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On the streets and at busy traffic stops, a common sight is hawkers selling traditional remedies for sexual performance. These range from young men in shukas carrying red liquid in jerrycans to vendors peddling mysterious roots. They all promise to solve men’s bedroom issues. Now, a more modern and expensive version of these treatments has emerged; a tablet called Kasumali, which sells for Shs55,000 per dose.

What are performance enhancers?

Sexual performance enhancers are substances, including drugs, supplements, and pills, specifically taken to improve the experience of sexual intercourse. They typically work by increasing libido, improving endurance, or addressing specific issues like erectile dysfunction.

“Many of these products promise solutions for better sexual performance,” explains Dr Joel Ladit, an urologist at Doctors Medical Chambers in Wakiso.

Dr Ladit says these enhancers are available for both men and women, though the demand and market are significantly larger for men. The East African studies carried out in 2024 show that medicinal plants such as mondia whitei (Mulondo) and Warburgia ugandensis are commonly used by traditional healers with the aim of improving virility and sexual performance, although clinical and pharmacological studies are required to authenticate efficacy and safety.

Why sex boosters are on demand

Urologists report a growing demand for sexual performance boosters, driven by several key factors. Dr Ladit notes that the primary reasons men seek these products are for greater stamina and improved erectile function.

‘Many men want to improve their sexual experiences. They often look for products that can help them last longer or improve their erections. This is the main reason why the use of sex boosters is becoming so common,’ Dr Ladit explains.

He adds that some men feel nervous or insecure during sex. They hope these products will make them feel more confident. Other men have a naturally low sex drive and use boosters to increase their interest in sex. These products are also easy to find, affordable, and promise fast results, which makes them very attractive. However, doctors are raising serious concerns about this trend. The most important thing to know is that these products are unregulated. This means no one checks what is in them to make sure they are safe.

Dr Roberts Lugolobi, a consulting urologist at Mulago hospital, warns that many of these supplements contain dangerous and unknown ingredients. He says while he understands people want a quick solution, these products can cause serious harm to a person’s health.

‘Doctors see more and more men using these unregulated boosters. We worry that very soon, we will see many more patients suffering from their harmful side effects,’ he says. Because of these dangers, doctors give a clear recommendation. Instead of using risky boosters, men should speak to a specialised doctor. A doctor can help find the real cause of the problem and offer safe and effective treatments.

Effects of sexual performance boosters

The use of these unprescribed and unregulated sexual performance boosters is associated with a spectrum of significant health risks, both physical and psychological. Dr Jackson Andruga of Grace Care Medical Centre in Kampala, notes that the immediate side effects can range from relatively minor discomforts such as dizziness and headaches to more severe cardiovascular complications, including dangerous fluctuations in blood pressure. These initial symptoms are often just the surface indicators of deeper, more systemic damage that these unregulated substances can inflict on the body.

The danger is particularly acute for individuals with pre-existing conditions, as the boosters can exacerbate their underlying health issues, creating a potentially life-threatening situation. The potential for harm extends to vital organs and cardiovascular health. With prolonged use, the toxic compounds found in some boosters can place an immense strain on the liver and kidneys, the body’s primary filtration systems, potentially leading to irreversible organ damage.

The Pharmaceutical Society of Uganda (PSU) has announced Shs2 million as the minimum standard professional fee payable to pharmacists as their net monthly pay per pharmacy practice setting. Currently, the government does not have a national labour law specifying minimum wage for all employees in the country.

PSU, in a notice undersigned by their Secretary Dr Stephen Lutoti, indicated that the significant resolution was passed by the PSU during their Annual General Meeting held on September 26,2025 at Imperial Royale Hotel, Kampala.

‘As a byelaw subject to the Pharmacy and Drugs Act Cap 309 and recognising the economic rights enshrined under Article 40 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, the PSU resolved that, effective immediately, the minimum standard professional fee payable to pharmacists shall be two million Uganda shillings (Shs2,000,000) as net monthly pay per pharmacy practice setting,’ the notice reads.

‘This resolution aims to uphold fair compensation for the professional services rendered by pharmacists across Uganda. It is noteworthy that this professional fee pertains to the base remuneration for pharmacists’ services and does not encompass additional benefits, allowances, or rewards that may be negotiated or provided based on individual agreements, performance, or organizational policies,’ PSU stated further.

Speaking to this reporter earlier this year, Mr Aggrey Kibenge, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, said there are still disagreements hindering the plan to have the national law on minimum wage.

‘Minimum wage is not yet resolved. It is at Cabinet level and we are waiting [for their resolution]. It has never been concluded,’ Mr Kibenge said. ‘There is a question of making sure that you take care of all dimensions; you don’t only think about the workers, you also think about the employers. That balance, I think, is what they have not yet sorted out.’

But PSU, in their September 30 notice, asked employers and organizations engaging the pharmacists to respect the resolution. They also indicated that subject to Uganda’s labour laws and contracts entered into, additional benefits and allowances can be provided to complement the professional fee.

‘All members of the PSU are expected to comply with this minimum professional fee standard and bring it to the attention of persons/ organizations that engages pharmacists,’ the society stated.

‘As part of applying for annual membership certificates and certificates of practice, pharmacists are required to provide a copy of their employment/engagement contract reflecting adherence to this standard. Contracts can be contract of Services or contract for services that should be in compliance with the Employment Act,’ they added.

Each year, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) gathers the world’s leaders in New York to deliberate on pressing global issues. This year’s meeting comes at a moment of disruption; political regimes in superpower nations are shifting, international priorities are tilting toward peace and security, and social services risk being sidelined. For Africa, this disruption is not merely a challenge it is a wake-up call.

For decades, Africa has relied heavily on the developed world to finance its priorities in health, education, and infrastructure. The dependency created a cycle in which donor agendas often shaped African policy, while domestic priorities were left underfunded. Much of the aid and loans were consumed by administrative costs or burdened with conditionalities that undermined sovereignty. As Kwame Nkrumah once said, ‘Political independence is only the prelude to a new and more involved struggle for the right to conduct our own economic and social affairs.’ That struggle is still with us.

The global order itself is evolving. The financing of development is being redefined, with donor fatigue and economic slowdowns in the Global North limiting external resources. Simultaneously, Africa is no longer the same continent that emerged from colonialism decades ago. Today, Africa holds vast mineral wealth, fertile soils, and one of the most favourable climates for renewable energy. Most importantly, it is home to the world’s youngest population, over 400 million youth aged 15-35, projected to double by 2050. This demographic reality gives Africa not just energy but bargaining power.

Yet power without unity is fragile. Africa’s minerals, oil, and agricultural potential can strengthen its leverage in negotiations, but only if countries act collectively. The African Union and regional blocs must step forward as strong institutions that articulate one voice on trade, financing, and global governance. As Julius Nyerere reminded us, ‘Unity will not make us rich, but it can make it difficult for Africa and the African peoples to be disregarded and humiliated.’

The disruptions shaping today’s world may be Africa’s opportunity. As global powers focus inward, whether on security concerns, migration, or climate shocks, Africa can reposition itself not as a recipient but as a partner. With over $4 trillion in local capital available in African pension funds, banks, and sovereign wealth funds, the capacity to finance infrastructure and social services exists within the continent itself. What is required is political will, accountability, and the courage to mobilise domestic resources.

Institutions like the IMF and World Bank have long shaped Africa’s economic pathways, often keeping countries in cycles of debt and dependency. The time is ripe to imagine and build African-led alternatives: strong regional development banks, sovereign funds, and financial instruments that respond to African realities rather than external prescriptions. At UNGA, Africa must send a clear message: that its sovereignty is not negotiable, and that true partnerships must respect the continent’s priorities. This means proper negotiations on mineral value chains,climate justice financing, and fair-trade terms. It also means ensuring that social services, health, education, and jobs remain central even as peace and security dominate global headlines.

Africa’s young population is both its greatest challenge and its greatest opportunity. Ten to 12 million youth enter the labour market each year, yet only about three million formal jobs are created. If Africa invests in education, health, and innovation, this demographic wave can fuel economic transformation. If neglected, it risks becoming a source of instability. The disruption of today is therefore Africa’s chance to reclaim its sovereignty. It is a call to own its economy, take charge of its health systems, and design education that serves its people.

With minerals beneath its soils, favourable conditions for agriculture and energy, and a youth population ready to lead, Africa holds more bargaining power than ever before. But unity is the key. The African Union must rise to its mandate, and regional blocs must present common positions. Only then can Africa negotiate from strength, not weakness. The world is shifting, but so is Africa. UNGA is not just a global stage; it is a mirror reflecting how prepared Africa is to step forward. This is the moment to transform disruption into sovereignty, dependency into self-determination, and potential into power.

Uganda’s housing market is shifting. Young professionals are pooling funds to buy rental units, families are opting for off-plan projects with flexible payment plans, and more buyers are asking how their homes can double as investments, whether through long-term rentals or Airbnb. It is a fast-moving landscape, and standing right at the intersection of dreams and dynamics is Mary Mugoya, a sales executive at Fakhruddin Properties, who has built her career by treating each home not as a transaction, but as a story waiting to unfold.

She does not just talk about square footage or finishing. She listens. On a property tour, she might pause at a window and say: ‘This is where the morning light will pour in,’ or gesture toward a backyard and add: ‘Perfect for tenants or a small Airbnb Garden if you want income.’ For her, real estate is not just about selling structures but helping Ugandans secure both homes and futures. That outlook has carried her from her teenage fascination with Mbale’s estates to her present role as a professional guiding clients through the realities of Uganda’s property market.

Planting the seed

Her journey began long before she sold her first house. As a teenager, she would stroll through the organised neighbourhoods of Busamaga, Namakwekwe, Senior Quarters, Maluku, and Half London, admiring the homes and imagining the lives unfolding within them. She recalls: ‘I used to imagine the families inside. What meals they were sharing, which children were playing in the yard. I knew early on that I wanted to be part of creating those spaces.’

While her peers aspired to careers in medicine or law, Mugoya’s curiosity about houses and neighbourhoods quietly prepared her for the career she would later embrace. Her first professional nudge came from an engineer-contractor who served as her boss. He recognised her eye for detail and advised her to take real estate seriously. ‘He told me, ‘Mary, you should study real estate properly.’ That advice shaped my direction,’ she says. She went on to pursue a degree in real estate at Makerere University Business School (Mubs), and soon after, she was mentored by Rachel N. Kakungulu, a trailblaser who straddled tourism and property.

Kakungulu broadened Mugoya’s perspective, teaching her that selling real estate was not just about square metres, but about lifestyle, experience, and community. Those lessons became part of her ethos when she later joined Fakhruddin Properties under the guidance of Haidry Qusai, who offered her the platform to refine her craft and carve out her own space as a professional. Fakhruddin Properties is a leading reputable property developer from the United Arab Emirates, with a diverse portfolio of properties and a track record of delivering property and facilities management solutions across industrial, commercial and residential properties.

Finding her home

Her baptism by fire came sooner than expected. Covering for colleagues one day, she encountered a client who was abrasive, dismissive, and constantly comparing Ugandan apartments to those in Nairobi, Kenya’s capital. ‘He insulted guards, sneered at apartments, and kept saying, ‘this is not up to Nairobi standards.’ I almost gave up,’ she admits. But she stayed calm, kept showing him the sites, and listened to his complaints with patience.

To her surprise, the man returned that same evening and made a purchase.

‘That was my baptism by fire. It taught me resilience. In real estate, patience and professionalism always pay.’ It was also the moment she knew she was exactly where she belonged. Over the years, Mugoya has learnt that the real heart of her work lies in the site visit. She insists that no brochure, no matter how glossy, can replace standing inside a property. She says: ‘People need to feel the space. It is not enough to see photos, you have to stand in the living room, hear the sounds of the neighbourhood, and ask yourself: ‘Can I imagine my life here?”

Site visits, she explains, help clients connect emotionally to a home while also revealing practical truths. Buyers can assess whether rooms are truly spacious, whether there are signs of water damage, and if the neighbourhood is too noisy for comfort. They can measure spaces for their furniture, envision possible renovations, and get a sense of the environment- schools, shops, public transport, and the general character of nearby properties. Mugoya has watched countless faces soften during these visits, as if a spark has been lit. ‘That’s when I know they have found their home,’ she says. For her, site visits are not simply about due diligence; they bridge the gap between dream and reality.

Service beyond sales

As Uganda’s market has matured, so has her purpose. She recognised a profound truth: a property transaction is not the conclusion of a need, but the genesis of a new set of responsibilities and aspirations. This insight led her beyond the familiar terrain of sales to the strategic field of Property Management at the Global Institute of Property Studies. This was not merely an addition of skills, but a fundamental expansion of her vocation. She transformed her role from a facilitator of deals to a steward of legacies. She now manages properties for the distant diaspora, ensuring their connection to home is not lost to miles. She advises investors with the acumen of a strategist, decoding the language of yields and occupancy rates.

She even steps into the realm of aesthetics, assisting with interior design, understanding that the soul of a property influences its value as much as its square footage. ‘I do not just sell property. I help clients look after it, shape it, and maximise its value,’ she explains. This philosophy acknowledges that a property is a living asset; it must be nurtured, adapted, and understood in the context of a life and a financial plan. This holistic approach has forged a new kind of relationship, one built not on a single transaction, but on generational trust.

Clients return not out of habit, but because she has become their strategic partner in wealth-building. In a market often characterised by fleeting interactions, she has built a practice on the deep, resilient foundation of fidelity. Her position affords her a unique vantage point, making her a seismograph of the nation’s economic and social shifts. The growing popularity of off-plan buying reveals a collective leap of faith in Uganda’s future, a bet on developers as nation-builders, fraught with both ambition and risk. She sees mortgages as more than loans; they are keys to class mobility for salaried workers, though the heavy lock of high interest rates keeps many doors shut.

The rise of group investments among young professionals is a modern-day adaptation of the communal tradition, a powerful, collective defiance against individual financial limitation. And the nascent promise of rent-to-own models speaks to a silent struggle, offering a flicker of hope to those marginalised by traditional finance. The most significant shift she observes is in the very psyche of the buyer. The question, ‘How do I make this house pay for itself?’ Is not merely a financial query; it is the mantra of a new, pragmatic generation. It signifies the fusion of home and enterprise, where a roof must also be a revenue stream.

Yet, amidst this fervor, she stands as a voice of seasoned wisdom.

‘Property is not a quick fix,’ she cautions. In a world chasing instant returns, her counsel is a call for introspection. She understands that land and brick are woven into the deepest layers of personal and cultural identity in Uganda. Her final advice is not about market trends, but about human nature: ‘Listen to your needs, think long-term, and not rush.’ In this, she does more than sell or manage property; she anchors ambition to foundation, ensuring that the pursuit of profit never eclipses the profound, lifelong significance of the investment.

Principles

Through it all, her values have remained steady. She believes in listening deeply to uncover what clients truly need, even when their initial requests mask a different reality. She has learnt to tell the truth, even if it means advising a client to wait for another project. She stays resilient in the face of difficult encounters, viewing each as a lesson. And she keeps faith in a profession that demands patience and grace. For her, the greatest reward has never been the commission slip but the phone call that comes years later, when a client says, ‘Mugoya, thank you. That house changed our lives.’

Looking ahead, Mugoya wants to mentor young women entering the real estate field and raise the bar for customer service in Uganda’s property sector.

‘This is a male-dominated industry, but women have an edge in empathy and detail. I want more women to see that this is a space for them, too,’ she says.

She also hopes to expand her expertise in management, investment, and design, ensuring Ugandans not only survive but thrive in a housing market that is becoming increasingly diverse, competitive, and creative.

The High Court in Kampala has dismissed a petition filed by Mr Jimmy James Michael Akena, the leader of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) party, challenging the Electoral Commission’s decision to bar him from running for president on the UPC ticket in the 2026 elections.

In a ruling delivered via email on October 1, 2025, Justice Bernard Namanya upheld the EC’s decision, citing constitutional breaches and binding court orders that rendered Akena ineligible for nomination.

“It is practically impossible for this court to order the Electoral Commission to nominate Hon. Jimmy James Michael Akena as a UPC presidential candidate for the General Elections 2025/2026 because the nomination exercise is already closed,” ruled Justice Namanya.

Justice Namanya further ruled that Akena’s attempt to extend his presidency during a virtual delegates’ conference on July 26, 2025, was unlawful, having been convened in defiance of an interim court order.

“It is highly doubtful as to whether UPC could legally convene a delegates’ conference in contravention of the order prohibiting the convening of the virtual Extra-Ordinary Delegates Conference,” he said.

However, the judge granted UPC relief by blocking the Electoral Commission from enforcing its declaration that the party’s executive committee had expired, allowing the party to field parliamentary and local council candidates.

The Electoral Commission had disqualified Akena, along with Joseph Ochieno and Dennis Adim Enap, from contesting for the presidential nomination under the UPC ticket, citing their ineligibility to hold a valid UPC party card as required by the party’s constitution.

Akena had petitioned the court, seeking a court order to compel the Electoral Commission to include his name on the presidential ballot for the 2026 elections, thereby overturning the Commission’s decision to bar him from contesting on the UPC ticket.

The petition stemmed from UPC’s internal wrangles, with Akena’s leadership term having expired without formal extension by the party organs.

Electricity is the engine of modern economies. Uganda has made significant strides in expanding power generation, growing capacity from about 400 megawatts in 2000 to over 2,000 megawatts today (Electricity Regulatory Authority, 2025). This is no small achievement. With electricity comes the promise of jobs, better schools, modern farming, and new businesses. Yet, even with this progress, the average Ugandan consumes significantly less power compared to citizens in neighbouring countries like Kenya and Tanzania. We still have a long way to go.

But the bigger threat to Uganda’s energy future is not just limited access-it is theft. Illegal electricity connections have become a silent crisis, draining the country of an estimated Shs100 billion every year. These are not just numbers on a balance sheet. They represent stalled development, higher tariffs for honest consumers, and unnecessary risks to life. Illegal connections have been linked to many cases of electrocution in recent years. This problem cuts across society. Some households, frustrated by connection costs, tap into the grid illegally.

Rogue technicians, sometimes impersonating utility workers, facilitate theft. And weak enforcement of outdated laws-where the maximum penalty is a fine of Shs2 million-has done little to deter offenders (Uganda Radio Network, 2019). The result is a system where law-abiding citizens are punished with higher bills while the national economy bleeds revenue. Umeme’s Managing Director, Selestino Babungi, has called power theft a ‘national problem, an economic crime.’

He is right. Uganda cannot afford to lose this money if it hopes to industrialise, create jobs, and provide reliable power to every citizen.

The way forward is clear. First, the Electricity Act must be amended to reflect the seriousness of the crime. Kenya, for example, imposes fines of up to Shs1 million and prison terms of 10 years. Uganda should follow suit. Second, utilities should invest in smarter technology. Local scientists have already developed systems that can detect power theft in real time-tools that must be deployed at scale. Third, enforcement must be swift and visible. Specialised courts should handle electricity theft cases quickly, while police and utilities coordinate nationwide crackdowns.

Finally, we must tackle the root cause: lack of affordable access. With about 28 percent of Ugandans connected to the grid as of 2019 (Electricity Regulatory Authority, 2020), lowering upfront costs and expanding rural infrastructure will reduce the temptation to steal. Electricity is not just about light. It is about opportunity-opportunity for a child to study at night, for a farmer to process crops, for a factory to keep its machines running. Illegal connections steal that future from us all. Uganda has the tools, the laws, and the innovation to end this crisis. What is needed now is political will and community resolve. Power theft is not a victimless crime; it is economic sabotage. If we act decisively, we can protect this vital resource and ensure that electricity truly powers Uganda’s prosperity.

It is widely believed that the presidential age limit in Uganda’s 1995 Constitution was inserted to prevent then-exiled former two-time president Milton Obote from returning to power.

Obote, who by then was exiled in Zambia, was 70 years old, and political commentators argue that Mr Museveni’s political manoeuvring aimed at constitutionally locking out the man he feared most, who had previously held the office of the president twice.

‘If the age limit was to prevent Milton Obote from vying for power, the same should be applied to President Museveni,’ the late former Democratic Party president, Paul Ssemogerere, said in an exclusive interview with the Daily Monitor in September 2017.

President Obote, who at independence was the prime minister, rose to the presidency after abrogating the 1966 Constitution, only to be overthrown by Idi Amin in 1971.

He made a comeback through the disputed 1980 general elections and ruled for five years, only to be removed again by a coup d’état in 1985 led by Gen Tito Okello. Okello, in turn, was toppled about a year later by President Museveni.

The threat of Obote making a third attempt at the presidency was real. While in Zambia, he repeatedly hinted at ambitions to reclaim the country’s top office. He also ran the then-powerful Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) party he had founded, from exile, which reportedly gave Mr Museveni sleepless nights.

During the drafting of the 1995 Constitution, Ssemogerere believed that the late Noble Mayombo, one of Mr Museveni’s blue-eyed confidants in the Constituent Assembly (CA), pushed to have the age limit capped at 75, though many of his colleagues did not mind the move.

According to Ssemogerere, who was also a member of the CA, the two five-year presidential term limits included in the 1995 Constitution were ‘sufficient.’ Likewise, Mr Dan Wandera Ogalo, another CA delegate, shared similar reflections.

‘We (CA delegates) thought that one was really not able to execute the duties of such a heavy office, hence putting the age cap at 75. But underneath that, there were rumours that, you see, Obote might come back a second time,’ Counsel Ogalo recalls.

However, in the 2020/2021 election cycle, the last safeguard in the 1995 Constitution-the presidential age cap of 75-was controversially amended and removed amidst fierce clashes between Members of Parliament who were ‘opposed’ and those who were ‘in favour.’

The debate around the so-called ‘Togikwatako’ amendment began in 2017, with Mr Raphael Magyezi, now Local Government minister, being the public face of the campaign to amend and remove Article 102(b). Mr Magyezi was tasked with drafting the 2017 Amendment Bill, which was tabled in Parliament amid controversy.

Opposition MPs opposed the Bill, arguing it was calculated to benefit only one person: President Museveni. At 73 years old in 2017, Museveni would have been ineligible to contest the 2021 election under the existing age limit, making the amendment essential to his political ambitions.

The constitutional age cap at the time had set a maximum of 75 years. The only legal path for Mr Museveni to remain eligible was to remove this safeguard entirely.

Chaos in Parliament

In September 2017, Parliament descended into chaos for two consecutive days. Lawmakers were sharply divided, and the sessions turned violent. Some MPs engaged in fistfights, while others wielded microphone stands as weapons.

The Special Forces Command (SFC), a specialised arm of the UPDF that protects the President and sensitive government installations, intervened, storming the August House during one heated session. About 10 Opposition MPs, including Ms Betty Nambooze (Mukono Municipality) and Mr Francis Zaake (Mityana Municipality), were arrested and whisked away by plain-clothed security personnel to unknown locations. Some MPs were hospitalised following the scuffles.

Despite the tumult, Parliament passed the age limit amendment Bill on December 20, 2017, effectively providing Mr Museveni with an early Christmas gift.

The Opposition mounted legal challenges. By early 2018, five constitutional petitions were filed before the Constitutional Court. These included Uganda Law Society vs AG, Karuhanga Kafureeka vs AG, Male Mabirizi Kiwanuka vs AG, Prosper Busingye vs AG, and Abaime Jonathan vs AG. The petitioners were six Opposition MPs led by then Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Ms Winnie Kiiza.

Other opposition MPs involved included Ibrahim Ssemujju (Kiira Municipality), Mubaraka Munyagwa, Allan Ssewanyana, Gerald Karuhanga, and Jonathan Odur. The MPs sought to have the amendment annulled, citing unconstitutional procedures, violence, and intimidation during its passage.

Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, representing the six Opposition MPs, argued during the hearings that the amendment removed the only remaining safety net of the age limit, contravening the preamble of the 1995 Constitution. ‘The framers of the 1995 Constitution had in mind Uganda’s dark past, and that is why they included in their preamble ‘never again,” Mr Lukwago said.

‘The intention of this constitutional amendment was very clear: it was going to benefit one person by paving the way for President Museveni to stand again in the next election since he would have been ineligible to stand again as he would be above 75 years of age,’ Lukwago added.

The petitioners also argued that the amendment process was marred by violence, intimidation, human rights abuses, and general mayhem, including assaults on MPs by security personnel.

Regrets

Prof Frederick Ssempebwa shared similar views, emphasising that the term limit was more important than the age cap. He noted that Africans historically lived poorer and more fragile lives, making a strict age limit sensible.

‘People at 75 were susceptible to many ailments and might not be able to control governments,’ he said. Prof Ssempebwa, a former minister in Museveni’s Cabinet and member of the Justice Benjamin Odoki Commission, argued that life expectancy has improved.

‘At the time we were discussing, to be 75 or 80 years old, people would already be frail. Constitutions are changed because of new developments. To me, if you have term limits, the age limit doesn’t matter,’ he said.

‘If someone leaves power at around 70, and has a term limit of 10 years, at 80 he is off. There is no need to endure the indignities as in Zimbabwe under Mugabe, where leaders slept through Cabinet meetings, which was what we intended to avoid,’ he added.

Ssemogerere had argued that since Museveni used the 75-year age cap against Obote, he should have applied the same standard to himself and not pushed for the scrapping of the clause. If Museveni is re-elected in the 2026 presidential race, he could have ruled Uganda for 45 uninterrupted years.

At 81, a further five-year term (2026-2031) would make him one of Africa’s oldest and longest-serving presidents, alongside Cameroon’s Paul Biya (91), Namibia’s Nangolo Mbumba (82), Ivory Coast’s Alassane Ouattara (82), Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Nguema Mbasogo (82), Zimbabwe’s Emmerson Mnangagwa (82), and Ghana’s Nana Akufo-Addo (80).

In a 2016 NTV-Uganda interview, Museveni said he would not seek office after 75, arguing that younger leaders were more active. ‘I know some leaders who have been leading even beyond 75. But I think if you want very active leaders, it should be the ones below 75 years,’ Museveni said in the interview at that time.

Timeline of Age Limit Debates

* 1966: Milton Obote abrogates the 1962 Constitution and becomes president.

* 1971: Obote overthrown by Idi Amin in a military coup.

* 1980: Obote returns to power after disputed elections, ruling for five years.

* 1985: Obote ousted again by Gen Tito Okello; Museveni seizes power a year later.

* 1995: Uganda’s new constitution sets presidential age limit at 75 and a two-term limit.

* 2017: Parliament passes controversial amendment removing the 75-year age limit, amid Opposition protests and scuffles in the House.

* 2018: Constitutional petitions filed against the age limit removal; courts uphold the amendment.

* 2021-2026: President Museveni, now over 80, remains eligible to run, changing the political landscape for decades.