Back in the mid-19th century, female education increased literacy and access to jobs and they began to fight for participation in public life. The public sphere promised them a new horizon. From the 1890s onwards, print media began to allow women to express their voice and authors vaunted personal talent and equality, including gender relations. Following the Siamese Revolution in 1932, women were enfranchised for the first time.
Little did two girls know they and many others would be at the forefront of change. With the expansion of tertiary education from the 1960s, female enrolment gradually increased, enabling women to enjoy better opportunities. After over a decade of military dictatorship, they joined other students and compatriots in demanding a return to democracy, though eclipsed by subsequent events.
At the time, Netnapa Khumthong and Sunee Chaiyaros were in college. Netnapa marched with hundreds of thousands on the eve of Oct 14, 1973. As the popular uprising buoyed the democratic spirit, she went on to become the first president of a women’s club at Mahidol University, but it took a tragic turn. She attended to patients when a bloody crackdown unfolded at Thammasat University on Oct 6, 1976, and then fled to Singapore.
Meanwhile, Sunee Chaiyaros joined a women’s group and a student council at Thammasat University. She and classmates thwarted an examination to mobilise support for a demonstration. Empowered by the popular revolt, she assisted workers in forming a labour movement. Unfortunately, the massacre forced her to hide in the jungle for eight years, and briefly after her return to the city, she was imprisoned on charges of communism.
Almost five decades have passed by since then. Recently, the student government of Chulalongkorn University organised a talk and exhibition to commemorate the 1970s. Some of the October Generation, including Netnapa and Sunee, reunited.
On the eve of Oct 14, 1973
Military power flourished during the Cold War. Executing two coups in 1957 and 1958, Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat came to power, stalling the constitutional project that started in 1932. Following his death in 1963, his subordinates from the army picked up the baton. Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn became prime minister, with Field Marshal Praphas Charusathien as deputy prime minister.
Under military dictatorship, political activities on campus were subdued. But from the 1960s, students began to vent frustration. In October 1973, student leaders who had campaigned for constitutional democracy were arrested on the charge of inciting a public assembly. At the time, Netnapa just got into Mahidol University. A student union leader persuaded newcomers to pressure the government.
“I didn’t have any political ideas, but I thought it doesn’t make sense to arrest them. We handed out [ammonia-soaked] cotton in a protest march from Thammasat University to Democracy Monument,” she said.
Meanwhile, Sunee had been interested in politics since high school. She chose to study at Thammasat University because of its liberal stance. She ran for MP of a student union. She recalled that a helicopter crash in Nakhon Pathom paved the way for the popular revolt. Following the arrest of student leaders, she and classmates locked exam rooms and put up posters around campus and students gathered at the university’s Lan Pho (Bodhi Lawn).
“It snowballed into a massive demonstration. It drew support not only from students but also workers, children and peasants, all of whom toiled long hours for unfair wages. They couldn’t suppress anger any more,” she said.
On Oct 13, 1973, half-a-million gathered in Bangkok. Authorities backed down and freed student leaders. Unfortunately the protest descended into violence on the morning of Oct 14, with the dispersal of the crowd culminating in the death of 77 and injury of 857. In the aftermath, the three tyrants — Thanom, his son Col Narong and Praphas — went into exile. It was followed by the royal appointment of a new premier.
Booming democracy
The collapse of military dictatorship ushered in the three-year democracy period (1973-76). Due to her involvement, Netnapa took an interest in politics, especially issues of social and economic justice. Study groups and like-minded networks expanded. She was introduced to eye-opening books. For example, Seni Saowapong’s Wanlaya’s Love changed her view towards romantic relationships.
“Students should not just pursue studies, but advocate for change in society, for example, the protection of the working class from exploitation,” she recalled.
Netnapa joined demonstrations and volunteer camps in remote areas. Students also organised first-aid training for workers.
“Because of my involvement in these activities, I was chosen as the first president of a women’s club at Mahidol University,” she said.
Netnapa explained that democracy empowered women by increasing their participation and amplifying their voice, especially during the three-year democracy stint. Students formed women’s groups on campus. Inspired by International Women’s Day, they advocated gender equality at all levels. For example, they campaigned for a ban of a beauty pageant for its disregard of women’s dignity.
“During the campaign, an accident left a wound on my left arm,” she said, touching it.
At midnight, Netnapa and friends would ride in the back of a pickup truck and plaster posters around the city to oppose the commodification of women. After finishing work, some went home their own way and others returned to their headquarters. While approaching Democracy Monument, the vehicle lost balance and flipped over, which scraped her left arm against the road surface. Netnapa was rushed to the hospital.
“I was safe and saw that our campaign came to fruition. We had published articles in newspapers, put up posters and organised seminars to raise public awareness. Beauty pageants disappeared for a decade,” she said.
In the same way, Sunee said female students gathered for self-empowerment. She proposed to scrap the uniform dress code, which inconvenienced women during political activities. A student council agreed to relax the rule, allowing students to wear casual clothes except on examination days. They also sought parental permission together to attend rallies, which in turn encouraged mothers to tag along.
“Hence, they are called ‘revolutionary mums’. Over time, my mum provided food and lodging for strikers who were laid off after Oct 14,” Sunee laughed.
According to Netnapa and Sunee, women’s groups lent support to workers. For example, Sunee disguised herself as a factory worker to form a union. In addition, they campaigned for wage increase. Following the popular revolt, the number of strikes rose to 600 in a month. Once, thousands of workers went on strike for a week at Sanam Luang. With her group’s support, women and children seized their factory, Hara, to negotiate for better working conditions.
“However, a right-wing terror reigned and a number of workers were murdered,” she said.
Overshadowed by Oct 6, 1976
Netnapa said prior to the bloody crackdown, state violence had been gradually escalating. In March 1975, an explosion killed and injured demonstrators during their march to Siam Square to oppose US troops. Sunee’s mother joined a nearby rally. A newspaper reported that a student leader at Mahidol University’s Faculty of Public Health was assassinated during his internship in Nakhon Ratchasima.
A right-wing campaign built up over time. In 1971, the Border Patrol Police established the Village Scouts Movement for anti-communist purposes. Founded in 1973 to combat communist insurgency, the Internal Security Operations Command (Isoc) supported the formation of Nawaphon, a propaganda campaign to muster support for the army and the Krathing Daeng (Red Gaurs), a vigilante movement that dispersed demonstrators with force. Communism, student activism and progressive politics were attacked. Any support for change was perceived to challenge the nation, religion and king.
Things reached boiling point in 1976. Netnapa said when Praphas returned to Thailand in August, even though students successfully ousted him, they were hurt by an explosion. A month later, Thanom came back in a monk’s robe. Demonstrations were met with a lynching of two electrician-cum-protesters in Nakhon Pathom. Last month, she joined a commemorative event to honour them.
As the time drew nearer, students were assembling at Thammasat University. Women from Mahidol were first-aiders. By the night of Oct 5, officers had surrounded the campus, but they carried out medical duties regardless. Early on Oct 6, an attack was launched. Some of her classmates were killed. Students were collared at a football field. Some women were forced to take off shirts.
“I was shaken with rage and pain. They really degraded women,” she recalled. “Subsequently, my family sent me to Singapore for a while.”
Meanwhile, Sunee said a union at a factory in Om Noi, Samut Sakhon, faced multiple threats. When they were about to move out for safety, police officers arrested nine of them on charges of communism. During imprisonment, she saw female inmates dehumanised. For example, they were internally searched. With the support of a foreigner, two of them were released on bail.
Sunee assisted her sister at Atipat, a newspaper of the National Student Centre of Thailand. Early on Oct 6, they arrived and witnessed the massacre at Thammasat University, forcing them to flee to a communist base in Phu Sang, Udon Thani. Supporters had adopted the rural strategy and armed struggle. Sunee and her sister were recruited into a female cadre, which provided support to the armed forces, and remained in the camp for eight years.
“Shortly after leaving the jungle in 1984, I was imprisoned on charges of communism because I failed to report to the court when a verdict was read,” she said.
During the bloody crackdown, students who tried to escape were tortured outside the campus. Thousands were arrested. After an army faction staged a coup, Thanin Kraivixien, an anti-communist judge, assumed the premiership and announced a 12-year hiatus before a return to constitutional democracy. By that time, many had taken refuge in the jungle. Another 3,000, including Sunee, joined them, while others, like Netnapa, fled abroad.
After the 1970s
Netnapa said following the collapse of communism, defectors returned to society and rose through the ranks. Still, many of them worked for non-governmental organisations (NGO) to advance the rights of disenfranchised groups. Netnapa received a scholarship to pursue a master’s degree in social sciences and taught at Mahidol University. After completing her PhD in the UK, she “implemented reform” by taking medical students to rural areas.
“Students should do fieldwork to see real-world problems and change our society as we did in those days,” she said.
Netnapa also worked with an NGO to campaign for women’s right, for example, legalisation of abortion. She believed that “regardless of your job, you can make society better”.
Sunee said in the aftermath of the 1970s, “some still advocated for social change, while others chose to live a normal life” because “they thought they already finished their historical roles”.
However, Sunee continued her involvement in political and social issues, especially gender equality. Following Black May in 1992, she went on to become a member of the Constitution Drafting Assembly. She fought very hard to ensure that the constitution of 1997 enshrined women’s rights. Under this charter, women and men are equal and they must receive protection from unfair treatment, sexual abuse and domestic violence.
“I witnessed a lot of negative sentiment due to my debate about women’s rights. I was accused of being a communist and making the charter left-leaning,” she said.
Sunee said, however, ideological differences should not cause divisiveness. “It is better to form an alliance in fighting those in power.”