Reps to probe alleged misuse of FIFA grants by NFF

The House of Representatives is to investigate the activities and accounts of the Nigerian Football Federation from 2015 to date, while resolving to take appropriate action aimed at enhancing transparency and accountability of NFF, with a view to restoring national and international confidence.

Adopting a motion of urgent public importance sponsored by Dr Adedayo Samuel Adesola (APC, Lagos and Nwaeke Felix Uche (PDP, Rivers), the House asked the leadership of NFF to appear before the House Committee on Sports with records of activities, receipts and disbursements of funds from 2015 to date.

Leading debate on the motion, Adesola recall recent lamentation of former Super Eagles Captain Sunday Oliseh, accusing the NFF of undermining the growth of soccer in Nigeria through misappropriation of grants from FIFA and CAF, citing the questionable handling of USD 1.0 Million NFF got from FIFA to prepare the Super Eagles for the 2002 World Cup.

He said between 2015 and 2025, NFF allegedly received development funds in excess of USD 25 Million from FIFA and CAF with nothing tangible on ground to justify the huge capital inflow from these soccer bodies.

He said ‘in December 2016, FIFA sent an audit query over the mishandling of US$1.1 development grant to NFF and reported that USS802,000 lacked proper documentation; prompting Sports Minister, Solomon Dalung to order an independent audit and asked NFF to account for receipts and disbursements.

According to him, between 2018 and 2019, NFF officials (including the then President, Amaju Pinnick) faced public criticism and were subject of EFCC and ICPC probes and court actions tied to alleged mismanagement of various funds and sponsorship monies. One of these monies, US$1.2 Million is the subject of a news item currently trending on the social media which NFF allegedly used to construct the Birnin Kebbi Stadium.

He said a physical inspection of the Stadium In Birnin Kebbi showed a substandard facility in terms of quality and quantity which cannot justify the sum of US$1.2 claimed to have spent on the project by the NFF,whereas Kenyan Football Federation used the same amount of grant to develop a standard and well-equipped facility, to further raise eye brows on the profligacy in NFF F.

He said with another African Cup of Nation round the corner and the World Cup play off, both involving the Super. Eagles of Nigeria, there is need to take decisive action on further misuse of public funds by the leadership of NFF.

Fed Govt releases N2.3bn to clear salary, promotion arrears of varsities workers

Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, said the Federal Government has released ?2.3 billion, representing Batch 8 salary and promotion arrears to universities across the country.

The fund is expected to be used to clear the salary backlogs as well as promotion arrears of teaching and non-academic staff in public universities.

The Minister explained that the disbursements, processed through the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation (OAGF), reflected President Bola Tinubu Administration’s resolve to clear inherited backlogs and enhance the welfare of academic and non-academic staff in the tertiary education sector.

In a statement on Wednesday by Director, Press and Public Relations, Federal Ministry of Education, Folasade Boriowo the Minister said: ‘A total of ?2.311 billion, representing Batch 8 salary and promotion arrears, has been released through the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation to universities. Benefiting institutions should begin to receive payment alerts anytime from now.’

Alausa said that the Federal Government, through the Ministry of Finance and the OAGF, is finalising the release of third-party non-statutory deductions and pension remittances to Nigerian University Pension Management (NUPEMCO), expected to be completed in the coming days.

The Minister added that the government has approved the full mainstreaming of the Earned Academic Allowance (EAA) into university staff salaries beginning from 2026.

He noted that this will ensure prompt, predictable, and sustainable payments going forward. In addition, funds have been released under the Needs Assessment of Nigerian Universities, with corresponding budgetary provisions made to sustain the initiative.

According to Alausa, these measures demonstrated the government’s strong commitment to improving academic staff welfare and addressing long-standing challenges that have persisted for decades.

‘Within the last twenty-six months, the Federal Government has paid a significant portion of outstanding obligations while maintaining open communication with all academic and non-academic unions of tertiary institutions.

‘The Federal Ministry of Education assures that these engagements are being conducted truthfully and in good faith. However, while the government remains committed to improving staff welfare, it will only enter into agreements that are realistic and financially sustainable,’ Alausa stated.

He explained that the Yayale Ahmed Negotiating Committee continues to serve as a bridge between the Federal Government and the tertiary institutions’ unions, ensuring that all pending welfare-related issues are addressed through honest and mutually respectful dialogue.

‘Negotiations are being conducted sincerely, mutually, and respectfully,’ he added.

Alausa noted that the federal government will not engage in unsustainable fiscal practices.

‘Our priority is to ensure that all matters are addressed responsibly and in the best interest of our education system,’ he said.

The Minister stressed that all commitments must align with approved budgetary provisions to guarantee long-term stability.

He commended President Tinubu for his unwavering dedication to the education sector, noting that several challenges that had persisted for decades are now being tackled decisively under his administration.

Alausa expressed optimism that the current wave of reforms and fiscal interventions will usher in lasting industrial harmony, restore confidence in Nigeria’s tertiary education system, and strengthen institutional capacity for national development.

Africa Film Festival as cultural diplomacy platform

Every November, Lagos transforms into a vibrant playground of lights, ideas and cinematic brilliance. Red carpets roll out on the waterfronts of Victoria Island, while conversations spill from film screenings to rooftop mixers and hotel lobbies alive with creative energy. This is the atmosphere that defines the Africa International Film Festival (AFRIFF)-a cultural phenomenon that has evolved into far more than a showcase of movies. Now in its 14th edition, AFRIFF has become one of Africa’s most dynamic instruments of cultural diplomacy-a soft power tool connecting Africa’s creative narratives to the world.

When it opens on November 2, AFRIFF will once again affirm Lagos’ place as the beating heart of Africa’s creative economy. For seven days, through November 8, the city will host a convergence of filmmakers, producers, investors, and policy influencers from across the continent and the diaspora. But this year’s edition comes with an even more ambitious stride: the launch of a film and content market designed to deepen creative trade and attract greater tourism inflow.

According to Ms. Chioma Ude, AFRIFF’s visionary founder, this new market represents a bold attempt to ‘connect storytellers and financiers,’ while positioning Nigeria-and by extension, Africa-as a serious player in the global entertainment economy. ‘Every November, AFRIFF transforms Lagos into a creative hub where producers, actors, and executives meet. This year, we expect the market to generate real deals and new partnerships,’ she said.

To understand AFRIFF’s diplomatic power, one must first appreciate what Lagos becomes during the festival. For a week, Africa’s most populous city dons a different mood. Film screenings dominate venues from Landmark Centre to EbonyLife Place, while panels, exhibitions and after-hours gatherings pulse with cross-cultural dialogue.

The economic footprint is also significant. The Hotel Owners Forum Lagos (HOFLA) reports that advance bookings for this year began rising as early as October, with occupancy projected to exceed 90 per cent around Victoria Island and Lekki. ‘AFRIFF now rivals major December events in the number of international guests it brings in,’ said Mr. Adewale Ayo-Adesanya, HOFLA’s vice chairman. ‘Many visitors extend their stay into December, so it helps Lagos’ tourism economy tremendously.’

Indeed, the festival’s ripple effect goes beyond film and art. The Lagos State Ministry of Tourism, Arts and Culture estimates that combined spending from delegates, sponsors, and audiences could top 5 billion naira, driven by hospitality, logistics, transport, and entertainment. This kind of economic injection affirms AFRIFF’s role not just as a cinematic showcase, but as a critical cultural and commercial engine.

Yet, behind the glitter of premieres and industry mixers lies a deeper story-the story of culture as currency. AFRIFF is increasingly positioning African storytelling as a diplomatic and developmental resource. In a world often dominated by Western narratives, African filmmakers are using this platform to reclaim agency, reshape perception, and engage in global cultural conversations on their own terms.

Since its inception in 2010, AFRIFF has evolved into an incubator for this new kind of diplomacy. It brings together not only artists, but policymakers, investors, and scholars in discussions about how film can drive continental integration, social change, and global understanding. Its screenings celebrate diversity-from Nigerian blockbusters to Kenyan documentaries and Afro-diasporic shorts-and in doing so, AFRIFF articulates a powerful message: Africa is not a monolith, but a mosaic of cultures, histories, and creative voices.

This is what cultural diplomacy looks like in motion. Where traditional diplomacy negotiates treaties and trade, cultural diplomacy builds empathy, recognition, and trust through art and shared humanity. ‘Film festivals like AFRIFF allow Africa to speak with its own voice,’ said a media scholar. ‘They project soft power-the ability to influence perception, not through force, but through creativity and authenticity.’

It is no accident that AFRIFF found a natural home in Lagos. The city has long been the cradle of Nigeria’s cultural industries-music, fashion, visual arts, and especially film. With its mix of energy, ambition, and chaos, Lagos embodies the cinematic spirit that AFRIFF celebrates. According to Ms. Ude, Lagos remains the natural host because of its ‘infrastructure and global reputation for creativity.’ Beyond that, Lagos offers something intangible: a unique urban rhythm that fuels stories. Every street corner hums with narrative potential. Every skyline shift reflects the continent’s restless creativity. It’s this backdrop that allows AFRIFF to flourish as both a local festival and an international statement.

The Lagos State Government recognises this diplomatic and economic potential. Mr. Idris Aregbe, Special Adviser to the Governor on Tourism, Arts and Culture, noted that the festival aligns perfectly with the state’s creative-industry agenda. ‘We support initiatives that position Lagos as a film-friendly destination,’ he said. ‘Beyond the screenings, we want visitors to explore our beaches, galleries, and culinary spots. AFRIFF is a statement of how Lagos welcomes the world through culture.’

While most audiences will focus on the glamour-the premieres, the red carpets, the celebrity sightings-the real story this year might unfold behind closed doors in the film and content market. This new segment represents a structural shift from cultural showcase to commercial and diplomatic leverage. Across the world, such markets-like the Cannes Marché du Film or Toronto’s Industry Conference-serve as meeting points where art meets capital. AFRIFF’s version aims to do the same for Africa: providing a continental marketplace where studios, streamers, and investors can connect with creators. This is vital for an industry that still struggles with financing, distribution, and global reach.

If successful, it could birth new co-productions, licensing deals and technology partnerships that will redefine how African stories travel. It could also cement Nigeria’s leadership in what economists now call the ‘orange economy’-the creative industries that drive innovation and growth. ‘We are building a pipeline where creativity meets investment,’ Ude said. ‘It’s about ownership, opportunity, and global visibility.’

Beyond culture and commerce, AFRIFF is now a powerful tourism magnet. With thousands of international and domestic visitors each year, the festival has become a key driver of Lagos’ cultural tourism strategy. The synergy between film and tourism is deliberate: cinema seduces imagination; tourism fulfills it. Visitors who fall in love with the Lagos they see on screen are often tempted to experience it in person. The state government, through its Ministry of Tourism, has intensified collaboration with security and traffic agencies to ensure smooth movement during the event. For Lagos, such coordination is more than logistics-it’s branding. Each successful festival reinforces the city’s image as a cosmopolitan hub, open to global business and creativity.

Economically, the benefits are clear. Local restaurants, transport services, event vendors, and artisans all report spikes in demand during the festival. But the larger payoff lies in perception. As Ayo-Adesanya of HOFLA observed, ‘AFRIFF helps Lagos tell a different story-one of innovation, sophistication, and hospitality.’ Equally important, AFRIFF has remained a nurturing ground for emerging talent. Through its annual workshops, master-classes, and mentorship programmes, it invests in the future of African filmmaking. This year’s edition includes a master-class on Artificial Intelligence storytelling tools, reflecting the festival’s adaptability to global creative trends.

Over the years, thousands of young filmmakers have benefited from AFRIFF’s training initiatives, many going on to win global recognition. By empowering this new generation, AFRIFF is not only enriching local content creation but also fostering cross-cultural competence-key to cultural diplomacy. ‘When young filmmakers learn to tell their stories authentically, they become ambassadors of culture,’ said Peace Anyiam-Osigwe, the late founder of the African Movie Academy Awards, in one of her last interviews. ‘AFRIFF has given them a platform to be seen and heard.’

The essence of cultural diplomacy lies in influence without imposition. Through film, nations communicate their values, aspirations and worldviews subtly yet powerfully. For Africa, long misrepresented or underrepresented, festivals like AFRIFF offer a chance to rewrite global narratives. In recent years, AFRIFF has screened films that tackle pressing issues-from gender and identity to governance, migration, and resilience. These stories travel across continents, sparking dialogue and empathy. In doing so, they challenge stereotypes and invite audiences into Africa’s contemporary realities. By amplifying these voices, AFRIFF performs the same function as cultural embassies-creating spaces where exchange replaces misunderstanding, and collaboration replaces isolation. It is diplomacy through cinema.

As the closing night approaches each year, anticipation builds for the unveiling of a major Nollywood premiere. This year’s title remains undisclosed, but expectations are high. The finale has become a symbolic moment-Nigeria’s creative industry taking a bow before the world. But beyond the glamour, the takeaway is clear: AFRIFF has matured into a global player. With over 2,000 participants annually and growing influence across the continent, it now rivals established film festivals in scale and ambition. Its ability to blend artistry, commerce, and diplomacy makes it a unique model for Africa’s soft power strategy.

In an era when nations compete not just through economics but through cultural influence, AFRIFF gives Nigeria and Africa a voice that resonates beyond borders. Each film, each conversation, each collaboration at the festival becomes an act of engagement-proof that stories can do what politics often cannot: build bridges of understanding. AFRIFF’s journey mirrors Africa’s own cultural reawakening. What began as a modest festival has become a movement-a fusion of cinema, diplomacy, and development. It is a reminder that stories, when told with authenticity and vision, can move nations and markets alike.

In Lagos, that energy feels palpable. Every November, as the lights dim and a new film flickers to life on the screen, the city doesn’t just watch-it converses with the world. AFRIFF is that conversation: Africa, confident and creative, telling its own story, in its own voice, and inviting the world to listen. For Ms. Ude and her team, this is just the beginning. The content market, the training initiatives, and the international collaborations all point to a future where AFRIFF becomes not only Africa’s leading film festival but its most potent cultural diplomacy platform. Because in the end, cinema is more than art-it’s language, connection and power. And through AFRIFF, Lagos speaks it fluently.

Chairman Consunji leads topping-off ceremony of DMCI Homes’ upscale condo in Makati

DMCI Holdings Chairman Isidro Consunji on October 28 led the symbolic topping-off of Fortis Residences, an upscale condominium development rising along Chino Roces Avenue in Makati City.

Developed by the DMCI Group’s property arm DMCI Homes, Fortis Residences stands as a testament to the company’s enduring pursuit of engineering excellence and design innovation.

This marks the second development under DMCI Homes Exclusive, the company’s premium brand tailored for the upscale segment.

The occasion celebrating the completion of structural works marked both a proud moment and a continuation of DMCI’s legacy for Chairman Consunji as he witnessed the 37-story building rise in the same city where the company first established its reputation for engineering excellence.

DMCI’s history in Makati dates back to the late 1950s, when Chairman Consunji’s late father, Engr. David Consunji, led the construction of the first four buildings in the Makati Business District.

Joining Chairman Consunji at the ceremony were DMCI Homes SVP for Design, Engineering and Construction Adrian Calimbas, VP for Project Development Dennis Yap, Chief Finance Officer Evangeline Hernandez-Atchioco, AVP for Property Advisors Unit and International Sales Bernard Umali, and Sales Division Heads Leigh Guenez-Ignacio and Oscar Ofiana Jr.

With Fortis Residences reaching its full height, DMCI Homes President Alfredo Austria said construction work will now shift to masonry and finishing in preparation for the scheduled start of unit turnover in December 2027.

‘We are proud to see another DMCI Homes development taking shape in the Makati skyline. Fortis Residences reflects DMCI Homes’ consistent approach to quality-rooted in DMCI’s renowned engineering excellence,’ Austria said.

Envisioned as a modern landmark of sophistication and success, Fortis Residences is the second development under the DMCI Homes Exclusive after Oak Harbor Residences in Jackson Ave, Asiaworld City, Parañaque.

Set along Chino Roces Avenue, Fortis Residences stands at the forefront of progress. From global corporate headquarters to premier institutions and embassies, its location is as prestigious as it is strategic.

With direct access to EDSA, SLEX, Skyway, NAIA and major business hubs like BGC, Ayala Center and Aseana City, it empowers today’s leaders to move seamlessly between aspirations and achievements.

Even more, Fortis Residences rises within the Makati Southwest Gateway, a globally envisioned urban district that prioritizes walkability, connectivity and lifestyle elevation.

Integrated into a transit-oriented development and complemented by an office building, One Fortis Plaza, this upscale residence provides an unmatched level of ease and access. Whether for work, wellness, or leisure, everything you need is just a few steps away.

Inside, refined living takes center stage. Each unit-whether a well-planned one-bedroom, a two-bedroom unit with balcony or an expansive three-bedroom suite, is designed with intention.

Optimized layouts, premium finishes, branded fixtures and thoughtful details such as air-conditioning in all units, water heaters, digital locksets and smart building systems redefine what it means to live in comfort and style.

As with all DMCI Homes developments, resort-inspired amenities anchor the lifestyle experience. A generous 3,000sqm of ground-level open space hosts a leisure pool, lounge areas and a children’s play area.

Amenities on the roof deck offer more ways to stay active or unwind such as a basketball court, fitness gym, Sky Promenade and enclosed Sky Lounge.

Crowning it all is the Sky Deck Pool-an elevated retreat with stunning views of the Makati skyline and Manila Bay.

Fortis Residences further underscores DMCI Homes’ commitment to modern, sustainable development through energy-efficient lighting, EV charging stations and water recycling systems.

The property also features professional property management, concierge services, community internet and a user-friendly mobile app to support residents’ daily needs.

Beyond the promise of elevated living, Fortis Residences also presents a sound investment opportunity. Through DMCI Homes Leasing Services, investors are assured of convenient leasing and property care solutions, helping preserve and grow their investment over time.

Underpinned by exceptional quality that DMCI Homes has long been known for, each DMCI Homes Exclusive property is designed to possess an inherent rarity, be it in location, master plan or development features.

Tapales tames, slays Toro in sixth-round KO

Venezuela’s Fernando Toro came to Manila, charging his way to a dream victory against former champion Marlon Tapales in their super bantamweight bout in the Thrilla in Manila II card at the Smart Araneta Coliseum in Quezon City.

But ‘The Nightmare’ struck.

Tapales, who has held world titles at bantamweight and super bantamweight, stopped Toro in the sixth round of their eight-round matchup Wednesday at the Big Dome.

With Toro already wobbled by the volume of punches received from the Filipino slugger, Tapales landed huge body shots and a booming right hook with less than a minute remaining.

The home bet sent the Venezuelan to his knees, and the referee started the 10-count.

But ‘El Indio’ was unable to beat the count as the referee called a stop to the contest at the 2:31 mark of the round.

Tapales thus rose to a 25-4 win-loss record with 22 knockouts, while Toro slipped to 11-3.

The two boxers traded huge shots in the first round, with Tapales even rocked momentarily.

But the pride of General Santos City started to build some momentum, landing clean and crisp punches much to the delight of the crowd.

In the fourth round, Tapales kept on hunting his opponent, landing counters and hooks, but Toro was too slippery to send off to dreamland.

But Toro showed some signs of slowing down, as Tapales continued landing punches. He kept the pressure on, but his opponent’s activity made him hard to catch.

All changed in the sixth round though, as Tapales’ shots became too much to handle.

Who else did ex-ombudsman ‘secretly’ exonerate?

Ex-ombudsman Samuel Martires would do well to answer that question. Filipinos find suspicious his erstwhile unknown pardon of Sen. Joel Villanueva for graft as far back as 2019.

Martires’ claim is queer. He never publicized his exculpation of Villanueva supposedly to ‘protect a person’s dignity.’ Duh! Doesn’t absolution from a crime restore a person’s dignity? So why hide it? Baligtad na ba ang mundo?

Queerer is Villanueva’s silence all these years. His graft buster image was tarnished 17 years ago in 2008 when as Citizen’s Battle Against Corruption party rep he was linked to P10-million sleaze.

In 2013 pork barrel-fixer Janet Lim Napoles named Villanueva among her 100 congressmen-accomplices. In 2016 then-ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales ordered him, then a newly-elected senator, dismissed from public office.

Wouldn’t he have gone to town with his absolution 11 years later in 2019? Yet he was silent.

His clearance came during Martires’ first year in office. In that first year Martires made more difficult the public’s access to officials’ statements of assets, liabilities and net worth. His appointer president Rodrigo Duterte had refused to divulge his SALNs.

Villanueva is now implicated in the P1.7-trillion flood works scandal. Three DPWH officials confessed to handing him hundred million-peso illegal campaign contributions from government contractors in Election 2022.

New Ombudsman Jesus Crispin Remulla had wanted the Senate to belatedly enforce Carpio-Morales’ nine-year long ruling. But Villanueva surprised him Thursday with certifications of ‘no pending cases’ from the ombudsman and Sandiganbayan. Aghast, Remulla asked longtime reporters if they ever heard of Villanueva’s 2019 clearance. The newsmen were as astounded.

Former solicitor general Florin Hilbay, 2014-2016, hit the validity of Martires’ act: ‘If it’s true, as Ombudsman Remulla asserts, that the cases against Joel Villanueva were dismissed by former ombudsman Martires in secret – ‘Di naman na-publish yan, ‘di yan nilabas, nobody knew about it.’ – then Ombudsman Remulla should treat such order as mere internal memo subject to his reconsideration or reversal.

‘The order of former ombudsman Carpio-Morales dismissing Senator Villanueva for the PDAF scam was a public act. Former ombudsman Martires had no authority to reverse that decision in secret, thereby depriving the public or any interested party from questioning his decision before the Supreme Court. Therefore, Ombudsman Remulla can treat the secret memo as having had no effect and can proceed with his intention to request the Senate to enforce the original order of dismissal.’

Another oddity was the Sandiganbayan’s exoneration from graft Friday of Presidential Chief Legal Counsel Juan Ponce Enrile.

The anti-graft court ruled that prosecutors didn’t prove guilt beyond reasonable doubt of P173-million pork barrel kickbacks in 2013. Cleared too were Enrile’s chief of staff Jessica Lucila Reyes and Napoles.

But the court held Napoles civilly liable and ordered her to return the money to the Treasury.

Talagang baligtad na ang mundo.

It’s reminiscent of Sandiganbayan’s 2018 acquittal of ex-senator Bong Revilla. The court cleared him of Napoles’ racket, but ordered him to return P124.5 million.

Why should he when, he maintains, it’s unclear whom the court told to restitute? If he’s innocent, why should he return the money that his chief of staff Richard Cambe deposited in the senator’s account?

The court has not bothered to clarify till today. It convicted Cambe, who has since died in prison.

Nearly all Sandiganbayan cases against 20 senators and 100 congressmen linked to Napoles were dismissed. The reason was similar: prosecutors’ inability to prove guilt.

In nearly all cases about Marcos and cronies’ stolen wealth, Sandiganbayan rulings were also similar: dismissed for prosecutors’ delay.

All these bring to mind the Supreme Court’s own strange ruling on VP Sara Duterte’s impeachment.

It deemed the House of Reps to have faultily impeached her without a plenary decision. It cited an ABS-CBN news report that supposedly stated no plenary last Feb. 5.

Yet the ABS-CBN news item twice mentioned the plenary. Same with a second news bit that the SC also footnoted.

How can 13 justices unanimously decide based on non-existent news? They did so in a special en banc July 25 amid storms and floods.

Catch Sapol radio show, Saturdays, 8 to 10 a.m., dwIZ (882-AM).

Apollo Global president to pursue ‘diversification efforts within the digital sector’

Apollo Global [APL] [link], the PSE’s only undersea mining company, told investors that its President, Bonner Dytoc, had been granted ‘full authority’ by the APL board of directors to ‘proactively identify and advance strategic business opportunities’, with a focus on ‘creating synergies that strengthen the Company’s core operations’ while also ‘spearheading diversification efforts within the digital sector.’ It has now been 1,730 days since APL first told its shareholders and the investing public that its only mining vessel, the MB Siphon I, was in ‘in position’ and ready to begin commercial operations. In the 247 weeks that have passed since that announcement was made, APL has failed to mine a single metric ton of ore. It has, in the 57 months since that announcement, found time to conduct a follow-on offering to buy a stake in the MB Siphon I, changed its President, repaired its tugboat, and renovated its head office.

MB bottom-line: Are we going to get a shitcoin? ALL WE WANT IS FOR APL TO MINE IRON ORE FROM THE SEA BED, LIKE IT SAID IT WOULD DO 4.74 YEARS AGO. Is there even a boat? What are these clowns doing? If I was a younger man, I would buy a million shares of APL (don’t worry, that would only cost P9,000 because this stock sucks), and go to its newly-renovated office at Antel Global Corporate Center in Pasig (near Megamall) every day demanding to see meeting minutes, the stock transfer book, board resolutions, and whatever correspondence I could get my hands on. Not to harass the company (as that would not be a legitimate purpose for requesting those records), but to protect shareholder value (which is a legitimate purpose). I’d take pictures of everything I see (without being a creep or weirdo), and I’d try to get a sense for how many employees actually report to work each day, and of those that do report to work, what time they arrive, what time they leave, and how long they take lunch. If all we get after all this time is some half-baked woowoo Xurpas-like digital bullshit, I’d want all of that data to support the lawsuit that I would absolutely file on behalf of myself and any other aggrieved APL shareholders that are tired of being gaslit. Fortunately (for my family), I’m an older man, and I have more important things to do with my time (like trying to find the best Vietnamese Coffee in town). Current leader is Wildflour. Cheer me up by DMing me with any alternative suggestions in the Makati area!

Erolon hits game-winning trey as Falcons nip Tigers in overtime

University of Santo Tomas needed just 30 more seconds to grab what could be a slump-ending victory over the Adamson Soaring Falcons.

Unlucky for the Growling, the Falcons grit was too great to overcome.

Adamson climbed out of an eight-point hole with 30 seconds left in regulation to force overtime, where Matty Erolon’s game-winning 3-pointer towed the Falcons over UST, 97-96, in their UAAP Season 88 game Wednesday at the Mall of Asia Arena in Pasay City.

Ray Allen Torres powered Adamson with 20 points, two rebounds and an assist off the bench, while Monty Montebon and Ced Manzano had 19 markers apiece for the San Marcelino-based squad.

With the Falcons keeping itself alive with less than a minute remaining after a Torres deuce, Gelo Crisostomo sank a triple that would have been the dagger with 30 seconds to go.

Montebon and Torres, though, capitalized on missed free throws by UST, as they hit big shots to close the gap.

A late 3-pointer by Montebon tied things up and sent the game to overtime.

In the extra period, both teams traded buckets, before free throws by Collins Akowe, including a split from the line, provided the Tigers a 96-94 advantage.

Akowe’s second miss from the stripe was picked up by Mark Llemit, giving UST a chance to melt the clock.

After Crisostomo tried to beat the clock with a triple, Adamson had an opportunity to tie or go for the win.

And with UST’s defense not settled, the Falcons went to Erolon, who hoisted up a 3-pointer. He sank it, plus the foul, giving Adamson a 97-96 lead with about two seconds to go.

Erolon, then, intentionally missed the extra free throw, and Padrigao three the ball for a last-second heave, but it missed everything, icing Adamson’s improbable win.

Erolon had nine markers for Adamson. His game-winning 3-pointer was his first make from beyond the arc as he shot a 1-of-3 clip from that area.

Akowe powered UST with a double-double of 19 points and 14 rebounds to go with two assists and two blocks. Llemit chipped in 18 markers and 10 boards, while Kyle Paranada and Padrigao had 14 points each.

The Tigers shot a combined 17-of-27 from the free throw line.

Adamson won its fourth straight game, while UST dropped its third straight match. The two teams are now holding similar 5-4 win-loss records.

Detection tool vs grafters

The existing restrictions on the release to the public of the individual statement of assets, liabilities and net worth (SALN) of President Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr. (PBBM) and any of his Cabinet officials will not be lifted any time soon. As far as Malacañang is concerned. Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin maintains these restrictions are necessary safeguards to ‘control’ access to SALNs as these might fall into the wrong hands with malicious motives.

Under existing laws of the land, all government officials and employees must submit completed forms of SALN before April 30 each year. The SALN submission is specifically required under Republic Act (RA) 6713, or the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees in the Philippines. It was signed into law on Feb. 20, 1989 by the late president Corazon Aquino.

To wit, Section 8 of RA 6713: ‘Statements and Disclosure. – Public officials and employees have an obligation to accomplish and submit declarations under oath of, and the public has the right to know, their assets, liabilities, net worth and financial and business interests including those of their spouses and of unmarried children under eighteen (18) years of age living in their households.’

Then, how come these officials refuse to respect the right of the people to check SALNs over fears it can be ‘weaponized’ supposedly against the declarants? The letter and intent of this law is precisely to detect the corrupt and grafters before they could further enrich themselves in public office. Thus, the SALN is a tool intended as an alert system against suspicious increase in wealth of our state-paid individuals.

That is, if the declarations in the SALNs are truthful.

For the President, the Vice President and all other impeachable officials, their respective SALNs are submitted annually to the Office of the Ombudsman. Justices and judges all over the country must submit theirs to the Clerk of Court of the Supreme Court (SC). The officials of constitutional bodies must submit their SALNs to the ombudsman as well. For Cabinet officials, their SALNs are filed with the Office of the Executive Secretary (OES). All other national executive officials must submit SALNs to the Office of the President.

For the senators and Congress members, they must submit their SALNs to the Senate secretariat and the House secretary-general, respectively. As of last Monday, Senate president Vicente ‘Tito’ Sotto III led the first five senators who voluntarily gave one after the other copies of their respective SALNs to media. Thirteen other senators authorized the Senate secretary to release theirs to media yesterday. On the other hand, the House minority bloc so far were the early birds to provide their SALNs for public scrutiny.

All other public officials and employees, as defined in RA 3019 or the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act, must submit their SALNs to the Civil Service Commission (CSC). Last Monday, the CSC revised the guidelines on SALN submission.

Among the key features of the updated guidelines is the ‘digitalized filing and submission of the SALN,’ which includes the procedure for online oath-taking, online filing and digital submission to the repository agencies starting next year.

‘These updates consolidate and streamline existing CSC policies on SALN filing, review and access – ensuring a clearer, more straightforward and more efficient process that promotes greater clarity and uniformity in implementation across government agencies,’ the CSC cited.

Since RA 6713 was first implemented during Mrs. Aquino’s administration all the way to the first term of then president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, we were even able to get hard copies of the SALNs. For no apparent reason, Malacañang has since then controlled the release of SALNs in tabulated form that contained only the reported total assets, total liabilities and net worth.

In so many words, Bersamin expressed strongest reservations against relaxing the rules of public access to this document. He reiterated existing rules that the release of individual SALN of any government official and employee must be done through formal request letters. Among other matters, the letter sender must state why and for what legal purpose the copy of the SALN will be used.

Bersamin shrugged off news that several senators and other Congress members have already voluntarily released copies of their individual SALNs, albeit all redacted. He justified the ‘privacy’ rights of SALN declarants must be balanced with the public’s right to know. He warned not all those demanding easy access to SALNs have noble intentions in their supposed wish for greater transparency in governance.

A retired Chief Justice, Bersamin echoed sentiments of his erstwhile colleagues in the Supreme Court (SC) on the SALN being ‘weaponized’ in politics and not as a tool for good governance. He particularly recalled how the SALN of the late Chief Justice Renato Corona was used in the impeachment trial and led to the ouster of his predecessor at the SC.

The Executive Secretary, let’s call him ES for brevity’s sake, is the so-called ‘little president,’ or the primus inter pares, or first among equals among Cabinet officials who are all alter egos of the President. As the highest ranking alter ego of the President, the ES usually heads the Cabinet caretaker committee whenever PBBM goes abroad.

‘We do not have a denial of access. But we must control the access… The purpose must be legitimate because we do not like the SALN to be a weapon,’ Bersamin told reporters before PBBM left for Malaysia last Saturday.

Bersamin should realize by now that matters reaching his desk should not be all about what is legal and what is constitutional. The ES must also take in the popular sentiments and the public pulse in decision-making because the President is the highest elected official of the land.

For the past three years, Bersamin has gone through all these annual SALNs of fellow Cabinet officials. The SALN is the best detection tool against those enriching themselves illegally in their offices in government.

Prevention against corruption is better than investigation of ill-gotten wealth.

EDITORIAL – Flight means guilt

It’s not a legal or scientific way of establishing criminal culpability, but it has always been the case in the court of public opinion: flight is equated with guilt.

Every day that resigned Ako Bicol party-list congressman Elizaldy Co stays out of the country and out of sight reinforces the perception of guilt in the eyes of the public. The perception taints not only him, but also his party-list organization as well as his family members, particularly his brother and former Ako Bicol representative Christopher Co.

The brothers founded Sunwest Construction and Development Corp., now the diversified Sunwest group of companies, which is among the firms embroiled in the trillion-peso corruption scandal over substandard and non-existent or ghost projects of the Department of Public Works and Highways.

Zaldy Co, who chaired the powerful committee on appropriations of the House of Representatives during the 19th Congress, never attended a single session of the current 20th, from which he resigned on Sept. 29.

Apart from getting his side on accusations of conflict of interest and massive kickbacks, probers – and the public – also want Co to provide details on the budget proceedings that produced the 2025 General Appropriations Act. This GAA, which faces legal challenges before the Supreme Court, has been described by critics as the most corrupt budget ever.

To this day, no member of the 19th Congress has owned up to budget insertions – especially for flood control projects – that produced that most corrupt GAA.

No one is talking and there are no records of what happened between the submission of the 2025 National Expenditure Program by the executive and the top-secret bicameral conference, during which the participants mangled the NEP beyond recognition to fit personal agendas.

The Independent Commission for Infrastructure has summoned Zaldy Co twice – the second time yesterday – to shed light on the serious accusations hurled against him.

His continuing absence intensifies the heat on the person who outranks the head of the appropriations committee, the speaker of the House.

The flood control scandal has already cost Leyte Rep. Martin Romualdez the post of House speaker. Both he and Co maintain their innocence, and have expressed confidence that they will be vindicated. The best way to do this is for Zaldy Co to emerge from hiding and face the accusations against him.