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Police in western Uganda have launched a manhunt for a 25-year-old man accused of killing his father and grandmother inside their home on Monday night.

The incident occurred in Bulenge Zone, Kakuba Ward, Katooke Town Council, Kyenjojo District, according to Rwenzori West Police spokesperson SP Vincent Twesige.

Police identified the suspect as Allan Bainomugisha, who fled after the alleged killings. The victims were his grandmother, Molly Teo Tumusiime, 71, and his father, Dragon Bruce, 50.

A police report released Tuesday said Bainomugisha entered his grandmother’s house, where she lived with Bruce, and hid in the ceiling earlier in the evening while the two were at a nearby trading centre.

A granddaughter, only identified as Praise, told police she saw him but did not report it. She later heard Bruce praying at about 10:30 p.m., the last time she heard his voice.

‘After some hours, Praise heard Bruce crying out for help. Shortly after, Teo asked what had happened to him, but she received no reply. She then called her grandson, Muhumuza, to bring her a torch. As she moved to open the sitting room door, the suspect grabbed her,’ the report said.

It added: ‘The suspect then attacked her with a machete, cutting her several times. Muhumuza, who is 12, ran outside to alert his uncle, Ruhamire Joel, who lives nearby.’

Ruhamire told police that when he responded, he found the suspect still in the house. The man threatened to kill him too before fleeing. Ruhamire then reported the incident to Katooke Police Station.

Police officers who visited the scene recovered witness statements, collected blood samples, and conducted postmortems.

‘Tumusiime’s body was found in the doorway between her bedroom and the sitting room, lying in a pool of blood with deep cuts on her neck, right arm, ribs, and back. Dragon Bruce’s body was found lying on his back in his bedroom next to the sitting room. He had multiple injuries, including cuts on his chest, left ear, ribs, and a severe wound on his right thumb,’ police indicated.

Speaking to Monitor, Ruhamire said the killings may have been linked to a land dispute.

‘Shortly after Tumusiime gave land to her son, Bainomugisha came to his father saying he wanted to build a house there. When his father refused, Bainomugisha went ahead and brought construction materials despite the rejection. We suspect this disagreement could have been the cause of the murders,’ Ruhamire said.

He added that the children had earlier seen the suspect hide in the ceiling but did not question him since he often ate and stayed with them.

Police said investigations were ongoing and the hunt for Bainomugisha was underway.

Murders and road crashes claim about 25 lives in Uganda everyday, according to a 2024 annual police crime repoort.

Concerns about poor health services, dilapidated housing, traffic jams, and weak drainage systems dominated as Alliance for National Transformation (ANT) presidential candidate Maj Gen (rtd) Gregory Mugisha Muntu began his Kampala campaign trail yesterday. After resting on the opening day of campaigns, Gen Muntu, contesting for the presidency for the second time, started in Kawempe Division and later concluded in Kampala Central. In Kawempe, he conducted door-to-door meetings where residents raised key issues.

‘We have a national referral hospital in Kawempe [Kirudu], but care is lacking. Most services are paid for, contrary to what the government says. There is no timely attention to mothers delivering at night. We need a president who will make basic health services free and affordable,’ said Ms Hajarah Nabukenya, a resident of Kawempe Ku Ttano. Mr Joab Atwine, a trader in Kisenyi, cited poor drainage systems that worsen during the rainy season. ‘The city was poorly planned and the president must revisit the drainage system.

When it rains, we are at risk of losing lives. I treated one of my children for typhoid three times last season,’ he said. Mr Imran Kasule, who is living with a disability, asked for inclusivity in government programmes. ‘We are rarely incorporated, despised, and discriminated against. We want free housing and non-interest loans to grow economically,’ he said. Ms Jane Nasanga, a trader, called for tax reforms.

‘Taxes in kilos for textiles and garments are threatening business. Our goods take a long time before clearance at URA. The tax regime must be revised,’ she said.

Mr Joel Wasswa of Kawempe pointed to corruption as the city’s biggest challenge.

‘Much as we cry about poor health, roads, and drainage, the root cause is corruption. Without eliminating corruption, nothing will improve,’ he said. In his address, Gen Muntu pledged to establish a robust transport system to address congestion. ‘The population keeps growing. In 20 years, Kampala could have 16 million people. Without a proper transport system, one will spend five hours in jam,’ he said.

He proposed widening roads, creating bus and ambulance lanes, and introducing rails for small commuter trains linking Kampala to major towns.

He also promised affordable housing through government construction projects. ‘As we build houses, we shall ensure citizens can afford them. If a person has a business, we must create favourable conditions so that they can purchase houses, with payments spread over a grace period,’ he said.

Kampala’s outskirts remain dominated by informal settlements with poor access to sanitation, waste management, and security. The 2024 Population and Housing Census showed that 55 percent of households rent single-room units commonly known as mizigo. According to the National Population and Housing Census (NPHC), Kampala has a daytime population of 2.5 million, with 1.79 million residents, nearly 300,000 of whom lack a household.

Youth unemployment is high, with 808,983 aged 15-24 not in employment, education, or training (NEET). Of Uganda’s 25.1 million working-age population (14-64 years), only 9.4 million are employed, 1.7 million of whom are in Kampala. The city faces severe air pollution, largely from heavy-duty vehicles.

Residents’ concerns

Hillary Akayizuka, boda boda cyclist: ‘Police officers flog us like dogs, and yet this is the only employment option we have. Many of us studied and failed to find jobs. The next president should be able to scrap all unnecessary fines and enforcements.’

Johnson Twijukye, army veteran: ‘I have served before in the army, but the circumstances under which one goes to get a retirement pension are crooked. There is a lot of theft that must be addressed because quite a number of mentally ill people on the streets are there due to disappointed hopes in such sectors.’

Imran Kasule, PWD: ‘We are rarely incorporated in government programmes, are despised and discriminated against. We therefore want inclusivity from whoever comes next.’

Uganda and Kenya have agreed to develop a joint tourism marketing plan that showcases their complementary attractions to regional and international travelers.

The decision was made during a meeting between the Uganda Tourism Board (UTB) and Kenya Tourism Board (KTB) held on the sidelines of the ongoing Magical Kenya Travel Expo in Nairobi.

The three-day expo has attracted over 6,500 delegates from more than 40 countries, including 400 exhibitors and about 5,000 travel professionals. UTB Chairperson, Ms Pearl Hoareau Kakooza, emphasised the importance of collaboration rather than competition, given that Ugandans are the second-largest source of visitors to Kenya, while Kenyans top Uganda’s arrivals list.

“The only way to grow these numbers is through active collaboration, joint marketing, and private-public partnerships,” she said. “Uganda’s gorillas and River Nile, alongside Kenya’s Masai Mara and coastal beaches, can be marketed as complementary products.”

As part of the cooperation, the boards are considering joint roadshows, regional events, and familiarisation trips for tour operators. Kenya has already hosted Ugandan operators at its expos, while KTB has sent travel agents to sample Ugandan tourism products.

KTB Acting Chief Executive Officer, Mr. Allan Njoroge, said Kenya is determined to double the number of Ugandans visiting annually from the current 225,000, making Uganda its top source market ahead of the United States. “Tourists want multi-country experiences, not just one destination. So we must sell each other,” he said.

Uganda has standardised park entry rates for East Africans to match those paid by Ugandan citizens, a move designed to encourage regional travel. The partnership is also expected to feed into preparations for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), which will be co-hosted by Uganda, Kenya, and Tanzania.

Both boards believe AFCON presents a major opportunity to boost sports tourism by bundling football with wildlife and cultural experiences. Mr Njoroge emphasised that the two countries are not competing but complementing each other’s strengths.

Three years before the end of his second term in 2006, President Museveni moved to remove Article 105(2) of the 1995 Constitution, which limited presidents to two terms. Despite promising in 2001 that his 2001-2006 term would be his last, he sought a third term, or ‘kisanja.’

James Wapakhabulo, former Speaker and chair of the Constituent Assembly, warned Mr Museveni in a November 2003 letter about the plans to scrap term limits. Wapakhabulo, removed as Speaker in 1998 for his principled stance, died in March 2004. Museveni replied over a month after his burial, revealing his intentions to remove the term limits. Frederic Musisi brings you the President’s letter published in this newspaper on May 12, 2004.

I am writing in respect of a letter written to me by the late Hon. Wapakhabulo dated 19 November 2003 that was leaked to the Press by some individual we shall find out more about.

By the time this letter was published in the press, I had not seen it yet. Apart from what I read in the paper, I saw the original letter on 26th April 2004. One of my legal officers, Mr Kashilingi, summarised it on 24th March 2004, although the letter was written on 19th November 2003.

Hon. Wapakhabulo is now dead, and I cannot answer him. However, I am writing to all of you so that you know my views in connection with certain aspects of the irrational and desperate efforts by those who, it seems, have been scheming a long time to usurp the authority of the people and reverse the gains ushered in by the 26th of January 1986.

When I read the late Wapakhabulo’s letter, I find a lot of politically and, possibly, legally incorrect positions. On page three (8) of the letter, the author refers to his conversation with the Solicitor General who pointed out to him that ‘since the Article had ‘become contentious, it was only right at other provisions of the Constitution such as Clause one which provides that all power belongs to the people and Clause four (4) which provides for the right of the people to express their will and consent as to who shall govern them are called in to resolve the issue.

Surprisingly, the deceased dismisses this by saying that what is contentious is not the forum but the proposal itself. In fact both are contentious.

This is because, to some people, this matter is so important at it should be resolved by the ultimate authority in the land – People In my opinion, as a resistance fighter, there is nothing wrong (of course) with Parliament being empowered to amend a particular Article of the Constitution.

What is very wrong, however, is for somebody to argue, as I have seen people exhausting themselves in the press, that there are certain areas of the Constitution that are no-go areas for the people and only a monopoly of Parliament. This is amazing and outrageous.

This letter goes on say as follows: ‘The results of such a referendum held under that proposed law to determine the question of whether Article 105 (2) should be repealed, even if favourable, has propaganda value only but nothing else’ Really !!

This is amazing. To whom does the country belong – to the people or Parliament? MPs are servants of the people. How can someone equate them with the latter or even say that the former are higher than the latter.

My whole life, as you know, has been in the struggle for liberation of the masses from oppression and marginalisation. These arguments are part logic that seeks to usurp the hard-won authority the Movement gave to the People. Article 83 (1) (g), for instance, provides that, in case Uganda is under a multi-party system, a Member of Parliament elected on a ticket of a certain party cannot ‘cross the floor’ as they used to do in the 1960s and join another side in Parliament. He would lose his seat and go for fresh elections. This was an attempt to avoid the mistakes of 1960s leaders betraying the people who elected them. It is amazing, therefore, that certain circles in the Movement are trying to do the same in new ways.

There is no way the population can demand the right to pronounce themselves on any important issue and the Parliament of Uganda denies them that right. Worse still, there is no way a referendum can be held and the people pronounce themselves on an issue but that popular decision is only ‘of propaganda value’.

This would be a counter-revolution against the authority of the people and I cannot associate myself with such an act. What, then, would be the legitimacy of such a constitution. There was Apartheid Constitution in South Africa until 10 years ago, constructed and defended by Apartheid lawyers, such a constitution, however, had no legitimacy.

When a constitutional or legal arrangement pays more attention to philosophically irrational procedures rather than the basic, genuine aspirations of the people, it loses legitimacy in the eyes of the people; it loses legitimacy and then it is ignored.

When it is ignored by the masses, the legal gymnasticians are powerless to enforce their illegitimate arrangements. Have we not seen this with mob justice in our villages? Instead of having an easily understood procedure, if you construct an obscure procedure that excludes the aspirations of the people, you risk rendering that legal arrangement illegitimate.

The Resistance Movement that I have led for the last 34 years has a clear philosophy on this. It is: ‘All power belongs to the People’. The framers of the 1995 Constitution (where some of us were not) should have at every turn and corner, ensured this principle. If they did not, as the late Wapakhabulo seemed to be saying in his letter, that was their failure, to put it mildly.

Was this an attempt by the framers of the 1995 Constitution to usurp the power of the People or was it negligence? This is the more reason, therefore why we should now rectify those mistakes of the CA, if any. After all, this is a Constitutional review. These irrationalities shall be reviewed. The people’s authority must be unambiguously in the saddle of Uganda’s Stale affairs.

I was surprised that the author tried to mix up political matters with judicial matters. On page two (2) of his letter, he talks of Article 126 (2) which talks about Judicial power deriving from the people. He asks as follows: ‘Can the people hold a referendum under Article 255 to ‘sideline the jurisdiction of any Court of law in the judicial system?’

Article 105 (2) talks about political issues, which arc a more direct responsibility of the people than the judiciary. The people are the one? Who elect the President, Members of Parliament (MPs), Local Councils (LCs), etc. They do not elect judges. The judges belong to the professional cadreship like doctors, accountants, etc. Nevertheless, even those are a concern and therefore responsibility of the people. If they so mismanaged their professional role and, some of them do quite often, the people, either indirectly or directly, could be called upon to resolve the impasse.

Article 126 (1) says that the judges will exercise their powers in accordance with norms and aspirations of the people. Nevertheless, it was no problem for one of the judges to decide that publishing of ‘false news’ is legal’! Among all the tribes of Uganda to tell a lie about somebody or something is an offence. You must kuhoonga-paying a fine to gain forgiveness. However, since elements of the judiciary are, in effect violating the Constitution with impunity, the situation may so negatively accumulate that a crisis between the people and those foreign-minded Courts develops. It will, obviously, be resolved in favour of the people. Nobody can stop this as long as the pro-people NRM leaders are in charge of the State. If they were not, a real crisis would develop. You all remember when people were being murdered in Kampala with impunity by criminals. Most of the killers were criminals who had been released from jails by the Courts! Using my authority as Commander-in-Chief of UPDF, I used a section of the Armed Forces Law [NRA Statute 1998 (UPDF ACT CAP 305)] to defend the people.

This law says that even if some-body is a civilian but is found with a piece of equipment ordinarily reserved for the army, he will be treated as if he was a soldier and could, therefore, be tried by Court Martial. That is how the people of Kampala were saved from criminal terrorism. I actually ‘sidelined’ part of the civilian Court system in order to save the people.

The purpose is to serve the people not to serve the Courts, the President or Parliament. Before i referred the criminals to the court martial, I had referred the concern to some lawyers who told me that such an arrangement would not be appropriate because ‘Somebody could not be a judge in his own cause’. ‘A judge in his own cause’!! The thieves were killing civilians mainly. How then would soldiers in a Court Martial be ‘judges in their own cause’? I held off for two years and the situation continued to deteriorate for the Kampala dweller.

When I thought more about the issue, I ignored the advice of lawyers: I authorised Wembley and the trying of the criminals equipped with firearms by a Court Martial. There were some whimpers among the legal gymnasticians. Since those whimpers had no legitimacy among the people anymore, they were ignored.

The law here is about democratic legitimacy in fulfillment of the wishes and aspiration of the masses. Nevertheless, I do not believe that the present Constitution is fundamentally anti-people. Otherwise, we should have mounted, long ago, a political resistance against those anti-people provisions.

It seems that the main problems lie with the biased interpretations by the prejudiced lawyers and judges. The most beautiful Article of this Constitution is Article 1 (1): ‘All power belongs to the people’. This was the whole purpose of our carrying the gun for 13 years (1971-1979. 1981-1986).

In fact, this is why some of us have been enthusiastic supporters of this Constitution. There is no other Article of this Constitution, which says anything similar to this.

There is no Article, which says: ‘All powder belongs to Parliament; or All power belongs to the President; or All power belongs to the Judiciary.’ Article 99 (1) says that ‘all Executive power belongs to the President.’ It does not say. ‘All power belongs to the President’. It only confines itself to the ‘Executive power’.

Therefore, the problem is caused by the biased judges and lawyers who do not have a scale of legitimacy in their heads. Who has got the most legitimate authority in the land? Obviously, the people! All other authorities in the country (President; Parliament and Judiciary) derive their authority from the people (Article 1 (3).

I, however, heard that one of the Judges (or was it a cluster of them) ruled that all Articles of the Constitution are equal. This is incorrect. Article 1, (1) is above all the other Articles. If this has not been clear to the various Authorities, then this Constitutional Review process must clarify that. If there were no cloudy spectacles worn by those who interpret the present Constitution in a manner designed to dilute or eliminate the people’s authority, even this Constitution would be adequate. Given the propensity towards diluting ‘or even usurping people’s authority, the season for clarification, once and for all time, has arrived.

Yoweri K. Museveni

PRESIDENT

cc: Honourable Cabinet Ministers.

cc: Honourable Ministers of State

Uganda has taken visible steps in advancing women’s representation. Today, the country boasts a female Vice President, a Prime Minister, and both a former and current Speaker of Parliament who are women. Affirmative action in universities has opened doors for thousands of young women. In government, academia, and the corporate world, women now hold positions that once felt unattainable. These milestones matter. They signal a society in transition, steadily challenging long-held assumptions.

And yet, when the Electoral Commission (EC) recently nominated eight presidential candidates, every single one of them was a man. The absence of women at this level is not new, but it remains telling. When women climb closer to the very top of political, corporate, or academic ladders, the story changes. The rules suddenly shift. A quiet but cruel message echoes: you may rise, but only so far. Whispers begin: ‘Who paved her way?’ For too many women, years of study, rigour, and leadership are dismissed as the product of connections or compromise rather than merit.

The scrutiny women face is also markedly harsher than that directed at men. While men are judged politically; by their policies, alliances, or even financial scandals; women are judged more personally. In politics, courageous figures such as Dr Miria Obote, Betty Kamya, Maureen Kyalya, and Nancy Kalembe dared to contest for national leadership. Their presence was significant, but their credibility was quickly undermined, often caricatured rather than celebrated.

In academia, an excellent professor was recently promoted to a high-ranking role; a position she earned after years of dedication, research, and discipline. She had built skills, networks, and a leadership style that commanded respect. Many of us applauded her rise as a triumph for women in academia and beyond. Yet it also reminded us that too often, society hesitates to fully honor women’s excellence, attaching shadows to their light instead of celebrating it for what it truly is.

This pattern is not unique to Uganda. Across Africa, women have risen to prominence despite barriers. These women remind the world that African women do not just belong in leadership; they redefine it.

Still, a sobering truth remains. Women are often ‘allowed’ to lead only within boundaries that men set. In some religious denominations, for instance, women may rise as deacons but are barred from heading congregations. In workplaces, they may chair committees, manage departments, or climb into middle management, but when they aim for the executive office, they are told they lack toughness; or face insinuations about how they got there. The irony is that women make up a large share of Uganda’s voting population, workforce, and academic community. Yet when it comes to rallying behind women leaders, solidarity often fails.

This raises difficult questions. Do women doubt their peers? Or are promising leaders broken down by structural obstacles long before they can build the charisma and networks required for broad support? Have we truly rejected capable women, or have we denied them the resources and space to grow into their full potential? The answer is complex. Patriarchy remains a powerful gatekeeper, imposing harsher moral codes, magnifying women’s missteps, and dragging their private lives into public judgment. At the same time, women’s own solidarity has not always been harnessed to its full potential. Numbers alone have not yet translated into power.

The way forward is not to cast blame but to strengthen systems. We need leadership pipelines that reward merit over tokenism, workplaces that honour skill above rumour or compromise, and political spaces that elevate vision rather than patronage. Women, too, must believe in one another’s capacity and stand together when suspicion threatens to erode hard-won progress. We must also salute the women who, despite these odds, continue to rise and lead. Their courage is not only personal triumph but a collective victory that lights the path for generations to come.

Notable names that were dropped from running for parliamentary seats by Uganda’s largest Opposition party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), remained tight-lipped yesterday on their next course of action.

NUP released on Monday the final list of parliamentary flagbearers, which included shock omissions of some prominent incumbents and endorsements of some people who political commentators have described as novices.

Prominent on the list of those dropped were Bukoto East MP Medard Ssegona, who also chairs the parliamentary Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities, and State Enterprises (Cosase). Last evening, Mr Ssegona, who was replaced by singer Mathias Walukaga, the sitting mayor of Kyengera Town Council, said: ‘I have not decided on anything. I will announce my next move tomorrow (today).’ Sitting Makindye West MP Allan Ssewanyana was replaced by Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) speaker Zahara Maala Luyirika, while Mityana District Woman MP Joyce Bagala was replaced by Proscovia Kenisha Nabbosa Mukisa, a new entrant.

Also ejected was Makindye East MP Derrick Nyeko, who has been replaced by Ali Kasirye Nganda Mulyannyama. In Rubaga South, Aloysius Mukasa bows out for Euginia Nassolo, while Bashir Kazibwe cedes Kawempe South to Fred Nyanzi Ssentamu, with Fred Ssimbwa giving way to Sulaiman Kiwanuka in Nakifuma County, Mukono District. Earlier on Monday, NUP party president Robert Kyagulanyi, better known as Bobi Wine, announced the long-awaited list would be released before setting off for his maiden rally in Jinja City. He encouraged those who would not be endorsed to respect the party position and not run as Independents.

NUP suffered a blow following the release of a similar list of endorsed aspirants for the local government and mayoral races as many who were dropped decided to run as Independents, while others joined rival political parties. Despite the shake-up, several Kampala heavyweights have been re-endorsed to carry the party flag. Ms Shamim Malende remains Kampala Woman MP flagbearer alongside Mr Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro for Nakawa East, Mr Joel Ssenyonyi (Nakawa West), Mr Abubaker Kawalya (Rubaga North) and Mr David Lewis Rubongoya (Kampala Central).

Kiboga keeps Ms Christine Nakimwero Kkaaya as the District Woman parliamentary candidate. In Mityana, Mr David Kalwanga Lukyamuzi remains flagbearer for Busujju County, while Francis Butebi Zaake retains that for Mityana Municipality. Kassanda District maintains aspirant Flavia Nabagabe for Woman MP seat, and Mr Frank Kabuye for Kassanda South. Butambala keeps both Ms Aisha Kabanda and Mr Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi, while Gomba maintains incumbent Mr Godfrey Ssaazi for Gomba East.

In Mpigi, musician-MP Hilary Kiyaga, better known as Hilderman, stays on for Mawokota North, while the current district chairperson, Mr Martin Ssejjemba, takes the flag for Mawokota South, but the woman representative seat is to be reviewed. Buvuma’s District Woman MP, Ms Suzan Mugabi, and Kalangala’s Hellen Nakimuli also remain in place. In Kalungu District, Mr Joseph Gonzaga Ssewungu retains Kalungu West as Mr Yusuf Kiruuta replaces Mr Francis Katabaazi Katongole in Kalungu East.

Masaka District keeps Ms Joan Namutaawe as Woman MP aspirant and Mr Evans Kanyike in Bukoto East, but Dr Abed Bwanika and Mr Mathias Mpuuga have been dropped in favour of Mr Patrick Kuteesa for Kimanya Kabonera and Mr Lubowa Ssebina Gyaviira for Nyendo-Mukungwe. Bukomansimbi maintains Ms Veronica Nannyondo for the Woman MP’s seat and Mr Geoffrey Solo Kayemba for Bukomansimbi South, while Ms Christine Ndiwalana is replaced by Mr Nsereko Kayongo in Bukomansimbi North. Wakiso District retains Ms Ethel Naluyima for the Woman MP race, Mr Muwada Nkunyingi for Kyadondo East, Mr David Sserukenya for Makindye Ssabagabo and Mr Charles Matovu for Busiro South.

Fresh faces in Wakiso include Mr George Musisi for Kira Municipality, Ms Joyce Nabatta Namuli for Entebbe Municipality, Mr Ronald Ssemaganda for Busiro North and Zambali Bulasio Mukasa for Nansana Municipality. In Luweero, Ms Brenda Nabukenya, Mr Hassan Kirumira, Mr Robert Ssekitooleko and Mr Denis Ssekabira all retain their flags for the Woman MP race, Katikamu South, Bamunanika and Katikamu North seats respectively. Nakaseke District remains unchanged, with Mr Paulson Luttamaguzi Ssemakula and Mr Allan Mayanja keeping their Central and South flags.

Sea change in Kasese

In Kasese District, NUP made significant changes in its parliamentary flag bearers ahead of the January 2026 General Election. While the party fielded five candidates in the six parliamentary constituencies in the 2021 General Election, this time, it has endorsed candidates in all six constituencies, but dropping all the old ones, except one.

Kasese District NUP party chief Brian Basisa said: ‘Some of the people have since ventured into other activities. Others were not serious with the struggle.’

Only Ms Fatuma Katembo Kamama will once more contest as Kasese District Woman MP. In Busongora South, NUP has endorsed Mr Jackson Mbaju, who previously contested as an Independent in 2021 and later carried the NUP flag in the 2022 by-election.

The new flagbearers in Kasese include Mr Bwambale Tinkasimire (Bukonzo East), Mr Shahidu Tuhakaba Muhindo (Bukonzo West), Mr Jonan Bwambake (Busongora North), Mr Robert Muthoma (Kasese Municipality). Former flagbearers who were dropped include Mr Phillu Amon Kahungu (Bukonzo East), Ms Fatuma Cassim Sidrat (Bukonzo West), Mr Michael Masereka (Busongora South), and Mr Augustine Monday (Busongora North). Mr Basisa said Ms Sidrat now serves as deputy secretary for the NUP Women’s League (western region), while Mr Michael Masereka defected to FDC, and Mr Sam Baluku abandoned mobilisation. Mr Kahungu distanced himself from the party early on.

He said Mr Monday failed to secure nomination fees.

Meanwhile, in Masindi Municipality (Masindi District), the incumbent flagbearer, Mr Rodgers Kanti, lost the flag to newcomer Mr Steven Wandera, who beat two contenders, including Mr Job Arinaitwe. Mr Wandera expressed gratitude for the endorsement, saying it reflected the party’s trust in him. However, Mr Kanti, who has been NUP’s face in Bunyoro since its inception, expressed disappointment after losing the flag, saying the party failed to reward his years of sacrifice and financial investment.

Supporters react…

Amos Twinomujuni

I don’t think the process was fair as it was not competitive and some of us are not aware how it was done. Here in Mbarara, we would get better candidates if the selection was open to the public.

Anita Tibyangye

I think NUP made a better decision to have a team that chose people to compete for these political positions. But it would have been better if the public got involved in choosing them because this team may get easily compromised in the process.

Ali Buyende

We don’t know some of these flagbearers. There is no wider consultation of the grassroots people. I will support any Opposition candidate because we are tired of the NRM corrupt and human rights abuse.

The National Resistance Movement (NRM) party presidential candidate, Mr Yoweri Museveni, has taken a swipe at the Opposition leadership in Luweero District, linking the many land eviction cases to weak leadership while announcing a final solution to the Land Fund to pay off the landlords in 2026. Mr Museveni, who launched his 2026 presidential bid during a rally at Bukalasa Agricultural College in Luweero District yesterday, said the land issue was resolved way back when the NRM government through the Constituent Assembly (CA) stood firm on the side of the people, safeguarding the rights of the Kibanja (non titled plot of land) holder.

‘The Kibanja holder should not be evicted by the landlord. The landlord has no power to cut off any piece of land from a Kibanja holder. The landlords complain that Busuulu [annual nominal ground rent] is small, but this is about recognition as a landlord and nothing else,’ he said. When a landlord sells the land to a different person, the Kibanja holder is not affected, according to the land policy. The new buyer simply remains with a piece of paper while the Kibanja holder will remain on the land. The case of Busuulu [an annual nominal ground rent paid by a Kibanja holder] was also resolved and approved by the Lands ministry in Kampala.

”We have landlords that refuse the Busuulu, but plans are in pipeline to have the Busuulu not acknowledged by the landlord to be banked at the sub-county special account. But the long-term solution will be for the government to secure funds to pay off the landlords,” Mr Museveni said, adding: ‘The money in the Land Fund is not enough. We still have many things to do including security, roads, health care, but with the petroleum money that will start next year in 2026, we shall be able to boost the Land Fund.’

After winning the previous general election President Museveni, who addressed a retreat at Kyankwanzi Leadership Institute on April 15, 2021 promised to work with NRM legislators who are the majority in Parliament to resolve the land crisis in the country once and for all, but the issue continues to bother many Ugandans.

He also reiterated his promise to tackle theft of drugs in health centres and fight corruption. ‘ If you had elected good leaders, some of the issues like stealing of drugs could be addressed by those people. But you turned yourselves into orphans by donating the Woman MP seat to a girl called Nabukenya [Brenda], I also hear that the district chairperson and all MPs in Luweero are not NRM , this [is] suicide ,’ he said. Mr Museveni, who is seeking re-election into office for a new term (2026-2031) when Ugandans go to polls on January 12, also spoke against the continued charging learners extra fees under the government free education schemes.

Government introduced the Universal Primary Education (UPE) scheme in 1997 and a decade later added Universal Secondary Education (USE), to enable primary school graduates to enrol in tuition-free secondary schools and vocational training institutions. However, despite the increased learner enrolment and the substantial investment in the education sector, there have been concerns about the high school drop-out rate, the high pupil-to-book ratio, lack of basic instructional materials, among others.

‘The extra charges are illegal and should stop. I am going to be very tough on this. They [school administrators] have been using the pretext of not having enough teachers, this issue is going to be addressed through the additional recruitment of 50,000 teachers,’ he said. For more than two decades, there has been a lack of a clear feeding programme in UPE schools, which has negatively impacted on the scheme, causing massive drop-outs and absenteeism as many pupils cannot stand the biting hunger at school. On many occasions , efforts by head teachers to have parents pay some little money to cater for their children’s lunch have been frustrated by Mr Museveni who viewed it as an extra burden to his voters . He has repeatedly threatened to arrest head teachers who pester parents to pay lunch fees.

Historical background

Luweero was the epicentre of the five-year guerrilla war that ushered Mr Museveni’s government to power in 1986 and he has always launched his campaigns in the district. The area has for three decades largely been loyal to Mr Museveni for a long time and generously contributing to his vote pool and electing ruling party representatives at various levels but residents in the area have remained poor, with some failing to enrol their children in relatively good school .

This explains why the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) in the previous general election swept most of the elective positions in Luweero District. NUP won all the parliamentary seats in the area including the district chairperson seat. NUP’s former presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, also defeated Mr Museveni in the district, after garnering 103,782 votes (70.45 percent) against Museveni’s 41,166 votes (27.94 percent).

Land rights.

‘The Kibanja holder should not be evicted by the landlord. The landlord has no power to cut off any piece of land from a Kibanja holder. The landlords complain that Busuulu [annual nominal ground rent] is small, but this is about recognition as a landlord and nothing else,’- Mr Museveni, the NRM party presidential candidate for 2026 General Election

What Luweero voters want next president to address

Erasto Kibirango, the Luweero District LC5 Chairperson

”We need an affirmative action plan as the people of Luweero. It is true that the government is helping in the completion works for the Luweero Hospital 100-bed facility and the district office block but we need more in the area of budgeting and special projects.”

Alice Nalwanga Katende, Councillor for elderly at Wobulenzi

”We are talking about the government compensation of the war veterans but several of the war veterans say that they have never been compensated. The NRM Mecca has poor road network. This has partly demoralised NRM party supporters.’

Mr Sam Kigula, the Nakasongola District LC5 Chairperson

‘Government had earlier embarked on an exercise to identify areas and landlords willing to surrender land to the government for payment through the land fund but this programme has been slow. The issue of the nuclear plant should also be clearly explained to communities.”

Joseph Kawenja, resident of Makulubita Sub-county

‘Most of the roads in many rural areas are in a very poor condition. We also want the new government after the 2026 election to improve or make better supervision of the different government projects. The people messing up government projects should be arrested and removed from office.’

Hussein Kato, Councillor- Bombo Town Council

”Luweero as a region needs affirmative action in terms of projects. Our NRM leaders are not telling the real facts about the common man’s challenges including the land evictions.’

Annet Nakaggwa, Katikamu Sub-county, Luweero

‘Our roads network is very poor. At times the contractors assigned the duty of maintaining the roads do shoddy work. Many of the roads in Katikamu Sub-county are impassable.’

Rogers Sunday Bwanga, Council Speaker, Nakasongola ‘

‘The new government plan to construct a nuclear plant at Kalungi Sub-county without clear plans on how the families are likely to get displaced poses a big threat. We have one of the poorest road networks in the country.”

Abdul Nadduli, former Cabinet minister

‘We still have many cases of our people that are illegally evicted from land yet they are bonafide occupants pr

Last week, this column argued, in its humble contribution to defining the Uganda we want, that the crisis of the great number of unemployed, unemployable and low-waged needs to occupy more space in public discourse and policy making.

To increase employability, support higher incomes, and undergird long-term development, we need to take a long, hard look at education: how and what we teach our learners.

At the rollout of universal primary education in 1997, the focus was on mass enrolment, but the quality problems were baked in. Some were obvious, in the form of inadequate infrastructure, teachers, and teaching aids. Others were less obvious, like the demand for farm labour, bottlenecks at transitional points upwards, and social dynamics like teenage pregnancy, early marriage and sexual abuse.

Thus, although the student population in Uganda tripled between 1997 and 2014, only one in three of the pioneer UPE class of 1997 made it to the end of primary school in 2003. The expansion of secondary and tertiary education has helped, but major problems of equity, quality, and outcomes remain.

Education is a great leveller and enabler, but without intentional system design, it is probably entrenching socio-economic hierarchies seen anecdotally, in the concentration of better performing schools in the south and central parts of the country. A Unicef study found that kids of the 20 percent richest families are five times more likely to continue to secondary school than those of the poorest 20 percent. Unsurprisingly, this transition is highest in Kampala and lowest in Acholi, which continues to bear the trailing effects of war, disease and destitution.

Means-tested scholarships and a higher per capita investment in public schools in poorer regions (including in teacher accommodation and salaries to attract better teachers) could be among the options considered by policymakers.

Such interventions could also aid in confronting the quality issue. Only one in two Ugandan kids is literate by the end of primary school, and less than one in two are proficient in English and mathematics in secondary school. In the absence of teachers and facilities, including laboratories, the 15 percent proficiency rate in biology among secondary school pupils is unsurprising and perhaps even miraculous.

The quality problem can feel overwhelming, which is why we should consider carefully calibrated nudges and some unconventional interventions. One is to start at the bottom, with early childhood development. Some preschools or kindergartens in Greater Kampala charge more per term than some diploma courses at Makerere University. This is because there are hardly any public preschools and kindergartens (and because parents of small kids are irrational in spending on them).

Investing in early learning should increase retention rates in the education system, improve literacy, and aid vulnerable families, including single mothers in informal employment who often can’t afford child education or care.

The second nudge, to make education more pleasant, is already being considered by the clamp down on corporal punishment. It needs to be complemented by guardrails to safeguard children from other types of harm, including the one in four Ugandan kids who are sexually abused in schools. How do we not have a sexual offender’s register in the year of our lord, 2025?

The third nudge is to redirect the focus of learning away from what learners know to what they can do. The internet has kicked down the door of the ivory tower, making learning accessible to anyone with a connection and cognitive power. Artificial intelligence will outsource even the need to find and sort information to machines/computers.

This will spill over into real-world practical applications. Robots already do much of the heavy lifting and repetitive actions in factories and will continue to do more as their dexterity and manoeuvrability improve.

Much of this disruption is still way off into the future for a middling developing country like Uganda, where urban mass transit, to give just one example, is still powered by two-wheeled maniacal riders. But the times, they are a-changin, and with them we must.

To better prepare our young people for a disrupted world of work, we must destigmatise vocational education, expand apprenticeships to give learners real-world experience, and add life skills to the curriculum, including (possibly compulsory) community service.

The millions of factory jobs that accompanied the industrial revolution in the West and the manufacturing boom in Asia will not arrive uninterrupted in our hinterlands. We must begin to imagine future-proof jobs and reimagine the way we prepare learners for them. An education system from the past can’t prepare us for the jobs of the future.

Job Brian Ocen, 24, wakes up early each morning and gets ready for his day. Living in Omwonyogweno Village, Abunga Parish, Amugu Sub-county in Alebtong District, Ocen’s first task of the day is to weed maize in the garden, about two kilometres away. After a few hours of digging, he returns home, exhausted though fulfilled. Ocen rests for a short while, enjoying a simple breakfast of porridge and boiled cassava. But his day is far from over. He has another important task ahead of him- sensitising his community about climate change.

Just like hundreds of energetic youth in Amugo and Abako sub-counties, all in Alebtong District, Ocen is passionate about environmental conservation.

They were trained by a local non-governmental organisation, Change Lead Agency Social Support (CLASS), to educate their community on the impacts of climate change. With a backpack full of informational materials, Ocen sets off on his door-to-door campaign. He walks through the village, greeting his neighbours and friends, and sharing his knowledge about climate change. He explains how rising temperatures, changing rainfall patterns, and increased frequency of extreme weather events are affecting their crops, livestock, and overall livelihoods.

‘I start moving door-to-door beginning at 10am up to 6pm from Monday to Saturday, covering on average 10 households. I sensitise people on the dangers of wetland encroachment and bush burning,’ says Ocen. His message resonates with many in the community, who have already begun to experience the effects of climate change first-hand. Alebtong and Otuke have experienced the worst flooding in decades that has left a trail of destruction and despair in the two northern Uganda districts. Data from Alebtong Disaster Management Committee, for instance, shows that at least 66 grass-thatched huts, one semi-permanent house, and five toilets have collapsed.

A total of 2,591 acres of cassava, 2,210 acres of simsim, 566 acres of groundnuts, and 798 acres of maize have been destroyed by the floods triggered by both human-induced and natural factors. This climatic disaster has affected 3,978 households (715 in Adwir, 672 in Okomo, 706 in Alololo, and 796 in Ocokober parishes in Adwir Sub-county; 310 households in Baya and 291 in Oculokori parishes in Omoro Sub-county; 185 households in Amuria, and 162 households in Anara, and 141 in Alebtong parishes in Aloi Sub-county).

Human-induced causes

The Alebtong Disaster Management Committee blames the situation on unregulated charcoal burning, which has led to the removal of trees. This practice reduces the land’s ability to absorb water, increasing surface runoff and flood risk. Other contributing factors include poor agricultural practices such as over-grazing, and cultivation on steep slopes, leading to soil erosion and increased runoff and silting of River Moroto. Destruction of wetlands in the affected areas has reduced the land’s capacity to hold water, leading to flooding, according to Mr Franco Olaboro, the chief administrative officer of Alebtong, who is also the Disaster Management Committee chairperson.

In the face of climate change, youth in flood and drought-prone areas are rising to the challenge, adapting and innovating to protect their communities.

Mr Moses Omara, the executive director of Change Lead Agency Social Support – a youth-focused organisation – says for the last 10 years, the people of Alebtong District have been experiencing extreme weather events, including prolonged droughts and floods. Nonetheless, the organisation in partnership with the sub-county authorities in Amugu and Abako came up with both mitigation and adaptation approaches to fight climate change.

‘So, looking at some of those effects, we had to intervene. One, to focus on adaptation mechanisms. Here we built the resilience of our communities to survive in the face of climate change,’ Mr Omara explains. ‘Secondly, we also came up with intervention in the areas of mitigating the effects of climate change so that in the near future we don’t see it continue to happen like this. We want to do something to reduce the effects of climate change.’ CLASS has trained about 500 young people on climate change adaptation and mitigation through its community youth-friendly structures.

Adaptation strategies

‘And then we’ve trained other members of the community on the causes of climate change. This is because there are some other members of the community who even still believe that climate change is a result of God’s anger. They don’t think it is man’s actions or inactions that are now resulting in some of this,’ says Mr Omara.

‘So, we have designed messages that let them understand that climate change is caused. So another activity that we brought on board is climate advocacy,’ he adds. A structure called the Youth Climate Activists has also been formulated to help create awareness, but also collect issues regarding climate change among the young people.

The young people often bring these issues to the attention of duty bearers to address them. Mr Omara says they have also started encouraging community members to take coping strategies. ‘We want fewer trees to be cut down and if these trees are cut, there should be a replacement. For example, if one tree is cut at least 10 should be planted,’ says Mr Omara. Nancy Atim, a 22-year-old youth climate activist in Akulaum Village, Abongatin Parish in Amugu Sub-county, says they have reached out to different people with information about climate change.

According to Atim, many people have formed themselves into Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs), where they are able to save and borrow from those saving groups to meet their needs. Oryemcan Group in Abongatin Parish has 90 members, including Atim. ‘On February 18, 2025, I borrowed Shs200,000 from the group, which I invested part of in farming. In the first season, I harvested my sunflower, sold it and fetched Shs280,000. During this second season, I may get close to Shs1 million if all goes well,’ says Atim. Mr David Ojom, the chairperson of Amugu Sub-county, says local leaders are also continuously creating more awareness about bad farming practices, further asking the locals to desist from encroaching on protected ecosystems: wetlands and riverbanks.

‘So, we are also seeing some of the community members responding by making sure that they participate in the protection of the wetlands. This means they’re getting the messages. Then we are also seeing young people getting much more interested in polishing their skills, looking for information on climate change,’ says Mr Ojom. Whenever the Department of Meteorological Services under the Ministry of Water and Environment releases a calendar for a particular month, young people in Alebtong share this information among themselves through various social media platforms. ‘When the meteorological department has released a calendar on some of the early warning signs, we share this information with other people so that they get to prepare for the disaster and how they can mitigate the risks,’ says Mr Ocen.

Challenges

As they are implementing these interventions, young people are also faced with some challenges. For instance, there is limited information on the causes and benefits of climate actions and impacts. There are also limited climate strategies coupled with lack of access to technical resources that would have been part of a coordinated effort to address climate change. In the whole of Alebtong District, climate change experts are not in the villages. In most cases, these experts are only stationed in the neighbouring Lira City or Kampala yet they are needed most in these communities.

Youth Climate Action in Alebtong

500 youth trained by CLASS NGO on climate adaptation and mitigation.

Door-to-door sensitisation campaigns reaching 10 households daily.

Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLAs) supporting climate resilience.

Tree planting to replace those cut for charcoal.

Promotion of energy-saving stoves to reduce deforestation.

The International Crimes Division (ICD) of the High Court has directed the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) to visit Luzira Prison and investigate the conditions under which former Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) commander Jamilu Mukulu is being held.

The order was issued on Wednesday by a panel of four judges as the long-running terrorism trial against Mukulu and 31 others resumed.

When the case was called, defence lawyer Caleb Alaka raised preliminary matters, including an application relating to Mukulu’s detention conditions. He informed the court that Mukulu had previously complained of being denied special food, kept in isolation, and exposed to harsh prison conditions.

The court received a written response from the Uganda Prisons Service, presented by ASP Dennis Arinaitwe, Officer in Charge of Upper Prison. In the response dated October 1, 2025, prison authorities denied allegations of mistreatment, stating that contraband items had been discovered in food brought by visitors, leading to a ban on outside food.

“The prices being high is not true, there are open markets where one can get items at affordable prices,” the response read in part.

The response added that Mukulu declined a self-contained room but was accommodated in a ventilated cell and allowed into the courtyard for exercise. It further stated that he is not kept in isolation but is restricted in line with prison regulations.

Having considered both sides, the judges acknowledged Mukulu’s complaints but stressed that their mandate was to try the criminal charges, not to manage prison facilities. “We have taken cognizance of the complaints and the response,” the panel ruled. “We advise him to use the Uganda Human Rights Commission, which can make relevant recommendations that Uganda Prisons must abide by. As a court of justice, we are here to try the culpability of the accused.”

The panel then issued an order granting UHRC visitation rights to Luzira Prison to assess Mukulu’s detention conditions and prepare a report.

Meanwhile, the prosecution informed the court that 13 of the 38 original accused persons had entered a plea bargain agreement with the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) and were already convicted and sentenced. The defence informed the court that Mukulu and another accused had earlier filed a 2022 application challenging their extradition and the enforcement of their fundamental rights.

The judges adjourned the case to Thursday for parties to agree on facts before the hearing could resume. The case resumes on Thursday, with the parties expected to harmonize agreed facts before trial witnesses are called.

Background

Mukulu, jointly charged with 31 others, faces 20 counts, including terrorism, murder, aggravated robbery, attempted murder, and membership of a terrorist organization. Prosecution alleges that as ADF commander, he issued orders for attacks that left clerics, police officers, and civilians dead in several districts. The group is further accused of robbing firearms, ammunition, money, and property. Prosecution maintains the offenses were carried out with political, economic, and religious aims intended to cause fear among the public and government.