cryptocurrencies were unregulated. Two years later, the Bank of Uganda repeated the same message: |Anyone trading in crypto was ‘on their own.’

Twinemanzi insists: ‘Engaging or participating in cryptocurrencies is at your own risk. In other words, should you lose or have problems, don’t come to us crying.’

From the Central Bank’s perspective, this posture reflects its dual responsibility: leaving space for innovation while protecting the public from harm.

But not everyone agrees that the bank is dragging its feet. Reginald Tumusiime, chairperson of the Blockchain Association of Uganda, argues the opposite:

‘There are efforts within the Central Bank to explore the applications of blockchain technology in the entire payment ecosystem.’

The Bank has quietly engaged groups like the country’s Blockchain Association and Fintech umbrella body, studying blockchain beyond speculative trading-especially its potential for improving the payments system.

Tumusiime concedes caution is justified: ‘They owe it to the public to protect your money. Some people have done well with crypto, but it doesn’t mean everyone has had a good story-there are scams out there, and regulators can’t ignore that.’

This duality-loud warnings on one hand, quiet exploration on the other-captures Uganda’s uneasy middle ground. Crypto is neither fully embraced nor banned. Citizens are free to experiment, but without regulatory protection.

For Kirunda, Gitta, and other players, this is both a risk and an opportunity: a risk because uncertainty keeps mainstream institutions on the sidelines, and an opportunity because Uganda can still design a framework that marries innovation with accountability.

Who gets to participate?

As debates on regulation and adoption continue, a practical question looms: Who gets to participate?

By June 2025, Uganda had 34.6 million active mobile money subscribers versus 24 million bank accounts, according to Central Bank data. With a population of 51.3 million, this still leaves millions outside formal digital payments.

Gitta warns that the digital divide cannot be ignored: ‘We still have people who are not participating in mobile money. Now, imagine we are talking crypto. Think about the literacy rates today in Uganda. How is somebody deep down in the village going to understand talk of stablecoins, blockchains, or bitcoins?’

The comparison with mobile money’s early days is clear. What began as airtime recharge later expanded to payments, loans, savings, and virtual cards-growth made possible only through years of demystification and trust-building.

Crypto, Gitta argues, will follow a similar path but with steeper hurdles in devices, connectivity, and literacy.

Devices: Millions still use feature phones, relying on USSD (*165#) for transactions. Smartphones are spreading but unevenly, and without them, crypto apps remain out of reach.

Literacy: Even with devices and connectivity, terms like ‘stablecoin’ or ‘blockchain’ require education.

As Gitta puts it: ‘Our responsibility as telcos and fintechs is not to only bring crypto to the affluent. We need to make sure rural communities with small phones are not left behind. The technologies are available-USSD, SMS, and simple interfaces. We just need to be in the middle, helping to translate complexity into something the common man understands.’

This ‘middle layer,’ in his vision, would handle conversions-cash-in and cash-out of tokens-so villagers need only know their number and PIN.

‘We are governed by the central bank, and we’ve had these conversations with them. For us, our responsibility is to be ready to assure Ugandans that the technology we have in place is future-ready. If a mandate came tomorrow, we would implement it,’ he notes.

Uganda’s crypto journey remains unsettled. Innovation pushes forward, regulators hesitate, and millions of ordinary Ugandans still stand on the sidelines.

Whether this becomes a story of missed chances or managed opportunity will depend on how quickly rules evolve to balance risk with possibility.

This article is the second in a three-part series. The final installment will step back to assess how the East African region is approaching crypto regulation differently-and why those choices could carry both opportunity and danger for Uganda.

Kisoro District Council on Monday unanimously rejected a proposal to allocate public land to Uganda’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) for the construction of party offices, a rare setback at the local government level.

The motion, tabled by LC5 Chairperson Abel Bizimana on behalf of the District Executive Committee, sought to grant land near the Resident Senior State Attorney’s office to the NRM following a request from the party’s district chairperson.

‘In consultations held on September 24, 2025, under Minute 06/DEC/2025/2026, the committee recommended granting the land to facilitate the construction,’ Bizimana told councillors during the meeting chaired by Speaker Amos Hakizimana.

But councillors across the political divide pushed back, saying the ruling party should not enjoy special treatment.

‘The NRM should be treated the same way other parties are handled,’ said Nyakinama Sub-County Councillor Emmanuel Ndayisaba, an Independent.

Kirundo Sub-County Councillor Bishubeho Louise warned against setting a precedent of allocating scarce public land to one political organisation.

‘It would be wrong to prioritize public land for NRM offices when land is scarce. The NRM has enough money to hire or buy land for their offices,’ he said.

Louise further suggested that the offices could instead be housed in the Resident District Commissioner’s premises, arguing: ‘Both serve the same interests of the party.’

After heated debate, Speaker Hakizimana dismissed the motion, noting the overwhelming rejection.

Mixed voices within NRM

Not all NRM councillors were united on the issue. Byamugisha Deus, the party’s district publicity secretary and Rubuguri Town Council Councillor, backed Bizimana’s motion.

‘Kisoro district supports the NRM 100 percent. Allocating public land for party offices would show our continued love for the party and President Museveni while reducing costs,’ he said.

But NRM District Treasurer Hashakimana Joachim expressed reservations. ‘The offices are important, but I don’t think they are a priority for the people of Kisoro,’ he noted.

Joachim added that he would instead propose relocating the party’s district offices to a more accessible location.

‘The current office poses challenges for persons with disabilities and the elderly,’ he noted.

The majority of councillors cited the principles of a multiparty system and insisted the NRM’s financial resources made free public land unnecessary.

Residents along the 8.4-kilometre Kabale-Lake Bunyonyi tourism road are accusing contractors of extending mark stones beyond agreed boundaries, sparking fears of illegal land acquisition and unfair compensation.

The road, launched on June 14 by Deputy Speaker of Parliament Thomas Tayebwa and Works Minister Gen Katumba Wamala, is being built by Egyptian firm Samcrete Egypt Engineers and Contractors. It is expected to take between 18 months and three years to complete.

‘We agreed to the first land measurement, but later the boundary was extended beyond the mark stones, affecting my house which is now at risk of collapsing,’ said Mariam Akacungura, a resident.

She added: ‘I have nowhere to go and I am appealing for government assistance.’

Another landowner, Jeniffer Turinawe, said she bought her land for Shs40 million but was compensated only Shs37 million.

‘The amount given does not reflect the actual value of my property,’ she told Monitor.

Several residents accused officials of making them sign compensation documents without clear explanations.

‘We needed to be sensitized,’ said Agness Sucess, who lost farmland to the project. She said the demolition of houses and loss of agricultural land had left families stranded.

Community Liaison Officer Brian Nicholas Okabaki said Samcrete had cleared bushes and begun works up to five kilometres from Kabale town, but admitted challenges remained.

‘We have encountered unresolved compensation issues. We urge government to expedite payments to avoid delays,’ he said.

Okabaki denied accusations of land grabbing, saying extended pegs were meant to provide sufficient working space.

From the government side, Engineer Alison Abenawe, the Works Ministry’s Kabale station manager, confirmed most residents had been paid but also acknowledged disputes.

‘Some issues have arisen from the contractor going beyond the original boundaries. While this was done to create more space for construction, it has caused distress among residents,’ he said. He assured alignment would be reviewed and landowners’ concerns addressed.

Despite the government’s assurances, residents say compensation and communication remain inadequate.

They are demanding a transparent process that protects livelihoods as the road, intended to boost tourism at Africa’s second deepest lake, progresses.

As emojis, memes, and GIFs redefine communication, a new player has emerged. Voice notes are making a comeback.

As voice technology matures, voice notes are becoming a mainstream communication tool-reshaping workflows, boosting accessibility, and challenging the dominance of typing in both personal and professional spaces.

But what is behind this shift, and how are voice notes changing the game?

Voice notes, especially when enhanced with transcription, are emerging as a powerful communication tool-not as a direct replacement for text, but as a more accessible alternative for those who find typing difficult.

According to eMarketer, as of 2025, over 3.5 billion people worldwide use messaging apps at least once a month.

In 2024, an estimated 7 billion out of nearly 150 billion messages sent by WhatsApp users around the world were voice notes, according to the data reporting solutions provider, Demandsage.

In its recent blog, WhatsApp reports that WhatsApp users end 1 billion voice notes per day.

However, this is just the tip of the iceberg, as other global messaging apps with tonnes of monthly users such as Facebook Messenger (1.53 billion), WeChat (1.29 billion), QQ (591 million), and Telegram (550 million), according to Statista, Jan 2024, have incorporated voice note features for their users.

Why are people speaking up?

Emotional connection

‘Voice notes ensure emotional expression, properly conveying feelings and tones such as happiness, disappointment, sadness, and sarcasm,’ Ms Priscilla Martha Nafuna, an avid proponent of voice messaging, shares.

As more interactions shift to voice, writing (or ‘speaking’) with colour, emotion, empathy, and personality is becom more important.

How businesses can adapt

Therefore, businesses should make their apps and services compatible with multiple voice assistants to be accessible through many ‘voice-gateways. This ensures that customers can interact with you regardless of which voice assistant they use.

Voice messages capture sighs, laughter, pauses, the nonverbal cues that get lost in text. They are small acts of love, according to recent 2025 insights from Time magazine, as audio/voice offers intimacy during distance.

Mark Nsamba, a Gen Z from Jinja highlights that voice notes are more engaging as they deliver a sense of someone being present on the other side in comparison to text messages.

Emotional connection and expression is a crucial aspect in communication, and this is largely attributed to voice rather than words.

The Albert Mehrabian’s 7-38-55 communication model shows that 38 percent of communication comes from tone of voice, which is minimal in text or words (at 7 percent).

From a business perspective, Ms Brenda Nafugo, a florist and events business lady, notes that voice messaging provides a personal and humane touch for the clients.

‘If a customer has a concern with an order, receiving a friendly voice message from a support team or business owner apologising for the inconvenience and providing a solution feels much more human and also makes the client feel valued.’

Convenience

Voice messaging is faster, as it only involves hitting the record button, speaking, and releasing the icon to send.

‘With typed messages, I find myself making grammatical errors and misspellings, but with the voice notes, I get to communicate quickly without having to worry about the errors and autocorrect or edits that I would have to do on re-reading the message,’ says Josephine Nankya, a business owner.

A 2017 study by Stanford University indicates that, on average, a person speaks 125-150 words per minute, compared to 40 words per minute when typing. One tap records a stream of thought before self editing kicks in.

Unlike typing, audio can be recorded while cooking, commuting or walking. This multi-tasking appeal and convenience is greatly suitable for persons with very busy schedules.

‘Voice messaging provides an inclusive means of communication while using social media platforms such as WhatsApp, especially for us with visual impairment,’ says Lawrence Ssematimba, a person living with visual impairment.

‘With the voice note feature in place, approximately 2.2 billion people living with visual impairment globally (as per the World Health Organisation Report 2023), have been catered for, in terms of ease and access to communication.

‘Voice notes are more accessible and quicker for elderly people rather than typing,’ says Favour Nantambi.

‘I remember, after showing my 68-year-old grandmother how to send voice notes, this became her go-to means of communication, and the phone calls too became minimal.’

When voice notes don’t cut it

Unsung etiquette guidelines for voice notes are that these should be brief. ‘Beyond five minutes, that is a phone call, Ms Nankya says.

‘When there is a lot to be said, many people tend to send several but brief voice notes,’ she adds.

When communicating with new people, supervisors or superiors, voice notes are not the ideal means of communication unless they have been previously agreed upon or accepted by the parties involved.

If Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA) sought justice in rejecting the scores of their first netball final they got in the most brutal form after ruthlessly falling to Hotel Africana 25-6 at Maroons Stadium in Luzira Sunday evening.

In the first final on August 31, UCAA came from behind to almost dethroning the defending champions but the match was cancelled after both sides disagreed on the scoreline. Some thought it was 8-8, while others said Africana had won by a point margin.

With players exhausted after a marathon of games on the day, both teams agreed to reschedule the final for September 24.

But in the four weeks in-between, one team seemed to have prepared, while the other rested. Evidence? The performance: Africana led 10-0, eventually winning the first half 15-3 thanks to the clinical pair of goal shooter Doreen Atukunda Kagumire, who is naturally a defender, and goal attacker Victoria Nakazibwe, who converted almost every chance.

Solid, agile and tireless, centre player Christine Zalwango had fluid coordination with her defense, wing attack and the entire forward line.

Despite that amorphous lead, Africana coach Bashir Matovu used the interval to emphasise the need to stick to the game plan, a message especially meant for goal defender Alton Sentongo, who was much later substituted for Ibra Inesko.

In the second half, goal attacker Brenda Namuhoma and goal shooter Joyce Nakirya tried to pull UCAA back into the game, but got limited supply. And UCAA were slow in attack, which gave an advantage to Africana, whose pace, power and accuracy resulted in an emphatic 25-6 victory.

‘We should have won this final last time, but our opponents complained. This time, I am happy that now they can only accuse us of being ruthless on the court,’ said Hamida Ayoub, Africana’s assistant coach, who plays for Busia Greater Lions.

‘We are happy that we have won this title again. We thank our employers at Africana for giving us a chance to train for the games. Such performances also contribute to promotions and pay rise.’

UCAA’s goal defender Henry Mukenya rued the missed opportunity but was graceful in defeat. ‘We left Entebbe to come and fight for gold. But I congratulate Africana for the good performance. We hope to do better next season.’

RESULTS

Africana 25-6 UCAA

OUTSTANDING PLAYERS

Doreen Atukunda Kagumire (GS)

Victoria Nakazibwe (GA)

Christine Zalwango (C)

Alton Sentongo (GD)

Husnah Kukundakwe and Condoleezza Thembo Nakazibwe left the World Para Swimming Championships stage in Singapore with enhanced reputations.

The Ugandan representatives hit their time targets and the latter took it a notch further by making the finals of all her four events.

Last Wednesday, her 1:11.76 in the women’s 100m freestyle S8, gave her a 3rd place finish in the heats. She split 34.31 at the halfway mark to lower her own African record (AR) from the 1:12.40 that she managed at the World Series earlier in Indianapolis in April to qualify for Singapore.

In the final, she split 34.43 and finished 8th in a time of 1:12.23, which is her second best performance in the event.

On Thursday, the 18 year old gave her all to clock a 32.49 in the women’s 50m freestyle S8 preliminaries lowering her own 32.58 AR. She further sunk it to 31.93 in the finals, where she missed a podium finish by a whisker.

Russia’s Viktoriia Ishchiulova, swimming under a neutral flag, clocked 31.30 to win the race and was followed by China’s Zhu Hui (31.39) and Italy’s Xenia Francesca Palazzo (31.44) – who also won 100m free bronze behind Great Britain’s Alice Tai and USA’s Jessica Long.

On Friday, Uganda’s Paralympian needed a bit of luck to make the finals but the fortune is always in the preparation and showing up. After placing 9th overall in the heats of the women’s 200m individual medley SM8 with a time of 3:03.72 just ahead of Germany’s Jeanne Maack Mira (3:05.26), Kukundakwe had done her bit. She had not competed in an IM event at the world stage in over a year and an AR was good enough.

But she was brought in as a replacement after Palazzo, who made 2:58.51 in the prelims, withdrew for medical reasons. Kukundakwe finished 8th with a slightly better time of 3:03.51.

In the 100m breaststroke SB8, on Saturday, Kukundakwe’s 1:28.54 got her to her fourth final in four days. Interestingly, she finished 7th with a new personal best of 1:27.37 in the finals and she beat Ishchiulova (1:28.86), who also had silver in the IM.

The 100m breaststroke SB8 AR, however, remains one of those she aims for. It still belongs to South Africa’s retired Natalie Du Toit, who set it at 1:25.95 at the World Championships in Eindhoven Netherlands on August 16, 2010.

Nakazibwe, just 13, also made an impressive 33.61 in the women’s 50m freestyle S9 on Saturday to cap Uganda’s performance at the Championships.

“The swimmers performed very well with 100% improvement. In my opinion it is the best performance for Husnah particularly, if compared to the previous events we have taken part in. We did not do well at the Paralympics in France and that taught us something to work on and since the Series in the USA, we have been registering good positions with excellent times

“We are now looking forward to the Commonwealth Games. Condoleezza is also a mentally strong girl with a huge passion for the sport. Usually, you would struggle with a young girl pushing her up to race at that level, but she managed,” coach Muzafaru Muwanguzi, said.

World Para Swimming Championships

Kukundakwe’s performance

Women 100m freestyle S8: 1:11.76 (African record, prelims), 1:12.23 (finals)

Women 50m freestyle S8: 32.49 (prelims), 31.93 (African record, finals)

Women 200m IM SM8: 3:03.72 (prelims), 3:03.51 (African record finals)

Women 100m breaststroke SB8: 1:28.54 (prelims), 1:27.37 (finals)

Nakazibwe’s performance

Women 50m freestyle S9: 33.61 (prelims)

In 2003, a cloud of uncertainty hung over the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) ahead of the 2006 presidential election. The 1995 Constitution barred President Museveni from standing again since he had already served two terms.

Yet the party leadership wanted him to continue carrying the mantle. At the National Leadership Institute in Kyankwanzi, the NRM hatched a plan to amend the Constitution and initiated a process that would see their chairperson contest again in the 2006 elections. To secure the process, MPs from the ruling NRM party and allies each received Shs5m, presented as facilitation for consultations with their constituents on the constitutional amendments. A number of senior Cabinet ministers who opposed scrapping term limits were removed from government.

The victims included then Ethics minister Maria Matembe, the late Eria Kategaya, who was first Deputy Prime Minister, and Local Government minister Bidandi Ssali. Their dismissal sent a message: the amendment was not up for debate. According to constitutional lawyer and former Constituent Assembly delegate Dan Wandera Ogalo, the framers of the 1995 Constitution were guided by Uganda’s violent past.

Since Independence, there had never been a peaceful transfer of power from one President to another. ‘We had never had a peaceful transfer of power, and whenever you don’t have a peaceful transfer of power, it means violence. People die, people are maimed, property is destroyed, and people become paupers. This weighed very heavily on us to say we must have a provision which ensures that there is a peaceful transfer of power,’ he recalls.

The Assembly, therefore introduced two safeguards: presidential term limits and age limits. Ogalo notes that even the popular consultations pointed in the same direction.

‘The people of Uganda themselves, in their views, had said they wanted a two-term limit for the President,’ he said. Still, by 2003, he began hearing rumours that Mr Museveni’s strong performance and energy justified amending the Constitution to let him continue. ‘The argument was: if the President is still working very well, why should you do away with him when we still need him?’ he remembers. Current Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo was also part of the Constituent Assembly that debated the Justice Benjamin Odoki report. He recalls the justification for term limits.

‘People put the argument that if you serve more than two terms, then you would have lost the capacity, the reason why we found it necessary to include the two presidential term limits in the 1995 Constitution,’ he says.

He adds that the framers argued that leaders should serve and go, leaving behind strong institutions rather than depending on the strength of individuals. ‘However good a person is, we are only human. We should have a system, not a person. It’s good to have strong and devoted leaders, and people who will love their country, but what will sustain any country are systems,’ he says.

The Chief Justice’s regrets Justice Dollo has often expressed regret that the Assembly failed to entrench the two safeguards. ‘How could we, especially the lawyers, be so foolish? How could we be lured into not strengthening provisions for term limits? We left it as any other provision in the constitution. And that’s why it was easy for Parliament to remove term and age limits,’ he says. He insists that such provisions should have required a referendum to amend.

‘That one, I take responsibility and anybody else who was in the Constituent Assembly. We should have entrenched that provision so that if you want to amend, you go back to the people. We failed the people of Uganda as a consequence.’

For Mr Ogalo, the removal of the two-term and age limits had no justification beyond benefiting President Museveni. ‘Clearly, the scrapping of the two-term limit was to benefit President Museveni. Equally, the removal of the age limit was to benefit President Museveni. That is a very dangerous way of approaching constitutional amendments. You amend the constitution for the people, not to benefit one person,’ he says.

Former Chief Justice Benjamin Odoki, who chaired the constitutional review commission, wrote in his book The Search for a National Consensus that one of the central goals of the 1995 Constitution was to guarantee free, regular, and fair elections.

He recalls that consultations showed overwhelming support for a directly elected president limited to two five-year terms.

‘The President, for the first time, is now directly elected by the entire population. His election can be challenged in the Supreme Court. The term of office is five years, limited to two terms of office only, under Article 105,’ Justice Odoki wrote.

For constitutional lawyer Peter Walubiri, the removal of term and age limits destroyed any chance of constitutional democracy in Uganda. ‘It was the final blow; henceforth, only death by whatever means will remove Mr Museveni from State House and thereby start the process of the NRA-NRM disintegration,’ he says.

The final blow Prof Fredrick Ssempebwa, who was part of Odoki’s Commission, agrees. He recalls that the majority of Ugandans demanded term limits because they had never seen a peaceful transfer of power. ‘They wanted to have a peaceful change. They didn’t use that language of term limits, but they said there must be a system where leaders change right from the top,’ he says. Prof Ssempebwa notes that even Museveni supported the idea during consultations. ‘When we consulted, President Museveni repeated what he said at the very beginning, that the problem of Africa was leaders who overstay in power,’ he recalls. Now, with President Museveni in power for nearly 40 years, Prof Ssempebwa says the dangers are visible.

‘There are fears about his health, his grasp of power, and his control of things, so it’s a problem for the country. There is also this power of incumbency, and he is unlikely to be voted out,’ he says.

When Mr Museveni took power in 1986 after a five-year guerrilla war, he declared that Africa’s problem was leaders who overstay. But after the scrapping of term limits in 2005, he accepted his party’s endorsement for another run. On November 17, 2005, the NRM named him flagbearer. His candidacy sparked criticism, especially since he had promised in 2001 that it would be his last run. The arrest of Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye in November 2005, on charges of treason, concealment of treason, and rape, triggered riots across the country. International donors, including Sweden, the Netherlands, and the UK withheld aid, citing democratic concerns.

In the 2006 elections, Mr Museveni’s vote share dropped to 59 percent, while Dr Besigye garnered 37 percent. Election observers from the European Union declared that the polls were not free and fair. Dr Besigye challenged the results in the Supreme Court, which found evidence of intimidation, violence, and voter disenfranchisement. Still, in a 4-3 decision, the court upheld Mr Museveni’s victory.

Currently, Mr Museveni is the third-longest consecutively serving non-royal leader in the world after Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo of Equatorial Guinea and Paul Biya of Cameroon. When asked why he stayed on despite his earlier statements, he replied that it was the people who kept voting him back.

Uganda and Somalia will sign three memorandums of understanding (MoUs) at the Second Joint Permanent Commission (JPC), Investment and Business Summit in Kampala from October 7 to 8. President Museveni and his Somalia counterpart, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, are expected to grace the summit under the theme: ‘Promoting Uganda-Somalia partnership through trade, investment and tourism, and harnessing opportunities in both countries’. A JPC is a critical agreement between countries aimed at promoting political and economic cooperation initiatives. In 2022, Uganda and Somalia set up a Joint Permanent Commission (JPC), holding its first session in Kampala from August 7 to 8 that year.

Next week’s summit will review the status of implementation of the agreed minutes and MoUs signed in 2022, address any residual non-tariff barriers hindering trade and investment between both countries, and establish an enduring forum for continual discourse on trade and investment, among others. Speaking at the media launch of the summit last week, Prof Sam Tulya Muhika, the head of mission at the Uganda Embassy in Somalia, said the MoUs, ‘include a MoU on immigration management, education and sports, and bilateral labour agreement. Although we have been cooperating with Somalia in extending our generosity to a number of students to study in Uganda, we don’t have an MoU to formally cover this.’

‘Some people say there is no diaspora in Somalia, but there is a huge diaspora of Ugandans in Somalia. They are employed, with a large number of them being security guards, but there are also teachers, lecturers in universities and even doctors. Because it is a different economy and different labour laws from ours, they do get into trouble with their employment, so we need a bilateral labour agreement,’ he added. At the inaugural session three years ago, five MoUs were signed, including trade and investment, establishment of a joint permanent council for trade and investment, joint diplomatic and political consultations, defence cooperation, and trade cooperation.

Prof Muhika noted that the JPC will help implement trade and investment agreements, ease the movement of people-including those seeking residency-and support other areas of cooperation. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Somalia’s entry into the East African Community (EAC) has aligned trade policies, paving the way for stronger collaboration and mutual benefits for both Ugandans and Somalis. ‘The summit will formalise this collaboration and provide a ready market for Uganda’s agricultural products, construction materials, services, and highlight its educational institutions.

Similarly, Uganda’s aviation sector will thrive as trade and movement of people increases…,’ the ministry stated in a statement released on Wednesday last week. It added: ‘Generally, the summit is a demonstration of Uganda’s proactive approach to economic and commercial diplomacy and its leadership in championing regional integration for mutual benefit of all EAC and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa member states.’ Somalia’s deputy envoy to Uganda, Amb Abdi Latif Ali, thanked Uganda for its support to Somalia.

BACKGROUND

Uganda and Somalia enjoy cordial bilateral relations, with the former being the first country to deploy its troops in Mogadishu in March 2007 under African Union Mission in Somalia.

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) yesterday launched its 2026-2031 manifesto, presenting five key priority areas that it says will shape Uganda’s development over the next five years, should it secure another term in office. The new blueprint under the theme ‘Protecting The Gains’ shows both continuity and shifts from the party’s previous manifesto for 2021-2026, which was themed ‘Securing Your Future’ and built around five broad pillars including wealth and job creation, social services, justice and equity, security, and economic and political integration. The 2026-2031 manifesto maintains an emphasis on employment, but shifts the focus toward industrialisation as a key engine of economic growth.

Speaking at the launch of the manifesto in Kampala, the NRM secretary general, Mr Richard Todwong, said they plan to increase Parish Development Model allocations to Shs300 million for Kampala and metropolitan areas, and provide additional support for households headed by PDM beneficiaries, signalling continuity with previous commitments while scaling up urban impact. Agriculture remains central in the new manifesto, but its role has shifted from rural poverty alleviation to serving as a foundation for industrial growth.

Similarly, infrastructure, which was highlighted in the 2021-2026 manifesto as a tool to overcome gaps in electricity, transport, and water access, is now elevated to a standalone priority area. The oil and gas sector, which was a minor component in the previous manifesto, now emerges as a major focus, signalling Uganda’s intent to leverage petroleum development as a driver of jobs, industrialisation, and national revenue. Education and health remain in focus, but their prominence has decreased compared to the previous term. Below and on page 5 are the key priorities in 2026-2032 manifesto.

Human capital development

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) considers investment in human capital as central to Uganda’s socio-economic transformation. Recognising that development cannot occur without a healthy, educated, and skilled population, the party has prioritised education, healthcare, and access to clean water. Building on previous investments in immunisation and universal education, the manifesto emphasises reforms to make institutions of learning produce more job creators rather than job seekers. The NRM also pledges to train more professionals such as doctors, engineers, nurses, and science teachers, while harnessing the talents of young Ugandans in sports, music, and the arts by investing in supportive infrastructure and programmes. The party indicated that it will maintain free Universal Primary Education (UPE) and Universal Secondary Education (USE) and expand access to post-secondary and vocational training.

The party pledges to recruit more teachers, improve teacher-to-pupil ratios, rehabilitate schools, construct new seed secondary schools, expand infrastructure in public universities, and operationalise Bunyoro and Busoga universities. Investments will also target instructional materials, staff housing, teacher salaries, and the alignment of curricula to market demands, particularly in science, technology, engineering, and vocational education. In healthcare, efforts will continue to digitise healthcare through e-Health systems, improve diagnostic capacity with magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and digital X-ray machines, expand reproductive and maternal health services, and enhance mental health care and disease prevention programmes, including immunisation and malaria eradication initiatives.

Growing the economy and creating wealth.

NRM has outlined a comprehensive strategy to grow Uganda’s economy over the next five years, aiming to fully monetise the economy, double its size, and ensure that every adult Ugandan actively participates in producing goods or services. Central to this plan is the commercialisation of agriculture, which the party says will target the remaining 33 percent of households still engaged in subsistence farming. They intend to provide affordable and patient capital, guide citizens in selecting profitable enterprises, and invest in the entire agricultural value chain, from research to markets.

Post-harvest management will be strengthened through community grain stores, milk coolers, maize and rice milling equipment, and farmer training, while extension services, cold chain facilities, and export compliance support will ensure higher quality and value addition for agricultural products. Value addition is a key focus, particularly for commodities like coffee, cotton, tea, and minerals, which have historically been exported raw, leading to the loss of billions in potential revenue, jobs, and foreign exchange. The NRM pledges to expand local processing facilities for coffee, fruits, cassava, sugar, and tea to retain more economic value within the country, boost household incomes, and create sustainable employment opportunities.

The manifesto also prioritises investment in manufacturing as a driver of economic growth, emphasising local production of goods previously imported, including soap, sugar, cement, steel, paper, dairy, and processed foods. Manufacturing contributes significantly to GDP and exports, and the government aims to continue expanding this sector to reduce import dependence and create jobs. Tourism will be leveraged as a growth engine, with efforts to increase visitor numbers, length of stay, and spending. Investment in science, technology, and innovation, alongside ICT, is also highlighted to support high-value industries and build a knowledge-based economy.

Infrastructure development

The party has also identified infrastructure as a cornerstone of Uganda’s socio-economic transformation, emphasising that development cannot occur without reliable roads, electricity, water, railway, and ICT. Over the past decades, the party indicated that it has prioritised connecting the country, improving energy access, and modernising transport and communication systems. Between 1986 and 2024, Uganda’s tarmac road network expanded from 1,000 km to 6,306 km, with an additional 1,135 km under construction. Investments have included city roads, traffic signal systems, and feeder roads under the District, Urban, and Community Access Roads (DUCAR) programme, representing 87 percent of Uganda’s road network. The NRM has also distributed modern road construction equipment to districts and allocated funds to ensure routine maintenance, although corruption remains a challenge the government pledges to address.

Rail transport is being strengthened through rehabilitation of the metre gauge railway from Malaba to Kampala and Tororo to Gulu, as well as the construction of a new standard gauge railway to reduce freight costs and transit time, improving regional connectivity. Water transport investments include modernisation of Port Bell, Jinja Pier, Bukasa Port construction, and ferry upgrades, while air transport development involves Uganda Airlines expansion, construction of new airports in Hoima and Kidepo, and upgrading domestic aerodromes. In energy, Uganda now generates more than 2,052 MWs, with new dams and private-sector plants enhancing electricity access nationwide. Transmission networks have been expanded, connecting all districts except Buvuma and Obongi.

To meet rising urbanisation, NRM promises affordable housing through land development, private-sector collaboration, and capital support via Housing Finance Bank and the National Housing and Construction Corporation. By continuing to expand transport, energy, ICT, and housing infrastructure, NRM aims to create an enabling environment for wealth creation, economic growth, and improved quality of life across Uganda. The government pledges to modernise both social and economic infrastructure across the country, ranging from roads and electricity to schools, hospitals, and internet connectivity. By reducing the costs of doing business through improved infrastructure, the party believes wealth creators will enjoy better profits and reinvest more in the economy.damal]

Democracy, good governance, and security.

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) has maintained that democracy, good governance, and security are pillars for Uganda’s sustainable development. In advancing democracy, the party commits to conducting regular, free, and fair elections while promoting inclusivity. Women, youth, people with disabilities, workers, and the elderly will continue to have opportunities to participate in policy formulation and decision-making at all levels of government through affirmative action.

NRM will also leverage digital technologies to enhance the transparency and efficiency of electoral processes while strengthening the capacity of the National Electoral Commission to conduct civic education, monitor elections, and resolve disputes promptly. Inter-party dialogue will also be promoted through continued support for the Inter Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD), fostering collaboration and political stability.

Decentralisation remains a core strategy for citizen empowerment and the pledged to induct new elected leaders on their oversight responsibilities, fill critical vacancies in local governments, and facilitate barazas to encourage dialogue between citizens and local authorities. Corruption is a major challenge, and NRM promises to strengthen investigative institutions, including the Inspectorate of Government, Office of the Auditor General, Directorate of Public Prosecutions, and other anti-corruption agencies.

Measures include digitisation of government services, whistleblower protection, monitoring of local leaders and capacity building for the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court. In security, NRM will continue to maintain well-trained, community-focused forces. Investments in the welfare of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, police, and prisons personnel will be prioritised, alongside improved forensic capabilities and civilian engagement to protect lives and property, ensuring a safe and stable environment for socio-economic growth.

Regional integration and political federation.

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) underscores Pan-Africanism as a core principle, emphasising the importance of regional integration for Uganda’s prosperity and the continent’s development. Africa’s population of 1.4 billion is dispersed across numerous small states, limiting internal markets and constraining economic growth. Low incomes and limited regional connectivity further hinder trade and market expansion. NRM notes that strategic infrastructure projects, such as the Mpondwe-Beni highway linking Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are critical in easing cross-border trade and improving regional connectivity.

By facilitating the free movement of goods, services, and investments across Africa, the party aims to ensure Ugandan producers have access to broader markets, reducing reliance on external economies and increasing domestic prosperity. To achieve this, NRM promises to actively support the implementation of the East African Community (EAC) Political Federation, including the promulgation of the EAC Constitution. The party will work with EAC member states to remove non-tariff barriers, promote Kiswahili as a unifying language, and leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) agreement to boost intra-African trade. President Museveni who launched the manifesto yesterday evening explained how they plan to achieve all the above, but put more emphasis on putting more money in the economy and alleviating people from poverty.

Speaking at the launch, the NRM First Vice Chairperson, Mr Moses Kigongo, asked the party leaders and cadres to desist from fighting each other and work together towards the same goal. ‘Fighting must stop. We must move as a team and ensure that we campaign as one person. This time, it is going to be very smooth for us because we are going to use our structures at the grassroots. We are very firm on the ground,’ Mr Kigongo said. The Second National Vice Chairperson, Female, and the Speaker of Parliament, Ms Anita Among, indicated after the launch that they are slated to move from door to door to hunt for votes for their boss.

High blood pressure, also called hypertension, is quietly causing serious health problems in Uganda. Many people don’t even know they have it until it’s too late. It’s now one of the top causes of early death and disability in the country.

Hypertension can lead to heart attacks, strokes, kidney failure, and blood clots. It is much more common than many people think. According to a 2023 national health survey, about 22 percent of Ugandans have high blood pressure, that is more than four times the number of people living with HIV (five percent).

Many don’t know they have it

Experts at UMC Victoria Hospital and the Uganda Heart Institute (UHI) are especially concerned because most Ugandans have never had their blood pressure checked, especially men. Over 70 percent of men have never tested their blood pressure and don’t know if they have hypertension. Take John (not his real name), a 33-year-old who went for a routine check-up at UMC Victoria Hospital. He felt mostly fine but sometimes had irregular heartbeats after exercising, occasional headaches, and had gained a lot of weight in the past six months. He didn’t think anything was wrong.

But when his blood pressure was measured, it read 131/88, a sign of Stage 1 hypertension, and doctors found that some of the blood vessels in his heart were narrowing, increasing his risk of a heart attack. ‘I was shocked,’ he said. ‘The doctor advised me to start exercising more and eating healthier food, including more fruits and vegetables.’ John also shared that several family members, including his sister and relatives on his mother’s side, have had high blood pressure, one even died from complications.

Importance of early detection

Dr Barbara Kakande, a heart specialist at UMC Victoria Hospital, says it’s critical to detect high blood pressure early. ‘Normal blood pressure is about 120/80,’ she says. ‘If it goes above 130/80, that’s considered high.’ Even young people can have serious issues. ‘Sometimes people come in with normal blood pressure, but we find their kidneys are failing, or their heart is enlarged, or they’ve already had a stroke,’ she explains. To find hidden cases, doctors sometimes use 24-hour monitors that give a fuller picture than one-time checks.

What high blood pressure does

If left untreated, high blood pressure can harm nearly every part of the body. The brain can cause strokes, eyes may lead to blindness, heart can cause heart attacks, kidneys may stop working, in legs , poor blood flow can lead to amputation. Dr Kakande says each patient is different, so they investigate which organs are affected and adjust treatment accordingly.

What causes it?

One common cause of heart problems is atherosclerosis, when fat, cholesterol, and other substances build up in blood vessels. This can block blood flow, cause clots, and trigger heart attacks or strokes. According to the STEPS survey, the prevalence of hypertension is 22 percent. Grading the prevalence of hypertension according to the International Society of Hypertension, the proportion of normal blood pressure was 64 percent, high normal blood pressure 14.7 percent, grade 1 hypertension 14.8 percent, and grade 2 hypertension 6.6 percent.

Signs and symptoms

Dr John Omagino, director of UHI, says symptoms may include: Headaches, dizziness, chest pain, blurred vision, shortness of breath But many people don’t have any symptoms at all. That’s why regular check-ups are so important. If a general doctor hears something unusual, like a heart murmur, they may refer patients for further tests like an echo-cardiogram, which uses sound waves to show how the heart is working.

Your genes might play a role

Dr Kakande says Africans are more likely to develop high blood pressure due to genetics. Some people naturally produce more harmful substances that tighten blood vessels, or fewer protective ones that relax them. Also, people born with small kidneys or low birth weight have a higher risk. Many individuals are also more sensitive to salt, which raises blood pressure.

Lifestyle

Our diets today are part of the problem. Dr Kakande says modern eating habits, like fried foods, chips, and fatty meats, are increasing the risk of hypertension.

She recommends going back to traditional meals: boiled foods, vegetables, and fruits, just like our parents used to prepare. Use healthy oils like olive or sunflower oil and avoid deep-frying. Cutting back on salt is also key because it increases water in the body, raising blood pressure and straining the heart.

Prevention and management

Dr Omagino, on the other hand, also emphasises exercising regularly, avoiding tobacco and limiting alcohol, and maintaining a healthy weight and managing stress. ‘For those already diagnosed, proper treatment prescribed by a qualified doctor, combined with healthy living, helps control blood pressure and protect vital organs. There is no miracle pill or single cure. Treatment is lifelong, and it must be individualised,’ he adds.