A survivor’s guide to political climbing

As the grand political circus unfolds once more, the nomination lists are finalised, and we, the captivated audience, are treated to the glorious spectacle of alliance-making in its most raw and unvarnished form. We watch as new partnerships are hastily forged, primarily because the alliances of five years ago proved to be as stable as a house of cards in a tornado, collapsing under the sheer weight of their own emptiness and conflicting ambitions.

Meanwhile, a brave, or perhaps foolish, breed of ‘lone wolf’ independent dares to trust in their own merit and the fickle judgment of the electorate. How adorably inefficient and romantically naive.

But let us be practical. In the ruthless ecosystem of power, why strain to be a lone wolf when you can evolve into a far more successful life form, the creeper? Why exhaust yourself striving to become a mighty oak when you can simply cling to one, ascending to the sunlight on the back of a stronger, more established host?

For the aspiring climber who understands that principle is a luxury and power is the only point, here is your essential guide to symbiotic survival.

Know your place

Let us be clear about the relationship you have voluntarily entered. We can call it ‘symbiotic’ for the press releases, though the term ‘parasitic’ has a more honest, biological ring to it. The unshakeable law of this arrangement is that the mighty oak allows you to exist. It controls the sunlight, the nutrients, and the very structure you climb. It can redirect resources, overshadow you, or give a mighty shake to dislodge you like a dog ridding its coat of a prickly flea. Your first duty is to be beneficial, or at the very least, unnoticeably harmless. Never give the oak a reason to wonder why it needs a creeper.

The art of taking

By all means, take. This is the entire point of the exercise. Take the resources, take the credit for the oak’s successes, take a larger, sun-drenched office. But this must be done with the delicacy of a gourmet thief, not the brutish force of a bank robber. Your consumption should be gradual. If you grow too fast, flower too brightly, or demand too much, you will transform from a charming accessory into a threatening liability. The shake that follows will be swift and terminal. The goal is to be a discreet, barely noticeable drain, not a glaring vine that strangles the very hand that feeds it.

Payment is required

What could you, a lowly creeper, offer in return for this patronage? Simple: your dignity. Your currency is unabashed, unwavering homage.

Physical obeisance: Never miss a public display of subservience. A genuflect, deep bow, or kneeling at a rally is worth more than a thousand well-argued policy papers.

Material tribute: Thoughtful gifts are essential. Nothing says I am invested in your well-being like a hefty percentage of your earnings.

Intellectual surrender: Master playing dumb at strategic moments, looking the other way when inconvenient truths emerge, and championing the party line, even if it contradicts your personal beliefs. Your beliefs are a skeleton best kept in a locked closet.

This is not corruption; it is pragmatic career-building. A Machiavellian masterpiece where the end justifies the means, and the ‘end’ is your continued presence on the payroll, in the headlines, and near the seat of power.

The inevitable betrayal

Sooner or later, a younger, shinier creeper will appear. They have fresher knees for kneeling, a more compelling story, and they are the future; you are the past. When this happens, you will be shaken off. The oak will declare it needs ‘new energy’ or a ‘different strategic direction.’

At this juncture, you could step aside with grace, but where is the drama in that? The modern, professional way is to scream and howl, giving tearful press conferences about betrayal, as if you were not a willing participant in the rulebook you helped to write.

Remember, every path is hard. Principle is hard; it involves long, thankless fights. The path of the creeper is also hard; it involves explaining to your family and conscience why you are on live television kissing a ring you privately despise.

So, choose your hard. Just be aware of the final price tag.

Paying homage to presidential photographer Joseph Ouma

The recent death of Joseph Ouma Wedundwe has cast a solemn shadow over Uganda’s photography and media fraternity, marking the end of an era for a man who was not just a photographer, but a foundational pillar of the craft. More than an inspiration, Ouma was a dedicated mentor whose career charted a path for countless others. His departure leaves a profound void in the visual storytelling of a nation. He passed away at Masaful Hospital in Busia Municipality and was laid to rest in his home village of Gulammubiri, Masinya Parish.

The man behind the camera

Ouma was born on December 17, 1940, to Daniel Wedundwe and Martha Hahubi in Gulabumiri Village, Busia District. The first-born in a family of five, his legacy extends through a large and loving family, including his wives Enid Nerima and Catherine Mudondo, nine children, 60 grandchildren, and nine great-grandchildren.

His own story began at Dabani Primary School and continued at Budini Secondary School in Kaliro, where his academic excellence, marked by a Grade One certificate, foreshadowed a life of achievement. After school, he stayed with an uncle working with Uganda Prisons, where he cultivated a talent for boxing.

His prowess in the ring was so remarkable that it earned him a position as a warden. A brief foray into motor sport in 1975 was cut short only by mechanical failure, hinting at the relentless drive that would define his life.

The birth of a passion

While serving as a warden at Luzira Prisons starting in 1971, Ouma discovered his true calling in the prison’s small media section, tasked with archiving photos of official functions. His natural aptitude and passion for photography soon overshadowed his other pursuits. This talent earned him a scholarship for professional training at the Germany Bonn Press House from 1971 to 1972, where he honed his skills with advanced equipment and techniques.

The Presidential years

Upon his return, his expertise placed him at the heart of Ugandan history. He was appointed Chief Photographer for President Idi Amin Dada, operating under the Ministry of Information and the President’s office. This role granted him unique access to the highest echelons of power and diplomacy, capturing moments of State through his lens.

Ouma’s trusted eye and steady hand saw him document the tenures of multiple heads of state, becoming a constant in a period of great change. He served Presidents Yusuf Lule (1979), Godfrey Binaisa (1980), Paul Muwanga during the Military Commission, and Apollo Milton Obote from 1980 to 1985. He continued his service under President Tito Okello Lutwa and the President Museveni, before retiring as a principal photographer in 2000.

His son, Wilfred Sanya, a photojournalist himself, reminisces: “My father often said photographic images speak over 1,000 words and photography is the best communication medium which all people can understand with ease.’

Ouma’s official duties also facilitated extensive international travel, building a global network of friends across England, Italy, Germany, the United States, and many African nations.

A legacy of imparting knowledge

Beyond government service, Ouma was a passionate educator and entrepreneur. He ran a private photography business and later lectured at the Uganda Management Institute (UMI) and the International Business Institute, pioneering photography departments and demystifying the craft for a new generation.

His belief that ‘a picture speaks a thousand words’ drew countless students. Steven Candia recalls how Ouma inspired trainees by making photography accessible. His impact is echoed by professionals such as Naome Nalukenge, a private photographer in Kampala, who credits Ouma’s foundational training for the success of her business, stating his impartation ‘manifests in her daily work routines.’

Honours and lasting impact

Ouma’s work transcended political documentation. In 2000, his powerful visual storytelling was recognised with the Mother Jones International Fund award in America for his essay, ‘The Control of HIV/Aids in Uganda.’ This project used photography as a tool for social change, aiming to stimulate research and behavioural change during a critical health crisis.

He was an affiliate member of prestigious photographic associations worldwide, including the World Fine Art Photography in the USA, the Master Photographers Association in Britain, and the Germany Photographers Association. Ever the student, at the time of his death, he was preparing to pursue an Online master’s degree in photography, offered by the German government.

A family man

To his family, Ouma was more than a public figure. His daughter, Pastor Rose Musinguzi, remembered him as a disciplinarian and a devoted father whose greatest happiness was his late-life conversion to born-again Christianity. She affirmed the family’s commitment to continuing his legacy of impacting lives.

Dr Wabwire Mangeni, a son-in-law, eulogised him as ‘the icon of photography in Uganda,’ noting that in the 1970s, one could not speak of the craft without mentioning his name.

Harrison Wafula a friend, recalled a man who was deeply sociable, humorous, and transformative in the lives of his students. Ouma’s photographs are his eternal testimony, and the photographers he mentored are his living legacy. Ouma died on October 6 and was buried on October 11.

Evicted Kween locals demand return to disputed park land

Locals evicted from land that the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) says is part of Pian Upe Wildlife Reserve have called upon the government to urgently resettle them. The locals who are members of the Bagisu, Sabiny, and Iteso tribes were evicted in 2014 by UWA from the land located in Kukumai Village, Kween District.

The eviction affected 661 families with more than 7000 members. Many of the displaced families camped about 500 metres from where they were expelled, living in squalor in Nyiliti Parish, Sundeti Sub-county.

Mr Alex Lukhanda Natembeya, one of the evictees, said they have lived ‘like refugees on our own land’ for the past 11 years, accusing UWA of land grabbing.

‘We were attacked at night by UWA officials. They destroyed our crops, beat us, and demolished all the community amenities we relied on. Marriages have been broken, and many elderly people have since died due to the harsh living conditions,’ he says. He appealed to the government for intervention, saying the community has continuously supported President Museveni and the NRM but received no help in return.

Mr Juma Mulongo, 63, said his family has lived on the disputed land for generations, even before Uganda’s independence. ‘My father lived in Kukumai during colonial times, and his grave remains there, in the same area UWA now claims as part of the park,’ he added. He said despite obtaining court orders recognising them as lawful occupants, UWA has continued to deny them access to the land.’We have obtained court orders that allow us to occupy the land, but they have denied us the right. We have orders from the inspector general of police recognising us as lawful occupants, but the UWA officials have denied us access to the land,’ he said.

Mr Nelson Manyali, the chairman of the people displaced from Kukumai, said they have not received any official government response to the matter or any form of government aid ever since they were evicted in 2014. Mr Manyali added that all the infrastructure, including schools, hospital, and homes were broken down by UWA, making the place uninhabitable. He said those who attempt to return to the disputed land are beaten by UWA personnel and chased away. Mr Bernard Kiberenge, 85, said he was born on the disputed land and spent most of his life there before the eviction.

‘I watched missionaries build a Catholic school there in 1953, followed by a government school and health centre. UWA demolished everything,’ he said. Local leaders said several people have died in the internally displaced people’s camps because of the poor living condition and lack of medical services. Mr Moses Kashari, the LC1 chairperson of Soseti Village, said: ‘I received elderly men and women, rightful occupants of the land who had buried their ancestors there. It’s disappointing this happened under the government we support.’

He added that the host village is overwhelmed due to lack of facilities, forcing some displaced people to seek refuge in Kenya or work as casual labourers in Sebei and Bugisu. Mr Richard Chemutaraba, the Jeema party coordinator in Kween District, accused government officials of hiding behind UWA to grab land.

‘They use the President’s name to steal people’s land. UWA is just a cover-up. The empty village has now become a haven for criminal activities, including cattle raiding,’ he alleged. The Kween Deputy Resident District Commissioner, Mr Twoyem Kenneth Chemonges described the Kukumai dispute as a serious security issue that has escalated conflicts among communities.

‘This issue involves not only UWA but also the restoration of original boundaries between Karamoja, particularly Nakapiripirit and Amudat, and Sebei in Kween District. It has caused clashes among the Pokot, Karimojong, and Kween communities,’ he said. He explained that human activities have altered the course of River Kiriki, leading to confusion over the official boundary. ‘UWA keeps producing new maps claiming Pian Upe extends into Kween. We’ve asked the Ministry of Lands to conduct fresh demarcations to restore the original boundaries,’ he added.

Petitioning Museveni

The displaced residents, through their lawyer Mr Joseph Ndawula of Kayanja and Company Advocates, have petitioned President Museveni to intervene and compel UWA to compensate them for losses and suffering. ‘Despite several interventions from district authorities and other leaders, UWA staff have continued to destabilise the residents. We are demanding Shs20b in compensation,’ Mr Ndawula said. However, a senior UWA official attached to the Elgon Conservation Area, who requested anonymity, insisted that the disputed land belongs to UWA.

‘Those are former encroachers. Pian Upe was gazetted in the 1960s. People living there were advised to leave. Being buried on encroached land does not make it theirs,’ the official said, dismissing allegations of torture as ‘baseless and unfounded.’ Mr Frederick Wanyama, the chief warden of Pian Upe, said he was unaware of the complaints. ‘I took office in August, and no such issue was raised during the handover,’ he said. The UWA Communications Manager, Mr Bashir Hangi, said the Authority had the mandate to protect gazetted wildlife areas. ‘Once the government gazettes a place as protected, we manage it according to the gazettement instrument. We always operate peacefully, but resistance from locals sometimes leads to skirmishes,’ he said.

Africa’s voice on climate justice, finance and media

In September, Addis Ababa, the capital City of Ethiopia received journalists, leaders, diplomats, and community groups from across Africa. These individuals came together for the second Africa Climate Summit (ACS2). Under the theme Accelerating Global Climate Solutions: Financing for Africa’s resilient and Green Development, Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, the chairperson of the African Union Commission said the summit should promote the initiatives from the previous summit.

‘Addressing Africa’s climate finance gap is essential, as it impedes our development efforts amid pressing challenges,’ Mahamoud said in his welcome message.

Putting media at the catalyst of carrying Africa’s manifesto, a high-level forum was held ahead of the summit on ‘Climate Security, Just Transition and the Role of Media in Advancing Climate Justice.” This was organised by the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) in partnership with the African Union Commission, International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), GIZ and Oxfam.

The power of journalists

At the opening of the forum, Pascal Delisle, deputy head of the European Union delegation to the African Union, told journalists that they are important in shaping Africa’s destiny, especially on matters of the climate. ‘You help inform people across Africa and contribute to build peaceful, democratic and prosperous societies,’ he said. This message, that Africa needs strong media to tell its climate story fairly and truthfully and fearlessly, was echoed by Omar Faruk Osman Nur, president of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ). ‘This will be achieved when stories are told accurately, courageously, and inclusively, when media helps citizens see their struggles and their resilience reflected in the broader continental narrative,’ Osman said.

Fighting lies with truth

Participants said the media should not only report facts but also fight false stories and help African voices be heard. ‘Facts are more important than ever because lies are spreading fast. Facts are part of the foundation of journalism, especially in a context of growing disinformation,’ Delisle cautioned. For too long, African climate stories have been reduced to images of famine, floods, and displacement. While those are real, they represent only one side of the story. Across the continent, communities are innovating.

From solar micro-grids and clean cooking initiatives in Uganda to drought-resistant farming systems like solar irrigation in Kenya. Yet these stories rarely make headlines. This gap is not accidental. Many African media outlets lack regional reach, leaving space for external narratives to dominate. ‘The EU-AU Media Fellowship, is one initiative aimed at closing this gap. This is done by equipping African journalists to tell Africa’s climate story from the ground up, ensuring that narratives are shaped by those who live them,’ Delisle noted.

Climate and peace are connected

Africa’s climate problems are linked to peace and safety. Droughts and floods make life harder, especially in places already facing war or conflict. Speaking in a multi-stakeholder dialogue a the pre-summit forum on aligning media policy messages for ACS and shaping Africa’s common position for COP30, Elise Nalbandian, the head of Oxfam AU liaison office pointed out a scenario when food is air dropped in Sudan due to climate and security effects.

Solving climate problems, Delisle said, is key to peace in Africa. A case in point, in 2024, more than 62 million people in East Africa did not have enough food. Climate disasters and conflict made things worse. About 25 million people had to leave their homes because of war or weather. Bankole Adeoye, AU commissioner for political affairs, peace and security added to this by noting that climate change affects peace, wealth, and the planet. Africa, he said, needs smart partnerships to find solutions.

Climate finance is about fairness

If the Addis summit underscored the power of media, it also exposed the deep injustice at the heart of Africa’s climate struggle, financing. ‘Climate finance is not an act of charity; it is a matter of justice,’ is one song that sang on the lips of majority at the pre-summit and the summit itself. Despite contributing just 0.09 percent of historic global carbon emissions, IGAD countries face some of the harshest climate impacts according to Oxfam led climate finance shadow report for intergovernmental authority on development regional ecomomic community.

Yet international climate finance flows remain far from sufficient. Between 2013 and 2022, the region received $23.3 billion (about Shs80 trillion) in reported climate-related development finance. But when adjusted for debt servicing and fees, the ‘real value’ drops to $17.4 billion (about Shs60 trillion). Comparing this to the $41.8 billion (about Shs145 trillion) needed every year to meet Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) leaves it at a 96 percent gap. On a per capita basis, the inequity is even starker. An average citizen in the IGAD region (Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, and Uganda) receives about $8 (about Shs27,780) in climate finance annually. Yet the actual need is closer to $137 (about Shs475,528) per person.

Loans, debt, and a broken system

Not only is the funding inadequate, but much of it comes in the form of loans. Across IGAD, 41 percent of climate finance between 2013 and 2022 was delivered as concessional loans, with an additional five percent as non-concessional loans. For countries already buckling under debt, this is devastating. ‘Loans are an unsuitable and unjustifiable mechanism for climate finance. They push countries and communities into further debt distress and severely undermine the ability of countries to invest in adaptation, loss and damage, and development objectives,’ the IGAD report warns. Africa contributes very little to global pollution, only 0.09 percent, but suffers the most.

Yet, it gets very little money to deal with climate change. Between 2013 and 2022, East Africa got $23 billion (about Shs80 trillion) in climate finance. But after paying debts and fees, only $17 billion (about Shs60 trillion) was useful. The region actually needs $42 billion (about Shs147 trillion) every year. That’s a 96 percent gap. Each person in the region gets about $8 (about Shs27,780) per year. But they need $137 (about Shs475,528).

Local solutions matter

When international finance is falling short, what about local innovation? The IGAD report highlights promising models such as Kenya’s Financing Locally-led Climate Action (FLLoCA) and Uganda’s Local Climate Adaptive Living Facility. These initiatives channel resources directly to local communities, empowering them to design and implement adaptation projects. Such approaches not only ensure that funds reach the most vulnerable but also enhance accountability and resilience. However, currently, only 11percent of climate finance in IGAD is delivered through local actors, while 70 percent goes through national governments. For communities facing repeated cycles of drought and flooding, the difference between survival and collapse often depends on whether funds can reach them in time.

Partnerships and the power of unity

While the gaps are glaring, there are signs of progress. The EU’s Global Gateway Africa-Europe Investment Package has launched 138 flagship projects across Africa, including the RISED Ethiopia renewable energy project. The Africa-Europe Green Energy Initiative aims to provide 50 GW of new renewable energy capacity and electricity access to 100 million people by 2030. ‘Together, the EU and AU carry the voices, hopes and dreams of more than 1.9 billion people and represent more than 40 percent of the UN’s membership. Together, we can be a powerful force for change,’ Delisle said. This partnership, he stressed, is not about a ‘homogeneous global North’ dictating terms to a ‘homogeneous global South,’ but about mutual respect and collaboration.

Media shaping Africa’s narrative

Anthony Bellanger, general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), added that the media must stand at the heart of this collaboration. ‘Africa has journalists with courage and commitment. What they need is support to continue telling the stories that matter, the stories of resilience, solutions, and justice,’ Mr Bellanger said. Bridging narratives with action, the summit reminded participants of a truth that climate justice will not come from numbers alone. It will come from stories that reveal the human cost of financing gaps, the courage of local communities, and the urgency of global solidarity.

‘Too often still, African stories are about crises and conflicts and not about opportunities and successes. This challenge is enhanced by the growing threat of disinformation in Africa, making your work even more the necessary cornerstone of protecting democracy, safeguarding freedoms and keeping societies informed and very empowered,’ Delisle observed. Bankole Adeoye called this a moment for ‘smart partnerships’ alliances that not only expose the challenges but also amplify solutions. Africa, he said, cannot afford to have its climate story told by others.

Mandate.

‘Together, the EU and AU carry the voices, hopes and dreams of more than 1.9 billion people and represent more than 40 percent of the UN’s membership,” Pascal Delisle, Deputy Head of the EU delegation to the African Union.

The foundation the Musevenis have built

A wave of Opposition voices on social media recently pounced on a comment made by First Lady Janet Kataaha Museveni during a rally in West Nile, where she spoke of ‘building a strong foundation for this country.’ Many critics mocked her, accusing her of being out of touch with Uganda’s current realities – and questioned how such a statement could be made after four decades in power. Ironically, many of these critics are standing on the very foundation she referred to.

Uganda’s transformation over the past 40 years is a story of resilience, vision, and determined leadership.

From a nation crippled by despair and instability, marred by identity politics and sectarianism, Uganda has evolved into a country with a unified army, a more cohesive society, and a functioning democracy. Economically, it has shifted from a pre-capitalist, pre-socialist, traditional setup to one striving for a qualitative leap into middle-income status. Those questioning why the Musevenis would take pride in a 40-year foundation likely have never built anything from scratch. They lack the perspective to appreciate the distance Uganda has travelled; often swayed by political rhetoric and blind to the country’s progress.

Post-independence politics led to economic ruin, culminating in the 1972 expulsion of Gujaratis – Uganda’s entrepreneurial backbone. What followed was hyperinflation, political chaos, and rationing of basic goods. During a campaign in northern Uganda, President Museveni met Moses Apiliga, the former minister for supplies, whose job was to oversee the distribution of scarce commodities. If Masaka lacked soap, his ministry had to find it and deliver it. State House staffer Mukoda recalls writing to the ministry ahead of his wedding to request a specific number of sodas, and receiving a rationed allocation in return. Ugandans had to negotiate for essentials, regardless of demand.

That is the backdrop to the foundation the Musevenis speak of. Today, not only are essential commodities stable in price, they are also abundant. Uganda now produces surplus sugar, surplus food, surplus everything, to the point where managing excess has become a new challenge. We have moved beyond the enclave economy. Today, nearly every product is a cash crop: cassava, maize, bananas, fish, beef, fruits, sugar, and leather, you name it. We’ve entered the knowledge economy, manufacturing electric vehicles (KIRA EV) and developing vaccines in the pathogenic economy. The contrast is undeniable.

That said, the Musevenis are not without fault. While the economy has diversified, the continued export of raw materials remains a critical gap, draining jobs and value. But this isn’t a problem they created; Uganda has exported raw cotton for many years. In 1986, the economy stood at just $4 billion. Today, it has grown to $55 billion and is on track to reach $550 billion, thanks to industrialisation, value addition, and import substitution. Uganda now boasts more than 50,000 industries, including one that manufactures the jeans beloved by youth. The Parish Development Model aims to lift households into the money economy.

In education, the First Lady’s ministry has made stride. The next step is ensuring free education at all levels; the foundation is already in place.

Peace and security, often overlooked, are central to this foundation. The First Lady understands this deeply, having lived as a refugee in multiple countries. Uganda has enjoyed its longest period of stability. Today, we export peace and host refugees. So, despite the noise from naysayers, imperialist sympathisers, misinformed social media critics, entitled Gen Zs, dishonest politicians, and obscurantist careerists, Uganda’s foundation remains rock solid. As the Bible says:

‘The wise man built his house on the rock. The rain fell, the torrents raged, and the winds blew and beat against that house, yet it did not fall, because its foundation was on the rock.’ That is the foundation the Musevenis have built. And nothing should take us back. It is our duty to protect these gains and take that next leap into a higher middle-income economy.

Fifa U-17 W. Cup: What Uganda face in Group K

Wednesday, November 5, 8.45pm Ugandan time – mark the date.

That is when Uganda’s U-17 national team, the Cubs, will go down in the country’s history as the first football team ever to play at a Fifa World Cup – at any level.

The Cubs will open their campaign in Qatar against Canada on November 5, follow that with Chile three days later, before wrapping their group stage action in a confrontation with France – champions in 2001.

With the fixtures set, the stage is ready – but what exactly is Uganda up against?

Let’s take a closer look at each Group K team, the coaches leading them, and the key players who could make a difference in Qatar.

France

How they qualified: Uefa Under-17 European Championship runners-up

Previous participations: 8

Best U-17 World Cup result: Winners (2001)

Coach: Lionel Rouxel

Player to watch: Abdoulaye Camara

Camara captained France to the U-17 Euro runners-up spot in June. ‘He’s an influential player in a team, both on and off the pitch,” coach Lionel Rouxel told Fifa.com.

“For a 17-year-old, his athleticism is really impressive. Plus, he’s always in a good mood.”

A Montpellier academy product, who is now with Udinese in Italy, Camara idolises France World Cup winner Paul Pogba.

Chile

How they qualified: South American U-17 Championship fourth place

Previous participations: 5

Best U-17 World Cup result: Third (1993)

Coach: Sebastian Miranda

Player to watch: Zidane Yanez

Named after French legend Zinedine Zidane, Yanez made his mark by scoring in Chile’s 3-2 victory over Argentina at the South American U-17 Championship.

Based in the United States with New York City, the young attacker has already begun to attract attention for his pace and finishing.

Canada

How they qualified: Concacaf U-17 World Cup qualifying group winners

Previous participations: 8

Best U-17 World Cup result: Group stage

Coach: Mike Vitulano

Player to watch: Shola Jimoh

A fast and tricky left-footed winger, Jimoh offers Canada dynamism, unpredictability and end product.

His potential was recognised last November with a call-up to a senior national team training camp under Jesse Marsch.

Born to Nigerian parents, Jimoh’s football hero is Super Eagles playmaker Jay-Jay Okocha.

Uganda

How they qualified: Won Caf U-17 World Cup play-off

Previous participations: 0

Best U-17 World Cup result: N/A

Coach: Brian Ssenyondo

Player to watch: James Bogere

Bogere etched his name in Ugandan football history with a brace in the nation’s 2-1 victory over The Gambia in the Caf U-17 World Cup play-off.

The goals showcased his clinical finishing – a volley followed by a curling strike – and signalled that Uganda’s strike force could make waves in Group K.

2025 Fifa U-17 World Cup

Host: Qatar

Dates: November 3-27, 2025

Teams: 48

Groups: 12 (four teams each)

Advancement: Top two + 8 best third-placed sides reach Round of 32

Venues: Aspire Zone Competition Complex (group and knockout stages), Khalifa International Stadium (final)

Format: Straight to penalties if knockout matches end level after 90 minutes

Uganda’s Group: Group K – with France, Chile and Canada

Uganda’s fixtures

vs Canada – November 5

vs Chile – November 8

vs France – November 11

Previous champions

1985: Nigeria

1987: Soviet Union

1989: Saudi Arabia

1991: Ghana

1993: Nigeria

1995: Ghana

1997: Brazil

1999: Brazil

2001: France

2003: Brazil

2005: Mexico

2007: Nigeria

2009: Switzerland

2011: Mexico

2013: Nigeria

2015: Nigeria

2017: England

2019: Brazil

2023: Germany

Clubs face big mountain as betPawa exits futsal

The thrill of the futsal league just got a little tougher off the court.

After two transformative seasons of financial oxygen from betting company betPawa, the 2024/25 Futsal Super League clubs will now have to fend for themselves, a development that has set off alarm bells but also ignited calls for stronger internal sustainability.

In September 2023, betPawa entered Ugandan football with a Shs1.18 billion ($320,000) deal that covered the Fufa Drum, Big League and the Futsal Super League. Though support for the Drum and Big League was discontinued, the gaming firm extended its partnership with the Futsal Association of Uganda (Fau) by committing Shs334.5m to the Futsal Super League, Futsal Uganda Cup and Super Cup for the 2023/24 campaign.

The investment paid off. Futsal’s profile soared and FAU walked away from the MTN Fufa Awards as the 2024 Member Association of the Year. The applause felt like a curtain-raiser for another season of corporate backing.

Even betPawa’s Country Director, Allan Tumushabe, was upbeat then, saying futsal ‘delivered value.’

That optimism has evaporated. As the new season kicked off, clubs were notified that betPawa would not renew the partnership. Gone with the deal are the iconic Locker Room Bonuses (LRB) that gave winning players instant cash rewards via mobile money. Last season alone, Shs167.5m was disbursed directly to players, lifting morale and competitiveness.

The teams now feel the pinch.

‘We didn’t expect them to stay forever. We shall miss the Locker Room Bonuses as they were a big motivation for the players. That marks the plan to see that clubs organise their own funding,’ said Ali Omarios, a director at Kisenyi Futsal Club.

He noted that the club will now at least ensure fair transport reimbursement for players on matchdays.

Fau, however, is preaching resilience rather than panic.

‘LRB was filling a gap in club winning bonus budgets. All clubs sat, reviewed and drew independent winning bonuses for their teams. As FAU we shall keep growing within our means,’ Fau Chairma Hamza Jjunju told Daily Monitor.

Jjunju revealed that a new league board has been constituted and will play a key role in steering reforms. The federation is also crafting a strategic plan for 2026-2030 that will focus on strengthening competitions for men, women, boys and girls, alongside improving governance and creating viable business streams.

The door is not completely shut on betPawa in Uganda’s sports sector. The betting giant still holds a Shs2.6b three-year contract signed in 2024 with the Federation of Uganda Basketball Associations (Fuba), backing the Silverbacks and Gazelles.

Futsal Super League

Playing Friday @ O’kla

Edgars vs Nansana Aska

Kisenyi vs Kabowa

Lubiri Falcons vs Grameen

Old Kampala vs UG Kop

La Mansia vs Entebbe

Mengo vs QC Mbarara

What betPawa’s exit means for Futsal

What was funded?

Locker Room Bonuses for players

Futsal Super League operations

Uganda Cup and Super Cup events of-season awards

Money involved

Initial Shs1.1b sponsorship in 2023/24 (shared with FUFA Drum and Big League)

Additional Shs334.5m for futsal last season

Shs167.5m paid directly to players as LRBs

Why it mattered

Instant cash payouts

Increased club professionalism and visibility

Helped Fau earn Fufa Member Association of the Year (2024)

What happens now?

Clubs must independently finance winning bonuses

Players may only get transport refunds

Fau planning a 2026-2030 sustainability roadmap

League board set up to drive business growth

Who still has betPawa?

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Big names stumble as minis heat up

The road to Lugogo already feels like a pressure cooker. The Nile Special National Open Pool Championship mini qualifiers, the first step in the chase for a brand new car, produced both heartbreak and high-fives over the weekend.

Former Greater Mukono captain Patrick Ssekirime learned a brutal lesson in Kamuli. His fresh move to Club 408 in Ntinda came with a strategy to dodge the big sharks in Central Uganda.

Fate, though, had a cruel sense of humour. Ssekirime fell to total novices at the quarterfinal stage, crashing out before he could even sniff the Lugogo finals.

The pool gods showed more mercy in Mukono. At the buzzing iTaano Arena, former national team captain Habib Ssebuguzi flexed his pedigree and glided into the next stage. His successful campaign was matched by Allan Kayiwa, Ibrahim Manuku and Sam Mugalula who also booked their tickets to the regional qualifiers at the same venue next month.

These minis are open only to players outside the elite bracket: the top eight men and top four women in the national rankings. For many, this is the dream gateway to the Grand Finals at Lugogo where champions drive home in new wheels.

Pool Cranes star Ian Kazibwe made sure his dream stayed firmly on course. He dominated the qualification rounds at UN Arena-Kitebi in Entebbe, joining the growing list of hopefuls chasing the championship’s glittering prize.

The qualifying frenzy rolls on with 56 venues hosting battles this weekend in what is a staggering 320-venue national journey.

Once the dust settles on the minis, eyes will shift to the regional qualifiers beginning November 8. A total of 120 men and 28 ladies will fight for their place at the Lugogo Grand Finals set for Sunday, December 21.

Political ego must give way to public interest

As Kampala approaches another round of local elections next year, the city stands at a point that requires some important choices to be made. Once again, voters will choose a new Lord Mayor, a decision that could either open a fresh chapter of cooperation or prolong the gridlock that has stalled the city’s growth for years. The central question for many residents and stakeholders is, will the next Lord Mayor work with the Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) executive director to make the city better for all?

For more than a decade, Kampala’s leadership has been trapped in a tug-of-war between political authority and administrative control. The KCCA Act gives the executive director the technical and operational mandate, while the Lord Mayor serves mainly as a political overseer. In practice, this has too often produced rivalry instead of results. The next Lord Mayor will inherit this tension but also an opportunity to reset relations and build a culture of cooperation centred on service delivery.

Kampala’s problems are visible and urgent: unreliable waste collection, traffic congestion, poor housing planning, deteriorating roads, unemployment, and insufficient public amenities. None of these challenges can be solved through politics alone. What Kampala needs is teamwork between the city technical wing and the political wing of KCCA, a relationship guided by mutual respect and shared purpose. If the incoming Lord Mayor and the executive director embrace collaboration, the impact would be felt far beyond city offices.

The business community, which continues to bear the brunt of inconsistent regulations, unpredictable market policies, and overlapping taxes, would greatly benefit from a coordinated administration. Traders, taxi operators, and small-scale entrepreneurs have long asked for clarity and fairness. A united leadership would create a more stable environment for investment, helping both formal and informal businesses to thrive. Equally important is the fate of Kampala’s young people. The Lord Mayor and executive director must view youth development not as a campaign slogan but as a policy priority.

With unemployment and idleness fuelling crime and social frustration, the city’s leadership must invest in sports and recreation facilities that can channel youthful energy into productivity. Across all the city divisions from Kawempe to Makindye, Lubaga to Central and Nakawa Division, abandoned fields, gyms, and playgrounds such as Kaddiba in Mengo Lubaga, Clocktower in Central, Kampala Boxing Club Gym, and others remind us of lost opportunities. Yet sports remain one of the most powerful tools for empowerment.

When young people engage in boxing, football, netball, or other sports activities, they learn teamwork, discipline, and resilience. More importantly, active participation in sports reduces exposure to drugs, teenage pregnancies, and the spread of HIV/Aids. It keeps the youth healthy, hopeful, and connected to their communities. Cities that have prioritised sports and youth spaces have witnessed reduced crime and improved well-being. Kampala’s next leadership should follow that path by restoring community playgrounds, supporting community tournaments, and investing in recreational infrastructure. Such efforts would not only nurture talent but also build social cohesion and civic pride.

Beyond sports, the next Lord Mayor should partner with the executive director to promote urban skilling programmes and innovation centres that can help young people create their own jobs. Kampala’s informal sector already employs thousands, from street vendors to artisans, but lacks institutional support. Joint leadership can transform these small hustles into sustainable enterprises. For this to happen, however, political ego must give way to public interest. The next Lord Mayor and the executive director must see each other not as a rival but as allies in the mission to transform Kampala.

When these two offices work hand-in-hand, accountability improves, bureaucracy reduces, and service delivery becomes efficient. The people, not the politicians, are the real winners. Kampala’s voters, too, hold a responsibility. In next year’s elections, they must look beyond personalities and instead choose leaders who value cooperation and competence. The city’s future depends on leaders willing to share vision, credit, and responsibility. Kampala does not need another cycle of power standoffs; it needs a partnership that delivers. Only then will Kampala become the inclusive, productive, and livable city its citizens deserve.

Soldier on with Odinga’s fight, Museveni tells youth

President Museveni has called the youth to immortalise former Kenya prime minister Raila Odinga, and carry on with his struggle, which he shouldered to his death. In his speech read for him by Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja during a memorial service for Odinga at All Saints’ Cathedral in Kampala City yesterday, Mr Museveni said they lost a brave freedom fighter and a Pan Africanist.

‘We have lost a brave freedom fighter. I urge all the Pan Africanists, especially the young people, to immortalise the late Raila Odinga by carrying forward the struggle to which he dedicated his life and remained true [to it] until his last breath.

You should intensify the struggle for Africa unity in order to achieve the three goals of strategic security, prosperity and fraternity,’ he said. Odinga died on October 15 in India. He was revered for fighting for democracy in Kenya despite facing numerous challenges. The Kenya government imprisoned him for nearly a decade on alleged capital offences. He was later freed and he fought on. Uganda Pan African Chapter organised the memorial service in Kampala City to remember him.

Mr Museveni said Odinga’s political movement was aimed at addressing people’s challenges. ‘He was able to endure numerous sacrifices and risks to his life and family because he was driven by strong convictions and the right principles in humanity. He was not seeking power for the sake of power, but to trigger unity within Kenya and African,’ he said. But before Ms Nabbanja read Mr Museveni’s speech, several Ugandan Opposition leaders, who attended the service, said the things that Odinga fought against are being done by the leadership in Uganda.

The embattled president of Uganda Peoples Congress, Mr James Akena, said the situation in Uganda is giving him a lot of pain. ‘I am in deep pain of what transpired in Uganda’s politics. .In this election, UPC wanted to bring the message of hope to the people of Uganda. Ugandans need to be heard. So, to honour a great son of Africa in the name of Raila Odinga, we cannot be quiet where there is injustice. We cannot be quiet when things are going wrong,’ he said.

Mr Akena wanted to stand for president under the UPC ticket, but his application was rejected by the Electoral Commission on grounds that court was yet to decide in the case where other party officials were battling for the party president. Mr Akena, however, accused the NRM government of being behind the plot to stop him from contesting. Mr Akena said they will memorise Odinga by fighting on for all citizens.

Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Norbert Mao called for compromise between different political parties just like Odinga did. ‘The other thing about Odinga is compromise. Many politicians take pride in saying, ‘I will not compromise’. …but the most important thing is that you must have some objectives that you should achieve,’ Mr Mao said. Church of Uganda Archbishop Stephen Samuel Kaziimba Mugalu, who led the service, said politicians should emulate Odinga by advocating for reconciliation and peace.

AWARD

The late Raila Odinga from Kenya was awarded posthumously an award by the Pan African Uganda Chapter for his role and fight for Pan Africanism.