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Ahead of the 2027 general elections, Nigerians have continued to agitate for an electoral reform that will ensure a holistic overhaul of the electoral process in the country. These reforms being sought by Nigerians goes far beyond an amendment to the Electoral Act, but giving constitutional backing to certain issues that will give credence to them in relation to the elections in the country and creating certain institutions that will assist the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in promoting electoral credibility in the country. It is on record that the current management of INEC has consistently stressed the need to unbundle the commission with a view to reducing its work load and allowing it to concentrate on purely electoral matters. Presently, the commission is constitutionally mandated to register and regulate political parties, conduct elections as well as investigate and prosecute electoral offenders.

Not many Nigerians believe that the nation’s electoral umpire has nurtured the electoral system to a stage of maturity with great improvement in the system. but since the infamous ‘do or die’ electoral declaration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo before the 2007 general election to the admission by late President Umaru Musa Yar’adua that he was not proud of the election that brought him to power, the agitation for electoral reform by Nigerians has consistently been on the increase. That led to the setting up of the Justice Mohammed Lawal Uwais Committee on Electoral Reform which made far reaching recommendations on how to repositioning and reforming the electoral process in Nigeria. Unfortunately, majority of the recommendations have not been implemented several years after. While some of these recommendations required constitutional amendments, others require tinkering with the electoral act and both.

For example, the recommendation for an electoral offences commission and tribunal and the recommendation on the establishment of a political party registration and regulatory commission require constitutional amendment to give them the force of law. Although the Senate passed the bill to establish the Electoral Offences Commission that will be saddled with the responsibility of investigating and prosecuting electoral offenders in the 9th Assembly, the House of Representatives failed to pass the same law. At the session presided over by the then Deputy Speaker where the bill was scheduled for consideration, the House turned the report and asked its committee on Electoral Matters to correct obvious errors. The report never made it back for consideration before the expiration of the life of that Assembly. That meant that the bill had to be returned to the House and reworked. The bill sponsored by Bamidele Salam returned to the parliament as a constitutional amendment bill and form one of the 12 bills on electoral reform being considered by the 10th House of Representatives Committee on Constitution Review.

The Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Reform says any reforms in the electoral system in the country should focus on two main areas. These are the administrative and legal framework. They also argued that there is a need for the review of INEC’s regulations and guidelines, which are contained in the INEC Memorandum for Administrative Reform. Like many Nigerians, the group believes that the process of appointing the Chairman, National Commissioners, and Resident Electoral Commissioners should be reviewed, with the power taken away from the President. Rather, they want a multi-stakeholder approach to appointments into INEC, including consultations with the National Council of State, as well as traditional and religious institutions and civil society.

They are also of the view that the criteria for appointments into INEC should be reviewed, as the current criteria of non-partisanship and unquestionable character prescribed by the Constitution have proven inadequate. They want the introduction of additional criteria such as professional skills and qualifications, health, age, and gender, saying: ‘Election administration requires individuals with diverse legal, IT, logistics, statistics, and communications skills. The appointing authority should consider the age, health status, and gender of nominees when making appointments to the commission.’ This argument draw support from the House Constitution Review Committee who are seeking an amendment to the constitution to reform the processes of appointing the INEC Chairman by involving the National Judicial Council in the selection process there by enhancing the independence, credibility and transparency of the appointment process.

On its part, PAACA said: ‘currently, the President holds considerable power over the appointment of INEC members, and its funding is subject to annual appropriation, leading to a perceived lack of autonomy.’ They are proposing the establishment of a broad-based selection committee with members drawn from civil society, the judiciary, and the National Assembly, including the National Judicial Council, to preside over the selection process into the Independent National Electoral Commission. They also propose a five-year single tenure for members appointed to the commission. Presently, members of the commission can serve two terms of five years each. The current system allows the President to nominate the Chairman and members of the commission, as well as Resident Electoral Commissioners’.

Incidentally, the recommendations of the Justice Uwais Commission falls in line with the recommendations of the Political Reform Conference and the 2014 National Conference set up by former President Goodluck Jonathan. Since the 2023 general elections, there have been so many agitations, and the electoral umpire itself has held series of stakeholders meeting aimed at creating a better electoral process in the country. At one of such for with members of the National Assembly Joint Committee on Electoral Matter, the INEC Chairman spoke of the need to reduce cost of conducting elections in the country. One of the reforms being proposed by the Commission which is also contained in the bill to amend the electoral act 2022 is the provision that will eliminate by-elections in parliamentary elections. Clause 40 (1 and 2) of the bill seeking to amend the electoral act states that ‘where an elected member of a legislative house at any level of government resigns, dies or is otherwise unable to continue in office before the expiration of the tenure for which the member was elected, the political party under whose platform the member was elected shall have the mandate to nominate a replacement from within the party in accordance with the procedure for nomination of candidates in section 84(2). The nomination under paragraph 1 shall be made within 60 days after the seat is declared vacant by the presiding office due to resignation, death or incapacity of the member’. But Hon. Kolawole Davidson Akinlayo, the member representing Moba/Ilejemeje/Ido Osi Federal Constituency of Ekiti State in the House of Representatives is not in support of that move. He believe that the proposal by the commission for the party of the deceased lawmaker who the one that resigned to produce the replacement is not democratic. He said ‘that’s not proper. If INEC suggests that model, that would be tantamount to denying the people the right to choose the person they want to occupy that position because the leadership of the parties can just sit somewhere and pick a candidate. That will not reflect the feeling of the generality of that people in that area.’

Aside the position of INEC and clamour by Nigerians, the House of Representatives has also made electoral reform one of its key priority, forming one of the items on its legislative agenda.

According to the item on the agenda, the House pledged to ‘carefully examine complaints and observations made by stakeholders arising from the conduct of the 2023 general elections. Specific actions to be taken by the House include amend the Electoral Act 2022 to remedy some of the gaps observed, including vague and contradicting provisions, pass an independent legislation (the Political Parties Bill) to regulate the registration, financing and functioning of political parties in Nigeria and, by so doing, allow INEC to focus on the conduct of elections; set up a mechanism for periodic reviews of electoral laws to ensure they remain relevant and in tune with global best practices’.

It also planned to ‘amend the Electoral Act 2022 to allow diaspora voting by government officials around the world, ensure the passage of the National Electoral Offences Commission Bill to confer powers of the Commission to prosecute electoral offences, propose amendments to the Constitution on issues related to elections in Nigeria to address the appointment of Chairman and National Commissioners of the Independent National electoral Commission (INEC); creation of an Electoral Offences Commission as an independent body; and the relevance or otherwise of Resident Electoral Commissioners (REC) of INEC in the States’.

The process of unbundling the commission does not just rely on amending the Electoral Act or creating legislation by the National Assembly. It also involves amending the relevant sections of the 1999 Constitution. For example, the Constitution must first be amended to transfer INEC’s responsibility for registering and regulating political parties and prosecuting electoral offences to other institutions, which will be established by an Act of the National Assembly, such as the proposed Political Party Registration and Regulatory Commission and the Electoral Offences Commission. The functions to be ascribed to these bodies are already conferred on INEC by the Constitution, and only a constitutional amendment can alter this if the nation is to avoid a constitutional crisis and reduce INEC’s enormous and onerous responsibilities. Relevant sections of the Constitution include paragraph 15 of the Third Schedule and Section 144.

Some of the bills being considered by the House Committee on constitution review include a bill to alter sections 40, 81, 84, 153, 222, 225, 226,228 and the third schedule to the constitution to provide for the establishment of the Political Party Registration and Regulatory Commission in other to reduce the burden on INEC and also allow the new body take charge of the registration, supervision, regulation of the operation of all registered political parties in the country, their finances, internal democracy, party primaries, conventions and meetings and other activities of political parties. The bill to this effect is sponsored by Speaker of the House, Abbas Tajudeen. In addition, the House is also considering a bill to establish an Electoral Offences Commission with power to investigate and prosecute pre-election, Election Day and post-election crime as well as amending sections of the constitution to provide for the conduct of all elections on the same day. This, according to the House is to ensure a streamlined electoral process so as to reduce the administrative burden on INEC and ensure a more efficient and inclusive voting system for all citizens.

The Peering Advocacy and Advancement Centre in Africa (PAACA) supports the idea of an electoral offences Commission.

PAACA said: ‘presently, election-related offences are cumbersome to prosecute within the existing federal or state high courts, leading to severe delays and backlogs. While election petition tribunals exist, there is no dedicated mechanism to handle criminal electoral offences like ballot snatching or vote buying. We propose that federal and state laws should provide for special electoral courts or divisions, mandated to hear these cases within a stringent 90-day timeframe from the commencement of proceedings.’

There are also recommendations for a review of the period of elections and the dispensing of election petitions before inauguration. The bill seeks to ensure that all election petition and appeals arising thereof are resolved before elected officials assume office. The House said the goal of this constitutional amendment is to enhance electoral transparency and legitimacy. It said ‘by settling pre-inauguration disputes, the bill will prevent governance disruptions and boost public trust. This measure ensures only candidates with undisputed mandates takes office. This will promote a seamless power transition and strengthens democracy’. The implication of this provision is the procedures for elections may have to be altered either in the constitution or in the electoral act. Interestingly, there is a bill, that sought to make the Appeal Court the starting point for Governorship election petition, terminating in the senate just like the Presidential election, while legislative elections start from the tribunals and ends at the Court of Appeal. Clause 135 of the electoral act amendment bill currently being considered speaks to this constitutional amendment provision. It provide that the election petition tribunal be set up 30 days before the conduct of an election and should commence sitting not later than 8 days after the elections. It also provide that an election petition be filed 21 days after the date of declaration of election result and deliver judgement within 90 days (down from 180 days in the 2022 electoral act). It also provides that appeals arising from such judgement must be filed not later than 14 days from the date of judgement, while the appeal must be dispense with not later than 60 days after filing the appeal. This also apply to pre-election matters which must however be filed with 14 days from the date of the occurrence of the event being challenged. It also said that ‘an election tribunal or court shall not declare any person a winner of an election in which such a person has not fully participated in all stages of the election’. This tends to address situations where aspirants who lost party primaries are later declared winners of the main election because after the disqualification of the main candidate because of pre-election matters. This provision points to the fact that in such situation, the court can only order a by- election.

One suggestion that tends to draw the support of the majority of Nigerians is the reduction in the time limit for election petitions. This is also a constitutional matter that needs to be dealt with by the Constitution Review Committee.

Presently, the Constitution requires election petitions to be dealt with within 180 days from the date of filing such a petition. But advocates of reforms want the period reduced to 90 days, while the timeframe for the disposal of appeals on pre-election and election petitions should be reduced from 60 days to 30 days.

Other provisions in the electoral act amendment bill that tends to support the provisions of dispensing election petition before inauguration is the provision contained in clause 27 (1 and 3) which provides that elections be conducted not earlier than 210 day (180 days in the 2022 electoral act) and not later than 30 days before the expiration of the term of office of the last holder of the office. The Citizens’ Coalition wants the period increased from the current 90 days to the end of tenure to 240 days. This has also drawn support from several groups and political watchers who believe that holding elections earlier will give enough time for election petitions to be dispensed with. However, those who oppose this suggestion think that the Nigerian people will suffer more for such action, as governance will be abandoned early by political office holders. They argue that politicians have more often than not abandoned their responsibilities to engage in electioneering while neglecting their official duties. They also argue that those who are likely to lose such elections will abandon governance too early.

The reforms being sought appeared to have taken into consideration, the major crisis that almost crumbled the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party over the issue of its National Secretary. The House wants a constitutional provision that will compel party leaders seeking to contest elective government position to first resign their position before embarking on such mission. Senator Samuel Anyanwu’s foray into the governorship election in Imo State left the party in a serious battle that lasted several months. The House is saying that resigning before contesting elective government position will ensure that no official holds both party and elective office at the same time. The implication of this, however, is that the political parties may have to amend their constitution to accommodate this provision as no party constitution can override a national law.

It is also proposing the participation of independent candidates in the nation’s electoral process. Such persons would not have to join any political party. But given the spate of defection of candidates, especially after losing party primaries, the proposed law is seeking to ensure that you must not be a member of any of the registered political parties one year before the date set for the election. Checks by The Nation revealed that while independent candidates actively participate in elections in the United States of America, the United Kingdom, France and Germany, they have not made any significant impact on elections over the years. For example, about 2 percent of the total number of candidates contesting national election in the US, 10 percent in the UK, 14 percent in France and about 2.5 percent in Germany. No independent candidate won election in Germany between 2024 and 2025, while only about 2 percent of those who contested in the US and the UK won seat in parliament, with the figure higher in France with about 3 percent. If this provision sails through, it will amend sections 7, 65, 106, 131,177, 221 and 228 of the 1999 constitution.

Other reforms being suggested by Nigerians, which appear to have the backing of INEC and the National Assembly, include the issue of diaspora voting and early voting for Nigerians engaged in essential duties during elections, as well as the creation of special seats for women. It also includes compulsory electronic transmission of results, which would require the strengthening of the Electoral Act to make electronic transmission of results mandatory, including the upload of polling unit-level results and results sheets used at different levels of collation. But this suggestion has not taken into consideration the technological advancement of the country, which is likely to leave this option open to manipulation. In some developed countries where election results are transmitted electronically, voting has often been conducted through electronic voting. The question has been how to ensure that this option remains workable in rural areas.

When Jimmy Eboma, Chairman and Founder of EmoSIM, found himself stranded in Ukraine struggling to make a simple phone call home, he had no idea the frustration of that moment would spark one of Nigeria’s most ambitious telecom innovations.

‘It was not just about buying a SIM card,’ Eboma recalled. ‘There were endless requirements, ID, proof of address, long forms. Individually, these are not a problem. But when you are a traveler rushing through an airport, it becomes exasperating. That was when I thought, is this what millions of Africans go through every time they travel? I knew something had to change.’

That personal struggle became the seed of EmoSIM, Nigeria’s first outbound travel eSIM provider, a solution designed to remove the bottlenecks of traditional roaming and SIM purchases, while giving travelers seamless connectivity across the globe.

Eboma’s entrepreneurial instincts had been sharpened years earlier by Nigeria’s telecommunications revolution under former President Olusegun Obasanjo. ‘That era opened our eyes to what was possible. We just needed the right technical partner who shared our vision of a truly global service,’ he explained.

That partner came in the form of Tata Communications, a global telecoms giant. After rigorous background checks, they gave EmoSIM the go-ahead to launch. ‘It was not easy, getting the MVNO (Mobile Virtual Network Operator) license was just one step. Finding the right partner who could help us scale globally was the real challenge. But once Tata signed on, we knew we were ready.’

On May 28, 2025, at a grand unveiling in Lagos, EmoSIM introduced Nigeria’s first outbound travel eSIM. For Eboma, this was more than a product launch.

‘It is a new chapter in Nigeria’s global connectivity story,’ he said at the event. ‘We are giving travellers an easier and more affordable way to stay connected in over 180 countries. Connectivity is not a luxury. It is a lifeline.’

With EmoSIM, there is no need for long queues to buy physical SIM cards, no need for expensive roaming, and no fear of being disconnected abroad. Travellers simply download the EmoSIM app, scan a QR code, buy a bundle, and get connected immediately.

EmoSIM also introduced another important advantage: payment in local currency. This means travellers can use their local bank cards instead of worrying about foreign exchange. ‘This is about protecting our economy as much as it is about giving our people convenience,’ Eboma said.

Cost is another area where EmoSIM is breaking barriers. Even compared to global giants, EmoSIM offers lower prices. ‘Even with the biggest names in the industry, we are still one dollar cheaper,’ Eboma proudly shared.

Security is also a major benefit. If a traveller loses their phone, they do not have to queue for a replacement SIM card. All they need to do is access their email, and their line is restored instantly.

Aditya Raj Kholsa, EmoSIM’s Chief Operating Officer, explained the simplicity: ‘Every modern smartphone today is eSIM-ready. You just download the EmoSIM app, register, choose your plan, and activate. Whether your trip is short or long, there is a plan for you. It is very easy.’

Since its launch in Lagos, EmoSIM has already spread to the Southern African Development Communities, each with a local country manager. But for Eboma, the achievement is about more than expansion.

‘We want Africans to feel proud,’ he said. ‘We are not just chasing money. We are showing the world that a Nigerian company can compete globally. What we need now is for our government to stand behind us, not with money or tax waivers, but by recognising that this is a homegrown innovation.’

With its promise of affordability, seamless connectivity, and continuous innovation, EmoSIM is not just solving the problems of today’s travelers. It is also shaping the future of how Africans connect to the world.

From one man’s frustration to a service that now operates in 180 countries, EmoSIM is proof that even the toughest challenges can inspire lasting solutions.

A Nigerian woman and founder of the Adesuwa-Uadiale Foundation, Dr. (Mrs.) Enojare Tina Uvwo Uadiale, received multiple international prestigious awards in recognition of her outstanding leadership, humanitarian service, and global impact, recently.

Uadiale, who is also fondly known as Rev. Noja, is a recipient of both the United Nations Global Leadership Award and the State of Georgia’s Honorary Citizenship.

She hails from the Ekrerhavwen community in the Agbarho Kingdom of Ughelli North Local Government Area and from Ovu Community in the Agbon Kingdom of Ethiope East Local Government Area, both in Delta State, Nigeria.

Making history at the prestigious Georgia State Capitol, Dr. Uvwo Uadiale was celebrated in a grand ceremony attended by top dignitaries, civic leaders, and global representatives.

The awards were a testament to her tireless work in humanitarian service, educational empowerment, and community transformation across several continents.

The event was graced by notable personalities including Dr. Jacqueline Mohair, President and Founder of Trinity International University of Ambassadors, and the Honorable Billy Mitchell, a distinguished member of the Georgia House of Representatives.

Uadiale received her awards from Dr. Jacqueline Mohair and Billy Mitchell, who lauded her extraordinary commitment to building legacies of empowerment, service, and global leadership.

One of the highest honors bestowed upon her was the Honorary Georgia Citizenship, conferred by the Secretary of State.

This rare recognition places her among a select few global citizens acknowledged for exemplary service and leadership that transcend borders.

She was also awarded the United Nations Global Leadership Award, presented in partnership with Trinity International University of Ambassadors.

This award recognised her unwavering dedication to humanitarian causes, especially in the areas of education, leadership, and community development.

Standing at the podium bearing the official seal of the State of Georgia, Dr. Uvwo Uadiale radiated grace, humility, and gratitude.

Her acceptance speech reflected the heart of a true servant-leader who acknowledges her success as a shared victory with those who have supported her ministry and mission.

The applause that echoed through the halls of the Capitol was a resounding affirmation of her legacy-one built on faith, resilience, and selfless service. It was evident that Dr. Noja Uadiale’s contributions had deeply inspired both peers and observers alike.

Speaking with heartfelt emotion, Dr. Uadiale described the day as more than a recognition of personal achievement. She called it a ‘prophetic affirmation of a lifelong commitment to raising champions, building communities, and transforming lives globally.’

She shared that during her birthday month, she was honored across three nations-beginning in Calgary, Canada, followed by Oakland, California, and culminating in the Georgia State Capitol-each recognising her contributions to humanity, education, and leadership.

Dr. Uvwo Uadiale expressed profound gratitude to God, her husband, Prof. Mike Uadiale, her family, community, and future generations. ‘I dedicate these awards and recognitions to God Almighty, my loved ones, and every soul I’ve had the honor to serve,’ she said.

She described the moment as a divine alignment of heaven and earth, honoring a woman who has committed her life to service beyond self.

Her words resonated with everyone present as a call to purposeful living and meaningful impact.

‘Indeed, September 12th, 2025, will not be forgotten,’ she concluded. ‘It will be remembered as a day when Georgia’s State Capitol stood still to honor a woman who has chosen to live for something greater than herself-a legacy of faith, service, and transformation.’

The Nigeria Police Force (NPF) has reacted to reports of a Federal High Court order directing it to maintain the status quo in the ongoing case concerning the enforcement of tinted glass permits.

The force stated that it has not yet been officially served with the order.

Responding to a social media post on Saturday by human rights lawyer, Inibehe Effiong, who shared a copy of the order on X (formerly Twitter), the Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Benjamin Hundeyin, said the police had not received a formal notification on the court’s directive.

Hundeyin wrote: ‘While we have not been officially served the court order you’re making reference to, let me, in the meantime, show point no. 8 (of the same order) since you left that part out and focused only on point no. 6. Nigerians deserve a complete picture, not a skewed one.’

Point 8 of the order reads: ‘Meanwhile, Reliefs 1, 2 and 3 are hereby refused.’

The reliefs referred to are those sought by the applicant, John Aikpokpo-Martins, on behalf of tinted glass car owners in Nigeria, in Suit No. FHC/WR/CS/103/2025 – John Aikpokpo-Martins v. Inspector General of Police and Nigeria Police Force. They include:

‘An order of interim injunction restraining the Inspector General of Police, the Nigeria Police Force, their officers, men, agents, privies and/or contractors from implementing or enforcing the new tinted glass permit policy set to commence on October 6, 2025, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.

‘An order of interim injunction restraining the defendants from stopping, harassing, arresting, detaining, impounding vehicles or extorting motorists in purported enforcement of the tinted glass permit policy, pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.

‘An order of interim injunction restraining the defendants from using the Parkway Projects account (No. 4001017918) to collect any fees for the renewal of tinted glass permits or to conduct any government business pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice.’

Effiong had earlier posted excerpts of the court order, which restrained the police from taking further action on the enforcement of tinted glass regulations pending the determination of the case.

In the ruling, the Federal High Court sitting in Warri directed the police to maintain the status quo and respect ongoing judicial proceedings.

Confirming the development, lead counsel in the matter, Kunle Edun, SAN, described the order as ‘a major step in upholding the rule of law and protecting the rights of citizens while the substantive issues are yet to be decided.’

Several travellers were killed and abducted on Friday evening when heavily armed bandits attacked commuters along the Mayanchi-Anka Road in Zamfara State.

Eyewitnesses said the gunmen laid siege to the busy highway, halting vehicles and forcing passengers into the surrounding bushes.

One of the survivors, Malam Muhammad Ahmad, who narrowly escaped, recounted the horrifying encounter.

‘The bandits blocked us on the road and kidnapped many people,’ he said. ‘Some of us scattered and ran into the bushes. Those who managed to escape did so by hiding in farmlands covered with tall crops.’

Ahmad added that his colleague, Abubakar Lawali Sardauna, was shot dead after resisting abduction.

‘He refused to go with them, saying he would not follow the bandits to the bush. They killed him on the spot,’ Ahmad said.

As of press time, the number of abducted victims could not be confirmed as efforts to reach the Zamfara State Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Yazid Abubakar, were unsuccessful.

The Mayanchi-Anka axis has long been a hotspot for bandit attacks, with residents and motorists repeatedly urging security agencies to intensify patrols and restore safety to the volatile route.

The Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETfund) has appropriated N7.4bn for infrastructural development at the Akwa Ibom State College of Education.

Chairman TETfund board of Trustees, Aminu Masari revealed this yesterday during the inauguration of the N1. 3bn administrative block and ICT centre at the College, Afaha Nsit, Nsit Ibom local government area of the state.

Masari, a former governor of Katsina state, said that out of the figure a total of N6. 9bn has been accessed leaving a balance of N462.9m most of which had been committed already.

‘The total cost of the projects to be commissioned today is N1,391,116,511.32. You may also wish to know that from the start of TETFund interventions to this College, the Fund has allocated a total of N7,388,131,247.96, for infrastructure-related projects only.

‘Out of this, a total of N6,925,204,879.46 have been accessed, leaving a balance of N462,926,368.50, most of which are already committed,’ Masari said.

He pledged TETfund’s sustained commitment to infrastructure interventions in Tertiary institutions across the country.

The board Chairman noted that the commissioning of the projects align with TETfund’s vision of making Nigerian institutions globally competitive and relevant.

According to him ‘For us at TETFund, the inauguration of projects is a pointer to progress and success in aligning with TETFund’s vision of making our institutions globally relevant and competitive in this age of pronounced digital advancement and the increasing relevance and impact of Artificial Intelligence .

‘We are resolved as an agency of the Federal Government to keep pace with current advancements and are making significant efforts at ensuring that our beneficiary institutions are up to date, through support to acquire relevant tools of work for knowledge creation, learning, research and supporting teacher training, entrepreneurship and skills development.’

Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Umo Eno who was represented by his commissioner of Education, Prof. Ubong Umoh, lauded TETfund’s intervention, noting that the intervention at the Akwa Ibom State University and the commissioning of the project at the College of Education are worth commendable

These interventions according to the governor, show the extent to which the Renewed Hope of President Bola Tinubu and ARISE agenda of the state government are shaping education to make life better for Nigerians

Eno said ”From what we see in Akwa Ibom State University, a significant signature of TETfund and what we are seeing here in the College of Education Afaha Nsit, in accessing over N7bn, this is commendable . It shows the extent to which the Renewed Hope of Mr President in Education aligns with the emphasis on Education of the ARISE agenda, to make Nigeria hopeful and great again.’

I pen this article with a humble sense of responsibility hoping to contribute to this critical national discourse of proffering actionable insights to nation building. This article is informed by insights gleaned from my engagements with more than 1,000 leaders globally in the past year and close to a gross of this number fifteen years after I founded These Executive Minds (TEXEM) in the UK.

Sixty-five years after independence, Nigeria stands at a crossroads that is both sobering and promising. The sobering part is familiar. Too many citizens experience public services that arrive late or not up to par. Firms face a cocktail of inflation, logistics friction, and regulatory uncertainty. Civil society carries heavy loads where formal systems falter. The promising part is quieter but powerful. In the past year I have sat with more than a thousand leaders in ministries, agencies, boardrooms, factories, start-ups, cooperatives, and classrooms from Kano to Lagos to Abuja and cities in other emerging and developed countries. The appetite I have encountered is not for new slogans. It is for practices that produce compounding improvements citizens can feel. My contention is that the leaders who will move Nigeria forward in the next decade will practise three disciplines with rigour: reflection that rebuilds trust and sharpens judgement, reinvention that converts constraints into design choices, and winning that scales what works and protects it from erosion.

Reflection must come first because progress without trust rarely survives the news cycle and more importantly does not lead to sustainable inclusive impact. In many of our institutions there is an inherited deficit of confidence. People discount statements before they hear them. Officials are assumed to be evasive until proven otherwise. In this context, the most strategic act a leader can take is to make the logic of decisions visible and testable. I have watched permanent secretaries and chief executives shift the temperature in a room by explaining the trade-offs behind a policy or a pivot in two pages of plain English, then inviting challenge before the implementation plan is final. That small ritual does more than inform. It signals that citizens and staff are not audiences but partners in judgement. Rwanda’s experience with public performance contracts for officials is instructive because it illustrates how visible targets and steady follow-through can change the relationship between leaders and citizens. Nigeria does not need to copy the mechanism to embrace the principle. We can begin with published choice notes that state priorities, the reasons for those priorities, and the measures by which success will be judged.

Reflection also requires safety for truth. In utilities, hospitals, and agencies I often meet talented professionals who knew trouble was coming but said nothing because it did not feel safe to do so. The cost of that silence is measured in failed projects, service outages, and avoidable controversy. A modest institutional habit can reverse this dynamic. Start formal meetings by asking for the pieces of bad news that no one has voiced. Reward the messenger rather than the fixer. In a northern water board I watched how this practice reduced the number of last-minute crises and improved relationships with suppliers who were finally hearing about risks early enough to help. Psychological safety is not a fashionable idea. It is a governance advantage.

Strategy is the next frontier of reflection. Plans that attempt to please everyone end up straining everyone. Strategy is not an inventory of hopes but the courage to choose. What distinguishes Ethiopia’s early industrial zones, despite all the imperfections, is not simply the infrastructure but the choice to concentrate on a small number of sectors where jobs could be created quickly and learning could compound. Nigeria has too often pursued breadth without depth. A commissioner who commits to a two-page statement of where the state will compete in transport or health, how it will win there, and what will be left aside this year, has already advanced execution. The power of this clarity lies in how it enables other actors to align. Suppliers, investors, and civil society can only complement a public agenda they can see.

Foresight completes reflective leadership. Oil shocks, currency swings, (though the latter two have been quite stable in the past six months) import disruptions, and climate stress are not surprises. They are conditions of the game. The organisations that navigate them well do not predict the future. They rehearse it. In Vietnam, which has climbed the manufacturing ladder over the past two decades, routine scenario exercises allowed managers and officials to pre-commit to responses when supply chains wobbled. In our context the same discipline means agreeing on three or four numbers that, if breached, trigger specific actions within a week. It means deciding in advance which contracts can be slowed without losing capability, which social programmes must be protected under any scenario, and which suppliers or ports will be used if a route closes. When senior teams practise these drills quarterly, they do not eliminate volatility. They convert volatility from a reason to panic into a reason to act calmly and quickly.

Once reflection has cleared the fog, reinvention can proceed with precision. Reinvention in Nigeria must start with an unflinching acceptance of constraints. Capital is tight. Power is unreliable in too many places. The skills we most need are scarce and globally mobile. Rules sometimes move mid-stream. These constraints do not forbid innovation. They shape it. The leaders who make headway begin by asking what job the citizen or customer is hiring the service to do. In one health programme I observed, teams stopped designing features and started listening to mothers who simply wanted certainty about vaccination days. A low-cost text system that reminded families and local clinics of fixed days in each ward lifted attendance without expensive infrastructure. India’s Aadhaar system, whatever one thinks of it in the round, succeeded because it focused on a minimal identity layer that others could build upon. Kenya’s M-Pesa was born because the banking system ignored the unbanked. Both cases show the pay-off from designing to the job, not to the institution.

Reinvention demands learning before scale. In too many Nigerian settings pilots are a performance rather than a process. They lack a falsifiable question, a clear owner, and a path to either stop or scale. The fix is not complicated. Any initiative expected to touch a large population should be tested in two locations, with one sharp question set in advance and a date by which a scale or stop decision will be made. The results should be published in language citizens understand. Failure then becomes an investment rather than a secret. I saw a state education agency kill three shiny ideas quickly and redirect funds into a teacher coaching model that improved learning outcomes because it treated the pilot as an experiment rather than an announcement.

Reinvention gains momentum when public institutions become conveners of ecosystems rather than providers of every function. Big problems yield when government, private firms, and civic actors share accountability for outcomes that citizens feel. Bangladesh offered a vivid lesson. Partnerships between government, a major telecom, microfinance institutions, and social enterprises created rural digital kiosks run by women that offered identity, market information, and payments. The result was a commercial model that advanced connectivity and income at the same time. There was no philanthropic afterthought. Incentives were aligned at the design stage. Nigeria’s agriculture and health sectors can embrace the same logic. Shared cold chain investment for vaccines, joint platforms for farmer data, and managed marketplaces for produce are all areas where no single actor can win alone, yet every actor can win if the rules of cooperation are clear.

The final discipline is winning. By winning I do not mean a one-off success that makes good copy. I mean the craft of scaling what works, protecting it from erosion, and compounding advantage. The first move is to pick a narrow transformation where citizens will feel the difference within months, ‘a low hanging fruit’. A permit workflow, a claims process, a land registry, or a targeted procurement system are good candidates. The rule is simple. The process must be completed end to end in a single digital flow. A named leader must own service levels. The model that drives decisions must be monitored so that it does not drift. Small wins matter because they change expectations. Once a citizen experiences a permit that takes days rather than months, tolerance for delay declines across the board. Indonesia’s progress on e-procurement and tax administration, while uneven, shows how patient systems work can raise revenue and trust at the same time. We should be stubborn about this kind of boring progress because it pays compound interest.

Winning also requires decision-making that treats a downturn as a time to prune and plant rather than to freeze. The instinct in a crisis is to cut across the board. The better move is to cut visible waste, protect muscle, and pre-fund two moves that will pay off when others are distracted. When India’s Tata Group bought Jaguar Land Rover in the depths of the 2008 crisis, it was not a gamble on prestige. It was a calculated bet on future capability. In Nigeria the equivalent in the public sphere could be a state securing a long-term power arrangement for critical social infrastructure when prices soften. In the private sphere it may look like acquiring a distressed logistics asset that reduces cost to serve for essential goods. These are not headline moments. They are compounding moves.

The strongest fosses in emerging economies are often social and institutional as much as technological. A company that ties its profit engine to a farmer’s gain by reducing post-harvest losses creates an affinity that is difficult to copy. A ministry that becomes the trusted orchestrator of identity or payments in a sector makes duplication wasteful for others and partnership sensible. Vietnam’s rise in manufacturing is instructive here. Once clusters matured and supplier development programmes took root, firms preferred to deepen rather than exit. In Nigeria we can replicate the principle if not the exact model by choosing the lever we will own, whether identity rails for SMEs, last-mile logistics in a large state, or a vocational pipeline that gives investors’ confidence.

Every serious proposal invites counterarguments. The first is that our constraints are too severe. It is true that power, security challenges, still high inflation and undervalued Naira shape the feasible frontier. Yet they rarely block the first disciplined step. Narrowing focus, publishing choices, and testing cheaply are possible even in tough conditions. The second counterargument is that pilots never scale here. That is not a law of nature. Pilots fail to scale when ownership is vague and money is episodic. Tie each pilot to a named leader with a budget gate and an adoption target. If the target is met by a stated date, the next release triggers automatically. If not, the idea is retired without controversy because the condition was agreed up front. The third objection is that openness hands advantage to rivals or invites misuse. Opacity is more expensive. Clear interfaces, shared dashboards, and pre-agreed escalation channels protect the public interest while letting private actors bring energy and ingenuity. The fourth objection is that our context is unique and therefore resistant to lessons from elsewhere. Culture and politics matter. So does execution. The underlying disciplines of reflection, reinvention, and winning have travelled across Asia, Africa, and Latin America because they are grounded in human behaviour and institutional incentives rather than in fashion.

Actionable suggestions matter most when they become routine. A practical rhythm helps leaders avoid performative announcements. Each quarter, senior teams should meet for a candid review of trust, choices, and scenarios. The output should be three objectives with dates and owners that are shared with staff and, where appropriate, with citizens. Each month, the organisation should pilot two new practices and retire one legacy habit that no longer serves. A one-page learning note in plain English should capture what moved, what did not, and what will be changed as a result. Each week, leaders should review a single measure that protects their moat, whether adoption, cost to serve, or ecosystem leverage, and then remove one blocker that slows progress. This cadence is not a ritual for its own sake. It is the mechanism through which reflection feeds reinvention and reinvention feeds winning.

The independence anniversary invites a final reflection. Nations and subnational do not become trustworthy because they declare it. Companies do not become competitive because they wish it. NGOs do not become impactful because they are earnest. Trust grows when leaders expose their logic to scrutiny and follow through. Competitiveness grows when organisations choose a place to compete and then refine how they win there through fast learning. Impact grows when coalitions form around measurable outcomes that citizens experience in hours saved, income gained, and safety improved. I have seen these habits in pockets across Nigeria. A cooperative that became a disciplined buyer and seller on behalf of its members and cut their losses. A state-owned entity that digitised a creaking process and recovered weeks of time for small businesses. A private firm that opened its platform to complementary services and grew by letting others create value. These are not miracles. They are crafts. Crafts improve with practice.

Examples from other emerging economies are not medals to hang on a wall. They are reminders that the work is doable. Rwanda’s visible performance contracts demonstrate how public accountability can reset expectations after trauma. Aadhaar in India shows that a minimal, interoperable public good can unlock many private innovations when designed with restraint. Kenya’s mobile money revolution proves that leapfrogging can occur when a clear job is served on a platform people already use. Vietnam’s steady climb through manufacturing illustrates how clusters, supplier development, and predictability attract commitment. Indonesia’s progress on tax administration and procurement shows how patient system building raises revenue and trust together. Bangladesh’s rural digital models illustrate the power of aligned incentives across public, private, and social actors. None of these examples is a blueprint. Each is a provocation to ask what the Nigerian equivalent would look like under our constraints and with our strengths.

As we enter the sixty-fifth year of independence, the choice before Nigerian leaders is not between idealism and realism. It is between a loud cycle of fresh promises and a quieter craft of institutional improvement that compounds. The second path is less dramatic, yet it is how countries change without fanfare. It begins with leaders who listen before they speak and who effectively communicate the reasons that informed their choices. It gains speed with teams who test efficiently, measure honestly, and stop what does not work. It consolidates with organisations that scale what works, protect their edge, and reinvest in capability in good times and bad. I wrote earlier that the mood is sober and promising. It will remain promising only if it becomes disciplined.

The most powerful sentence I have heard in the past year came from a nurse in a secondary hospital who said that the only thing that had changed her day was a new process that meant a critical drug arrived on Wednesday without fail. It made her sound less like a hero and more like a professional. That sentence is the heart of development. When essential functions become reliable, professionals emerge, and citizens begin to trust. The path to that sentence is neither glamorous nor impossible. It asks us to reflect with candour, to reinvent with humility, and to win with patience. If we make those verbs our habit in the year ahead, the country we will write about at seventy will look less like a set of crises to manage and more like a system that works. That would be an independence worth celebrating.

Paul Onuachu has bagged the Goal of Month for August in the Turkish Super Lig.

The Super Eagles striker won the top prize for his header against Samsunspor in a Week 4 clash.

His award was presented to him by the Trabzonspor Vice-President Zeyyat Keftas before their home game against Kayserispor on Friday.

Our reporters take an inventory of state-owned roads requiring serious and urgent attention in the South-South region in the face of rising revenue from the federal purse.

Residents of the various states in the South-South have decried the poor conditions of their state-owned roads, especially access routes located within their capital cities.

Investigations revealed that most of the state-owned roads have remained impassible, impacting negatively on commercial activities, businesses and socio-cultural interactions.

While people are always quick to point accusing fingers at the federal government over the conditions of the federal roads in their domains, the decrepit nature of most state roads in the South-South have caused lamentations among the road users.

Residents insisted that with improved revenue accruing to their states under the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, watching critical and internal roads degenerate to their present conditions, especially in the state capital, is inexcusable.

For instance the South-South states of Rivers, Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom, Delta, Edo and Cross Rivers received N568.9bn in the first quarter of 2025 from the Federation Account Allocation Committee, according to a report by BudgIT Nigeria. It represented the highest regional share for a period and was said to be a 27.74 per cent increase when juxtaposed with the N445.3bn the zone received in the first quarter of 2024.

In the first quarter of 2025 Rivers State got N374.56bn; Delta, N368.75bn; Akwa Ibom, 309.15bn; Bayelsa, 259.94bn; Edo, N138.34bn and Cross Rivers N106.34bn from the FAAC. The states also generated humongous amount of money in Value Added Tax (VAT) in the first quarter with Rivers posting N278.23bn; Bayelsa, N27.26bb; Delta, N20.04bn and Edo N20.73bn.

In 2024, out of the N15.26tn distributed by FAAC, the South-South states received N1.57trn according to the Nigeria Extractive Industry Transperancy Initiative (NEITI). Delta state topped the list with N450.4bn; Rivers, N349.9bn; Akwa Ibom, N309.15bn; Bayelsa, N259.94bn and Edo, N138.34bn.

With such significant improvement in revenues accruing to the South-South states, residents insisted that their governments should embark on massive repairs, rehabilitation and reconstruction of deplorable internal roads and other highways linking their communities.

RIVERS

In Rivers State, for instance, many internal roads within the Port Harcourt capital city are in deplorable conditions. The Chinda-Douglas Road linking other communities in Obio-Akpor has been impassible for many years. Commercial drivers are plying the routes sparingly. The drivers of commercial tricycles, who ply the route regularly to eke out a living, complained that they spent all their money repairing their vehicles because of the chains of failed portions of the road.

Businesses along the road are suffering low patronage, unable to break even. Matthias, who sells electrical fittings, said commercial activities along the popular road dropped significantly as people avoided the road.

‘Rather than patronise us, they prefer to go to other areas with good roads. We are suffering and we are appealing to the state government to come to our aid.

‘We hear that states are having a lot of money from the federal government. We are begging them to help us reconstruct the Chinda-Douglas Road, because it has failed completely.’

Other roads that require urgent attention in the capital city are Obi Wali, Okporo, Eliowhani-Eneka, Rukpokwu roundabout and some parts of Rumuokwuta-Choba Road, among others.

BAYELSA

In Bayelsa State, many internal roads are in deplorable conditions. Residents lamented the decrepit state of Ambassador Otiotio Road located in Yenizue-Gene in the heart of Yenagoa, the capital city.

Residents, motorists and commuters plying the road have continued to groan over its deplorable state. With the rainy season peaking and most of the area without drainage, and with potholes often filled with stagnant water, residents and tenants alike lamented the negative impact of flooding on their businesses and homes.

Ambassador Otiotio Road is strategic and hosts the headquarters of the Nigerian Army Sector 2, Operation Delta Safe as well as hospitals, shops, restaurants, churches and residential buildings.

A landlord, Deacon Marcel Osuji, decried the deplorable condition of the road, adding that his house adjacent the worst failed portion of the road gets flooded if the potholes are filled. He said the flooding occasioned by the bad road often leaves his premises muddy and waterlogged.

Osuji said: ‘Honestly speaking, since the road got bad, it has affected business and social life. Sometimes when it rains, we experience flooding of our homes and shops. In front of my house rainwater collects in a massive crater that releases its contents into my home and other buildings.

‘It is a terrible situation we face due to the bad road condition. The road is affecting us badly -commuters, residents and even students. The worst part of it all is the absence of drainage to channel flood to nearby canals.’

Osuji appealed to the state government to rehabilitate the road, adding that adequate drainage must be built to ensure long lasting work.

Africa, a graphic artist, who bemoaned the flooding of shops and offices, stressed that the muddy and waterlogged environment discourages potential customers.

He urged the state government to come to the aid of residents by rehabilitating the road.

Mr Wealth Obio, a commercial tricyclist, appealed for state intervention, adding that the poor condition of the road was having a negative impact on maintenance costs.

Obio said that riders plying the road often experience aches and pains resulting from the poor condition of the road.

He said: ‘The road is really affecting us. It is making us (tricyclists) to go to the mechanic frequently.

‘It also affects our body system and our passengers, especially pregnant women who attend hospitals situated on this road.

‘We are crying for help. The state government has not done any remedial work since the construction of the road in 2004, and, as a result, the road is in poor condition.’

DELTA

In Delta State, road users lamented the deplorable condition of the ever busy Otor-Udu/ECN Road in Udu and Ughelli South local government areas.

They particularly lamented the terrible condition of the Ovwian Grammar School, Ujewu, Otu-Jeremi, Ekakpamre, and Iwhrekan sections of the road.

The road, which is a major access to the Ujewu Terminal of the Warri-Itakpe train route, connects scores of communities such as Aladja and Ovwian, hosts to Delta Steel Company, as well as Iwhrekan and Otu-Jeremi which also host West Africa’s biggest gas plant, the Utorogu Gas Plant.

Other communities linked to the road are Ubogo, Egini, Owhrode, among others.

Some road users disclosed that palliative work carried out on the road by the incumbent council chairman in 2024 could not stand the test of the rains this year.

They lamented that they were losing time that could be put into productive use on the road, adding that their vehicles also suffer damage caused by the potholes and floods.

A trader at the popular Ubogo Market located off the Udu road said: ‘This road, we have cried and cried for government to fix it.

‘When it rains on market days, we find it difficult to get keke (tricycles) because it gets flooded. The keke that would be willing to carry us will charge us (transport fare) very high. This affects the market (business).

‘So the government should consider our plight and do the road.’

A tricycle operator, Jackson, recalled that protesters mounted the road a few months ago demanding the state government’s attention.

‘Well, all I can say is we spend more on fuel, on repairs and wasted time because of the bad condition of the road.

‘So if government can come and repair it, life would be made easier for us,’ Jackson said.

A bus driver at the Otor-Udu Express Junction noted that due to the bad portions, motorists become susceptible to attacks by hoodlums when driving at night.

EDO

In Edo State, residents raised concerns over St Saviour Road in Ikpoba-Okha Local Government Area, which was reconstructed in 2020. After its reconstruction, the road brought relief to residents of more than 10 communities and helped to reduce heavy traffic congestion on the Benin-Abraka Road.

The 10.92-km St Saviour Road was awarded at for N3.55bn by the Edo State Oil and Gas Producing Areas Commission (EDSOGPADEC).

The road users expressed fears over failed portions of the road following poor channeling of flood water at the time of construction. The failed sections of the road usually resulted in heavy traffic whenever it rains.

At the Tipper axis of the road, residents are constantly living in fear during the rain due to heavy flooding. It was gathered the road would cost as much as N10bn if proper drainage were to be constructed.

Other areas where the road has failed are Umelu and Evbologun.

AKWA IBOM

In Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, residents of some areas are experiencing intense hardship and discomfort caused by the collapse of internal roads.

People living at Urua Ekpa, Udoete, Itu Road, Ikpa Road, Church Road, Idaha Okpo Road, Ukana Offot Road and many other adjoining streets have been cut off from the city centre due to bad roads.

Ukana Offot Street, which links two major roads, Aka and Abak, is not only in bad condition but is also a death trap. The Federal Government Science and Technical College is located along Ukana Offot, making it one of the economic nerve centres of Uyo metropolis.

It was rehabilitated by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) few years back but the road broke down within a year, probably due to the poor quality of job done.

Urua Ekpa, Udoete, Itu Road, Ikpa Road, Church Road, Idaha Okpo Road, Ukana Offot Road and many other adjoining streets are densely populated with students due to their proximity to the University of Uyo and the Uyo City Polytechnic.

Yet these roads are impassable. They have been major sources of agony to residents as flood water pours into people’s houses whenever it rains.

In response to the situation, the Akwa Ibom State Government had two years ago awarded a contract for the rehabilitation of the roads to Benest Engineering Technical Services.

However, despite the mobilization of heavy construction equipment to the areas, the roads are still in terrible shape.

Some residents of the areas lamented their plights, saying rather than bring succour, the rehabilitation works have caused more damages and pains to them. Commercial activities in the affected areas have also slowed down.

Smart Ifiok, a 400 level student of the University of Uyo, who resides at Church Road, lamented that with the rainy season the roads have become impassable.

He said: ‘I was in 100 Level when this construction company brought their equipment to try to rehabilitate the roads, but almost three years now, nothing has changed.

‘We experience heavy flooding whenever it rains, and you would see people scooping flood water out of their houses.

‘You can imagine the situation at times. We have lost a lot of property to flood.’

Mrs. Akpanette Mboso, a resident of Udoette Street, says she has not driven her car for months because the roads are impassable.

Mboso also complained about the problem of flood, warning that if nothing is done urgently, most houses in the area will be destroyed by water.

She said: ‘I haven’t driven my car for months because there are no roads. The construction company has blocked the roads with their heavy equipment yet we cannot see anything it is doing.

‘I board keke (tricycle) with my family to be able to access the city centre. Even at that, it is very difficult for the tricyles to navigate the bad roads.

‘The governnment really has to show more commitment to redressing the situation.

‘It is either this construction company is changed or the government funds it to do a faster and good job.’

State governments react

The various state governments in their reactions said they were paying attention to all internal roads in the state expressing commitment to making the people’s lives comfortable.

The Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, upon resumption of office after emergency promised to address the concerns of the people.

Speaking to Rivers’ people, he said: ‘Our immediate responsibility is to return to the path of governance and development by completing the projects which we started by ensuring none of them is starved of funds or neglected, thereby reviving our economy, protecting lives and property, and improving the wellbeing of all Rivers people

Akwa Ibom State Government said that the pace of repair work on internal roads in Uyo was being slowed down by heavy rains.

Commissioner for information, Aniekan Umanah, said that government was working to rehabilitate roads in Uyo and other major towns in the state.

He said the government had already awarded contracts for the repair of the affected roads, urging residents to be patient until the rains are over.

The State Commissioner for Works (Highways and Urban Roads), Reuben Izeze, said: ‘Weeping may tarry in the night, but joy comes in the morning.

His Excellency is not unaware of the present state of the road and is only waiting for the rains to abate.’

Edo State Commissioner for Information, Paul Ohonbamu, said the state government planned holistic repair of failed roads across the state.

Ohonbamu said the state did not want to follow pattern of precious administration where roads were hurriedly rehabilitated but failed after a few days.

He said the plan of Governor Monday Okpebholo was to ensure that proper repair works were carried out.

In Bayelsa, the state governor, Senator Douye Diri, was said to have given a marching order for comprehensive rehabilitation of internal roads in Yenagoa, the state capital.

Diri’s Chief Press Secretary, Daniel Alabrah, said a directive to that effect was given to the Ministry for Works and Infrastructure for an audit of failed internal roads in the capital city.

He said the directive was to enable strategic planning and execution of roads as the dry season sets in.

He said a comprehensive audit of internal roads was ordered for reconstruction works on Ambassador Otiotio Street, Swali Market Road and Okaka Road, among others, in the next dry season.

Alabrah lamented that many internal roads were in a deplorable conditions because they were poorly constructed in the past, stressing that with new directive, many internal roads will be adequately addressed.

He added that marching orders had been given to the Ministry for Works and Infrastructure to ensure that high engineering standards are maintained when reconstruction works begin.

As the APC prepares for its governorship primary in Ekiti State, how would you describe the current political atmosphere in the state?

The political ecosystem in Ekiti today is the equivalent of authoritarianism. We have a dictatorship pretending as a democrat. The general impression is that the Governor is liberal, humble and a gentleman but in reality, he is a man who’s intolerant of any opposition. There’s this sense of entitlement that nobody has the capacity to be governor but BAO. I can tell you emphatically that Kayode Ojo will articulate a better governance template than the one we are experiencing. Yes, the governor is investing the entire state economy and government machinery on his second term ambition, but eventually, the will of the people will prevail.

There are several aspirants in the race, including the incumbent governor, Biodun Oyebanji. Who do you consider the main contenders and why?

Unless we want to deceive ourselves, there are only two candidates jostling for the governorship. The incumbent and the incoming, Kayode Ojo. I honestly will not bother to support any candidate if the governor has demonstrated capacity. On the contrary, what we see is deceit and mediocrity on an industrial scale.

Never in recent economic history of Nigeria has sub-nationals access the kind of fund they have now. Many states like Ogun, Lagos, Niger and Anambra are investing massive funds into infrastructure, education and agriculture, but our governor is investing into our over bloated elites. Ogun State is poised to host the largest textile industry in the entire West Africa soon while Anambra will soon become an automobile manufacturing hub . I don’t want to go into the dirty details, but it’s a common knowledge that our allocation and other extra budgetary resources goes into recurrent expenditure for national party aristocrats and past state political office holders. I am unapologetically a Kayode Ojo fan and l would stake my last vote for him as the Governor of Ekiti State because of his superlative pedigree, network and passion for Ekiti State.

Some argue that Governor Oyebanji has demonstrated capacity and received accolades and applause from traditional rulers, artisans, market women, and even opposition figures. How do you respond to these endorsements?

The accolades you talk about or endorsements are outcomes of stomach infrastructure. All the people or groups singing the praises of the governor are bought. I understand the economy is hostile to the lazy and the only means of survival for some people is government in power. Must we eat tomorrow’s investment today in the name of politics? History will be unfair to those elites who manipulate the truth today for the sake of morsels. We will soon come out with the register of our elites who collect monthly handouts from the Ekiti State Government, and how much they collect in exchange for support. What are the facts on ground to justify the invasion of endorsements we witness on a daily basis. Ekiti collects an average of N16b monthly in the past three years apart from other extra budgetary provisions and Local Government funds. Tell me what can you point to that has been done with those funds? An additional N90b loan has been powered without due process and not tied to any project. It’s sad, the state is under a siege and unless men of good conscience rise up and change the narratives, l am afraid the outcome will be disastrous for our collective future.

What makes Kayode Ojo your preferred candidate, and why do you believe he represents a better alternative for Ekiti?

Kayode Ojo deserves commendation for stepping forward to challenge the status quo and rescue Ekiti from generational ruin. It takes divine courage and conviction on his part to face the proverbial Goliath that this glutinous coalition of jobless statesman has constituted. His chances are not just bright, they are real. Do a random opinion sampling of Ekiti people today, both at home and in the diaspora, the statistics in favour of EKO is startling. The Civil Servants whose minimum wage cannot take them home or market women that has been pauperised by multiple taxation are all yearning for a change and that change they see in Kayode Ojo, the political class that has been used and dumped in the past two years but are now being patronised are also waiting for their pound of flesh. The grassroots and the streets are fully with us.

With Given Oyebanji’s incumbency advantage and visible structures, what gives you confidence that Kayode Ojo can defeat him at the primary?

The confidence comes from the voices of the people themselves. I live among them and l listen to their frustrations in the midst of official intimidation. The state Governments non- performance has created a vacuum that Kayode is poised to fill. It’s obvious that Oyebanji has done his best and cannot give what he does not have.

But there are is a widespread clamour across the 16 local government area for Oyebanji’s continuity till 2031. Do you agree with this narrative?

Where does the widespread clamour come from? Is it from the Local Government and LCDAs whose allocations are diverted or the councillors whose entire salary cannot buy a good pair of shoes? Take it from me; in a free primary the Governor will be defeated.

You alleged that your name, and that of other stakeholders, have been deliberately removed from the APC membership register. How do you interpret this development?

Yes, it’s not only my name that’s missing, but the names of major stakeholders of Kayode Ojo’s team. More than 30,000 names in our register have been mutilated. I confronted the APC State Secretary, who confirmed that he was acting on instructions. The is criminal, and there will be consequences. The truth is that Governor Oyebanji is jittery about Kayode Ojo’s soaring popularity and that is why they have resorted to underhand tactics to weaken our support base. I have never seen this level of desperation in my entire political career. Some of them will have cardiac arrest when the hen eventually comes home to roost. Hon. Ropo Ige, a two-term House of Reps member and a former Local Government Chairman, was removed from the register in Ikoro. That is politics taken too far, and we are going to respond appropriately and at the right time.

Some party officials may describe such irregularities as administrative errors. Why do you insist it was a calculated political plot?

My removal from the party register is far from been an administrative error or oversight but a deliberate and well- orchestrated plot to weaken the support base of a major opposition. It’s cowardice and we are going to take the matter to the highest level of authority in the land. The President who’s a thorough democrat and the National Chairman of the party will be duly informed about the shenanigans of the National Secretary who we heard is on the payroll of the State Government in the last two years.

Do you trust that the national leadership of the APC will ensure a free, fair, and transparent primary in Ekiti?

The situation in the party presently is not conducive for a free primary but it will be remedied. The President himself faced a well organised broadcasted primary, Kayode Fayemi the mentor of Oyebanji faced about 18 aspirants before he emerged as candidate in 2010 . If they think the kind of kangaroo primary that led to Oyebanjis emergence in 2023 is possible again in 2025, they should wake up from dreamland.

What’s your message to Kayode Ojo’s supporters as the governorship primary approaches?

My message to Kayode Ojo supporters across the state and in the diaspora, is that light is at the end of the tunnel. Like it was said in biblical times, ‘these Egyptians that you see today ‘ by October 28th ‘ We shall see them no more. Ekiti shall be great again when the righteous and competent toake over her affairs. Our campaign should remain issue based and data driven, our people should remain law abiding because the masses are on our side.