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Institutions are not just offices that process cases; they are mirrors of the kind of society we live in. When institutions fail, they do more than break rules-they corrode public trust, the invisible glue that keeps a democracy intact. Among the many institutions in our country, the Ombudsman carries this burden in a profound way.

For years, Filipinos have expected the Ombudsman to be the chief prosecutor of corruption. Yet, when cases drag on for years or are seen as selective, disappointment follows. The challenge for the next Ombudsman is to go beyond this narrow view and reimagine the office as more than a courtroom adversary. The Ombudsman must also be a teacher of civic integrity, a guardian of public trust, and a voice for ordinary citizens.

The next Ombudsman cannot simply react to cases as they arrive; the office must also help rebuild the culture of integrity, so citizens once again believe that accountability is possible.

This requires bringing the Ombudsman closer to the people. Imagine an office that does not wait for complaints at its doors, but actively engages communities, teaches young people the value of honesty, and opens its processes to public scrutiny.

The fight against corruption is also a fight against inequality. The powerful often bend the rules in their favor, while ordinary citizens face expensive legal costs, delayed decisions, and complicated procedures. The next Ombudsman must make justice tangible for everyone whether they are a public school teacher, a farmer, a tricycle driver, or a market vendor. Equality before the law should be more than a constitutional phrase; it should be something people can feel in their daily lives.

Corruption is not destiny; it is a social arrangement that has been allowed to persist. If it were built, it could also be dismantled. Citizens, civil society, and public servants can create new habits of accountability, especially if the Ombudsman leads by example. Change begins with institutions that refuse to normalize corruption and instead cultivate integrity as the standard.

This does not mean abandoning prosecution, which is the Ombudsman’s core mandate. On the contrary, swift and fair handling of cases is crucial. But it must go hand in hand with prevention-through civic education, community participation, and reforms that close the loopholes where corruption festers. Only when punishment and prevention work together can we create lasting change.

The Ombudsman, in short, must be more than a watchdog. It must be an institution that inspires confidence, teaches integrity, and demonstrates fairness. When people trust that justice is accessible, they do not give up on democracy. They fight for it.

The next Ombudsman will face powerful resistance and entrenched interests. But institutions endure not because they are perfect, but because they embody a people’s aspirations. The task is not just to prosecute the corrupt but to restore hope. Filipinos must see that the law can protect the powerless, not just serve the powerful.

At stake is more than the credibility of one office. At stake is the very promise of equal citizenship. If the next Ombudsman can rise to this challenge, the office can remind us of a simple but profound truth: integrity is not just written in laws. It must be lived, taught, and passed on.

MANILA, Philippines-Representative Brian Poe has affirmed the Department of Information and Communications Technology’s commitment to connect all Department of Education target schools by December.

‘The commitment of DICT is that by the end of this year, they will be able to connect all the target sites of DepEd,’ Poe said during the Sept. 29 budget hearing for the 2026 General Appropriations Bill, where he sponsored DICT’s budget.

He reiterated a pledge made by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. in his State of the Nation Address to close the digital divide in education.

For the government, ‘connected’ means meeting strict and measurable performance criteria. For schools served by low Earth orbit satellites, the minimum download speed is 5 megabytes per second and the upload speed is 1 to 2 megabytes per second.

DICT is monitoring compliance and engaging with service providers to ensure performance.

‘If our colleague has any instances where there are any sites that are too slow or not keeping up with the standards of DICT, I believe the agency is open to flagging these service providers because it is our goal at the end of the day to provide the best services possible to the Filipino people,’ Poe said.

Outdated networks are also being retired.

‘DICT has communicated to me that they are doing away with old technologies such as 2G and 3G, so that by next year, only new technology like LTE and 5G will be allowed by our service providers,’ he said.

The effort is backed by historic funding. The 2025 national budget includes the largest Wi-Fi appropriation in Philippine history – P5 billion in automatic annual funding, plus an additional P2.5 billion infused last year as a presidential priority.

Of that, P1.5 billion is specifically allocated to fulfill the December connectivity target. An additional P1.5 billion is also proposed in the 2026 budget to connect the remaining 12,139 DepEd schools.

Sustainability remains a concern, but Poe expressed optimism. ‘Ngayon, hopefully when this budget passes, mabibigyan po sila din ng maintenance and operating funds to be able to maintain the connections that they will build in our schools,’ he said.

He emphasized the weight of the promise. ‘The reason why I am so firm in this commitment is this was a SONA commitment of the president, and it is a priority of the DICT and a commitment we made to the Filipino people. So I believe that when they tell me three times in a row that they will connect all the schools by December, gagawin po talaga nila.’

The decline in the price of palay (unmilled rice) is a serious issue faced by our farmers. Currently, the price of palay is only ?8/kg, resulting in a massive loss of income for farmers-amounting to over ?250 billion.

This is four times greater than the damage caused by the Super Typhoon Yolanda in 2012. This is not merely a market failure; it is a policy-induced disaster rooted in the structural flaws of the Rice Tariffication Law (RTL).

Enacted in 2019, RTL dismantled the National Food Authority’s (NFA) market intervention powers, liberalized rice imports, and exposed Filipino farmers to global price shocks without adequate safeguards.

Despite amendments tripling the Rice Competitiveness Enhancement Fund (RCEF) to ?30 billion, the law remains irreparable. Its design privileges importers, weakens domestic production incentives, and undermines national food sovereignty.

A new law is urgently needed-one that restores the dignity of farmers, embeds climate resilience, and reclaims rice as a pillar of Filipino self-reliance.

That law is the proposed Rice Industry Sustainable Development Act (RISDA).RISDA is not a mere policy tweak; it is a systemic overhaul.

It integrates economic, ecological, and institutional reforms to rebuild the rice sector from the ground up. At its core is a commitment to guaranteed procurement, price stabilization, and farmer empowerment.

Under RISDA, the government shall purchase a minimum of 20% of the national palay harvest at a floor price of ?25/kg-adjusted annually to ensure a 30% net return above production cost.

This procurement mandate is not symbolic; it is a strategic intervention to dismantle rice trader cartels and restore market fairness. Drawing lessons from India’s Minimum Support Price (MSP) system and Thailand’s farmer price support schemes, RISDA repositions the NFA as a proactive market stabilizer, not a passive logistics agency.

Beyond procurement, RISDA institutionalizes a robust price support mechanism. It mandates the establishment of a dynamic floor price calibrated to grain yield, inflation, and production costs.

This ensures that farmers earning 5 tons per hectare receive a net income of ?50,000 per hectare per crop-an income floor that reflects both dignity and viability. The NFA is empowered to intervene during harvest seasons, buying palay when market prices fall below the threshold, thereby shielding farmers from predatory pricing.

Moreover, RISDA introduces a rice import parity clause: importers must purchase 60% locally grown rice for every 40% of their import volume.This creates competitive demand for domestic palay and curbs speculative importation.

To prevent price manipulation and hoarding, RISDA enforces strict penalties on profiteering, price gouging, and artificial scarcity. Licensed traders must submit periodic inventory reports, and the NFA, in coordination with the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), will conduct regular market surveillance.

Public price bulletins and digital reporting platforms will empower consumers to monitor rice prices and report violations, democratizing market oversight.

RISDA also revives the quedan system-a warehouse receipt mechanism that allows farmers to deposit palay in accredited warehouses and use the receipts as collateral for low-interest loans. This delays market disposal until prices improve, reducing vulnerability to post-harvest price crashes.

Cooperatives will manage community warehouses, strategically located near production zones, and participate in buffer stock programs. Blockchain-based tracking and third-party audits will ensure transparency and accountability.

Programs for farmers under RISDA go far beyond input subsidies. The proposed law mandates the construction and rehabilitation of irrigation systems, prioritizing rainfed and drought-prone areas.

Solar-powered and gravity-fed networks will be developed, especially in upland and indigenous communities. Post-harvest modernization is central: drying centers, milling facilities, and climate-controlled storage hubs will be built in strategic municipalities, with cooperatives given priority access to equipment grants.

Farm-to-market roads will be geospatially planned, with 10% of the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) budget earmarked for rice-producing regions.

RISDA embeds climate resilience through agroecological transitionIncentives will be provided to farmers who regenerate soil carbon, adopt low-emission practices, and manage local seed banks.

A national hybrid rice seed independence program will be launched, targeting 50% local seed production coverage within four years. Research institutions and state universities will collaborate with farmer-led organizations to develop climate-resilient varieties, biological pest control systems, and diversified cropping models.

Innovation hubs will be established in major rice provinces to support decentralized, participatory research.

To ensure strategic foresight and policy coherence, RISDA creates the National Rice Sustainability Council (NRSC)-a multi-sectoral body composed of government agencies, farmer cooperatives, academics, civil society, and local governments.

The NRSC will develop a National Rice Industry Roadmap, harmonize efforts across stakeholders, and monitor rice production, supply, and food security status.

Subcommittees on agroecology, seed systems, market development, and data systems will provide technical depth and ensure evidence-based policymaking.

RISDA’s buffer stock policy is aligned with international best practices. A 90-day rice reserve will be maintained to safeguard against supply disruptions, price volatility, and emergencies.

Regional reserves will be established in disaster-prone areas, and replenishment will prioritize domestic procurement. Responsible importation may supplement stocks when necessary, but never at the expense of local farmers.

Funding for RISDA will be sourced from the General Appropriations Act (GAA), with a recommended allocation of 10% of the national budget for rice sufficiency, as advised by the UN FAO.

Government corporations will be mandated to buy palay at the guaranteed floor price, ensuring a minimum 30% net return above production cost.

Investments in agricultural RandD, climate-resilient infrastructure, and cooperative capacity-building will be scaled up to secure long-term food sustainability.

In sum, RISDA is a forward-looking, systems-based reform that redefines rice governance in the Philippines. It corrects the structural failures of RTL, restores the procurement mandate of the state, and embeds farmer dignity, youth empowerment, and climate resilience into national policy.

It draws lessons from Asia’s leading rice producers-Vietnam, Thailand, India, Pakistan, and China-while rooting its architecture in Filipino realities. RISDA is not just a legislative proposal; it is a moral imperative and a strategic necessity. The time to act is now.

Meghan Markle’s father, Thomas Markle, has denied claims made by his daughter Samantha Markle that he was left stranded and immobile in the Philippines following the 6.9-magnitude earthquake that struck Cebu Province.

Thomas, who relocated to Cebu earlier this year, told TMZ he is safe inside his hotel and was never in danger.

‘I’m safe in my hotel room, and in no way am I ‘trapped’ and ‘unable to walk,” Thomas said. ‘The epicenter was 100 miles from here. I’m currently sitting on the couch in my hotel room, with my feet kicked up and watching Charlie Chan movies. I’m quite comfortable.’

Thomas’ statement came following Samantha’s post on X, claiming that her 80-year-old father was ‘stuck on the 19th floor of a building in the Philippines after a massive earthquake and can’t walk.’ Thomas noted that he has not spoken to Samantha and is unsure why she made such claims, as he also confirmed that his estrangement from Meghan remains unchanged.

Samantha is Thomas’s daughter from his first marriage. Meghan previously said that she did not have a close relationship with her older half-sister as they did not grow up together.

Samantha’s first post also threw jabs at Meghan as she blamed her sister for being the reason why their father was trapped in the Philippines.

‘Shame on my disgusting evil fucking sister for forever putting our father in this position. I hope she is cursed,’ she said.

Samantha later set her X account to private after netizens pointed out that the screenshot of the conversations supposedly talking with her father about the earthquake was taken on Sept. 28 when the calamity struck on Sept. 30.

Thomas, a retired TV lighting director, has faced several health problems in recent years. In May 2022, he suffered a major stroke that left him hospitalized. He moved to Cebu this year with his 58-year-old son, Thomas Jr.

The earthquake struck off the coast of Bogo, Cebu, on Tuesday night, killing at least 69 people. Search and rescue operations are still ongoing.

The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) said it has been meeting the cash requirements of banks operating in Masbate, after the province was battered by Severe Tropical Storm Ompong.

In a statement on Thursday, the central bank said its Legazpi branch has been coordinating with local financial institutions to ensure the availability of banking services. It also informed banks that it can accommodate emergency withdrawals if necessary.

While some bank branches have yet to reopen, residents can still access funds through alternative channels, including money service businesses offering cash-out services.

‘The BSP will continue to closely monitor the situation to meet the cash and banking needs of the people,’ the central bank said.

Ompong (international name: Bualoi) carved a deadly path through the Bicol and Visayas regions last week, forcing thousands of storm-weary families to flee homes and huddle on school floors. The storm left at least 14 people dead, as it triggered widespread flooding, landslides and power outages. /dda

Oct 3, 2025

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The DDS phenomenon abroad

By: Joel Ruiz Butuyan – @inquirerdotnetPhilippine Daily Inquirer / 05:06 AM October 02, 2025

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I was in The Hague, Netherlands, last week to attend an annual training seminar for lawyers accredited to practice before the International Criminal Court (ICC). It was the week when the confirmation of charges hearing would have taken place, except that it had been postponed because the court wanted to first decide the issue of whether former President Rodrigo Duterte is fit to stand trial, as requested by his lawyers.

It turns out that many Filipino expatriates had made plans to be in The Hague during the same week. They apparently came to participate in mobilization events either in support of or in protest against the former president. And since they had already secured approved work leaves and booked transportation and hotel accommodations, they proceeded with their trips, despite the hearing postponement.

I and a small group of fellow Filipino lawyers encountered these kababayans in different parts of the city, and virtually all of them are Duterte Diehard Supporters (DDS). They visited and had their pictures taken around the ICC building, congregated in a Filipino restaurant that had a life-size standee of Duterte, and gathered in a park with a photo exhibition of the ex-president and quotes attributed to him. Some of these kababayans asked us for directions on how to reach ‘Duterte street,’ a group chanted ‘Du-ter-te!’ when they crossed our path, and a family wanted to have their pictures taken with us, apparently assuming that we are DDS ourselves.

I have not seen any relevant statistics, but from the optics of news coverage, one gets the impression that many Filipinos working or living abroad are DDS. This begs the question of why Filipinos who are reaping the dividends of life in democratic societies support a leader who was proudly antidemocratic and repressive when he occupied Malacañan Palace? Why do Filipinos who live in First World countries that respect human rights, women’s rights, and LGBTQ rights, support a ruler who committed horrific human rights violations, disrespected women, and denigrated the third sex? Why do Filipinos who now thrive in countries governed by politicians who observe etiquette, converse in diplomatic language, and conduct themselves in a well-mannered demeanor, identify with a leader who was proudly crude and rude?

Why would Filipinos abroad, famous for perfectly assimilating and totally embracing the rules, ethics, morals, and model behavior in well-developed countries, and thriving with success in the process, worship a leader who proudly displays immorality, unethical conduct, and ruthless behavior?

It could be that DDS expats are a minority bloc among Filipinos abroad, but they are more passionate, vocal, and public in their support for the leader of their choice, so they give the impression that they are the bigger bloc of Filipinos living abroad. It could also be that DDS Filipino expats are trapped in online bubble blocs that teem with disinformation supportive of the Dutertes, so their minds are regularly fed with and have been conditioned to believe in anything that’s pro-Duterte and dismiss everything that’s anti-Duterte.

It may also be true, as shared by one Filipino expat, that Filipinos abroad have experienced the personal demonstration of care and concern by Duterte, which they had never felt from any other past or present president. The multiple trips of Vice President Sara Duterte to attend Filipino gatherings abroad lend credence to this rationalization.

It could also be true that Filipino expats, no different from many of their countrymen living in the Philippines, have become impatient for change and are willing to cast their lot with a leader completely different from the old mold of politicians who have been making promises for so long but only manage to bring unending disappointment to the masses. Corollary to this, it could be that Filipino expats are in a rush to attain the benefits of first world status for their families back home, and they see an authoritarian ruler like Duterte as the only leader who can finally bring about real change for the country.

It could further be that Filipino expats blame current politicians for driving them away from the Philippines; hence, they yearn for a dark horse like Duterte. This could be the spurned lover syndrome-a lover who has suffered years of betrayal and disillusionment and is no longer willing to succumb to the same old promises of a cold and inattentive paramour. Instead, she has found a new suitor who showers her with emotion-filled attention despite defying logic and reason.

There’s an abundance of reasons why so many of our countrymen living abroad are DDS, despite the grave sins attributed to the former president. It could be one of these reasons. It could be all of these reasons.

Integrated Micro-Electronics Inc. (IMI), the listed semiconductors and electronics manufacturing arm of Ayala Group, has consolidated its China operations and shuttered its Kuichong facility to further cut losses and return to profitability.

In a regulatory filing on Wednesday, IMI said it would integrate operations into its Pingshan facility over the coming weeks after production activities ended in Kuichong on Sept. 30.

‘Throughout this transition period, IMI’s management team will prioritize business continuity and ensure that key customer accounts from IMI Kuichong will be served with minimal disruption,’ IMI said.

Streamlining

‘This strategic move is expected to further improve operational efficiency, increase capacity utilization in IMI Pingshan and further streamline IMI’s footprint in China.’

This is part of IMI’s restructuring efforts as it seeks to plug financial bleeding.

Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, IMI had four production sites in China.

In June, IMI also divested its Czech Republic business in a P635-million deal with Keboda Deutschland GmbH and Co. KG, a subsidiary of China-listed Keboda Technology Co. Ltd. Turnaround

In the first semester, IMI reported a net income of $7.6 million, a turnaround from its net loss of $8.8 million in the same period last year as a result of its ‘operational efficiency initiatives’ and cost control.

Market softness, however, resulted in a 12.13-percent dip in gross revenues to $497.16 million. Still, IMI CEO Louis Hughes said they were ‘collaborating closely’ with customers to drive profitability and optimize costs.

IMI chair Alberto de Larrazabal earlier said the Ayala Group was keen on keeping IMI despite its losses, saying they would likely end with a net profit this year.

He also noted they were more optimistic about IMI’s core businesses, as subsidiary VIA Optronics was still navigating a challenging business environment.