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The Lagos State Government through the Lagos State Urban Renewal Agency (LASURA) has begun payment of compensation to verified residents of the Oworonsoki community in the Kosofe Local Government Area of Lagos State.

The beneficiaries are those whose houses were demolished in recent clearance operations.

The event, which commenced on October 23 at the palace of the traditional ruler of Oworonshoki, drew community leaders, officials from LASURA, representatives of the Lagos State Building Control Agency (LASBCA) and civil society groups amongst others.

At a press conference held yesterday, the Director General of LASURA, Mr Oladimeji Animashaun who supervised the exercise, explained that a total of 80 beneficiaries had been identified and compensated between Thursday and Friday.

‘We started the payment of compensation yesterday(Thursday), and several residents have received their cheques.

‘The total number of people being compensated is 80. This is proof that what Mr. Governor promised has been fulfilled,’ he said.

Animashaun commended Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu for his support, as well as the Special Adviser to the governor on e-GIS and Urban Development, Dr. Abiodun Babatunde, and the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Urban Development, Mr Gbolahan Oki, for their coordination in ensuring that government policies were effectively implemented.

On the issue of notification, Animashaun dismissed allegations that affected residents were not informed before the demolition.

He explained that the area had been declared a regeneration zone over five years ago.

‘Government does not just move into an area without due notice. Many of these residents have been aware for years that their community falls under a regeneration plan.

‘Some people deny knowledge, but due process was followed,’ he added.

The LASURA boss disclosed that compensation amounts varied depending on property type, ranging between N3 million and N5 million, with smaller amounts for makeshift structures such as kiosks and shanties.

‘Someone with a bungalow cannot get the same compensation as someone with a storey building. The payments were fair, and you could see smiles on people’s faces as they received their cheques,’ he said.

When asked about the government’s long-term plan for the regenerated land, the LASURA boss said the intention was to create a well-planned, modern community with improved living conditions.

‘Urban regeneration is about replacing unhealthy, unsafe environments with planned communities that meet modern standards.

‘That is what the Sanwo-Olu administration is committed to achieving in Oworonshoki,’ he noted.

Hon. Okanlawon Sanni, a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly, representing Kosofe Constituency I , who was also present at the exercise, described the payment as ‘a practical demonstration of Sanwo-Olu’s compassion and commitment to urban renewal with a human face.’

According to Sanni, the regeneration project marks a major step toward transforming Oworonshoki into a modern, livable community.

‘What we are witnessing today is not just about demolitions, it is about development with dignity.

‘ The affected residents are being duly compensated in line with the Governor’s assurance that no one will suffer unjustly in the process of renewing Lagos,’ he said.

He commended LASURA for ensuring that the process was transparent and humane, adding that the state government’s intention was to give Oworonsoki a new lease of life through improved housing, better drainage systems, potable water and accessible roads.

Hon. Sanni appealed to the affected residents to remain calm and cooperative, assuring that the government’s action was in the public interest.

‘I understand the emotions involved, but Lagos is growing and we must plan our space responsibly. The ultimate goal is to make Oworonshoki a place where families can live in safety and comfort,’ he said.

The residents expressed satisfaction with the compensation received, two of the beneficiaries spoke with journalists, Chioma Idoko and Taiwo Solola, they both got N200,000.

They said it was better than nothing and they thanked the Lagos State government for the compensation.

The National Youth Council of Nigeria (NYCN), Kaduna Chapter, has warned that the agenda of activist Omoyele Sowore poses a threat to national stability, urging youths to resist attempts by what it described as ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ to lure them into disruptive protests.

The Council was reacting to reports of a planned nationwide demonstration tagged #FreeNnamdiKanuNow allegedly being coordinated by Sowore in connection with the U.S. Embassy’s recent security advisory.

In a statement by its Chairman, Comrade Umar Abubakar, the NYCN said while peaceful protest is a constitutional right, any action that endangers public peace or national unity must be firmly rejected by patriotic youths.

According to the Council, the growing trend of using activism as a tool for political agitation and incitement is dangerous, warning that such actions only deepen divisions and distract the country from addressing real developmental challenges.

‘We must resist those who thrive on chaos and disunity. Nigerian youths should not be used as instruments by conflict entrepreneurs whose only goal is to destabilize the nation,’ the statement said.

The Kaduna NYCN described Sowore’s posture as reckless and unpatriotic, accusing him of exploiting the nation’s democratic space for personal and political relevance. ‘Leadership is about responsibility and nation-building, not about fueling disorder or seeking attention through disruption,’ the Council added.

The youth body further cautioned against ridiculing or discrediting national leaders under the guise of activism, insisting that constructive engagement, not confrontation, remains the most effective path to reform.

While reaffirming its commitment to peace and national cohesion, the NYCN Kaduna Chapter commended President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Minister of Youth Development, and Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani for championing youth empowerment and inclusion in governance.

It also lauded the Kaduna Commissioner for Youth Development for consistent engagement with youth bodies across the state, describing such collaboration as key to sustaining peace and progress.

The statement urged all Nigerian youths to remain law-abiding, innovative, and focused on contributing positively to national development, emphasizing that true patriotism lies in building the nation, not tearing it apart.

A former Chief of Naval Staff (CNS), Vice-Admiral Ikechukwu Ogalla, has inaugurated nine state-of-the-art strategic security projects executed by the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) in Ayakoro, Ogbia Local Government Area of Bayelsa State.

The former Navy Chief, represented by the Commander, Operation Delta Safe, Rear Admiral Noel Madugu, said that the operational facilities handed over by NDDC would bolster the Nigerian Navy’s presence and security operations.

Madugu, in a statement signed by the NDDC Director, Corporate Affairs, Seledi Thompson-Wakama, observed that Ayakoro was an important town located on the river, making it strategic and crucial for maritime security in the Niger Delta region.

He said: ‘The event we are witnessing today is a statement of the existing close collaboration between the NDDC and the Nigerian Navy, which is geared towards addressing maritime security challenges in the region.

‘I commend the vision and commitment of the leadership of the NDDC for citing the security project at Ayakoro with a view of addressing security challenges associated with the maritime environment in the region.

‘The Navy will spare no effort to ensure that objectives for which the security projects are provided will be fully realised.’

The Presiding Bishop of Rhema Christian Church and Towers (RCC and T), Archbishop Dr. Taiwo Akinola, has called on leaders to embrace righteousness, justice, and compassion in governance as the nation battles economic crisis, insecurity, and moral decline.

He spoke with reporters ahead of the church’s 34th Rhema World Convention with the theme: ‘The God of All Possibilities’ (Luke 1:37). It holds from Sunday, November 2 to Sunday, November 9, 2025, at the Church’s headquarters on the Lagos-Abeokuta Expressway, Sango-Ota, Ogun State.

According to him, the annual convention will mark both the church’s founding anniversary and a time of spiritual renewal.

Akinola noted the Convention would feature daily teachings, welfare outreach, and powerful revival sessions expected to ‘usher in a new dimension of experience in the power of the Holy Spirit.’

Prominent guest ministers billed to attend include Bishop Victor Akilla, Bishop Abiodun Akinteye, Bishop Israel Alaya, and other anointed men of God.

Rhema’s in-house ministers-Bishop Adesina Olufade, Pastor Femi Gbenjo, Pastor Tofunmi Opaleye, Pastor Rotimi Daniel, Pastor Tunde Bolarinwa, and Pastor Daniel Etebong Henshaw-will also minister with Akinola and his wife.

A highlight of the gathering will be the Annual Hosanna Night on Friday, November 7-a night of ‘High Praise, Power, Worship, and Wonders.’

‘Whatever miracle you desire, the God of all possibilities will surely make it happen,’ Akinola declared.

Turning to national issues, Archbishop Akinola used the occasion to address Nigeria’s socio-economic challenges, urging the government to govern with integrity and compassion.

While commending recent GDP growth figures from the National Bureau of Statistics, he lamented that millions of Nigerians still suffer poverty, inflation, and unemployment.

‘Growth must be inclusive, allowing every Nigerian to share in the fruits of development,’ he stressed, calling for transparent fiscal management and corruption-free governance.

Expressing concerns over attacks on Christians and worship centres, Akinola referenced the Open Doors International World Watch List 2024, which ranked Nigeria sixth globally for Christian persecution.

‘We call on the government to uphold freedom of religion and protect all worship centres,’ he said, emphasizing that true peace ‘must be built on justice.’

He also decried the rising wave of banditry, insurgency, and abductions, citing the West Africa Security Tracker report that recorded over 550 deaths in May 2025 alone.

He called for comprehensive security reforms, community policing and better welfare for security operatives.

He described Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit as ‘a major brake on progress’ and criticized the country’s rising debt profile, which hit ?149.39 trillion in March 2025.

‘Borrowing should fund productive ventures, not consumption. Stewardship must be guided by moral responsibility before God,’ he warned.

Akinola concluded his address with a message of hope and renewal, declaring that Nigeria’s destiny can still be restored through repentance, integrity, and collective action.

‘We believe that Nigeria’s story is not over. With righteousness and unity, this nation shall rise again,’ he said, quoting 2 Chronicles 7:14:

‘If my people who are called by my name shall humble themselves and pray. then will I hear from heaven and heal their land.’

He prayed for peace, justice, and prosperity across the nation, urging Nigerians to be ‘agents of positive change’ in their communities.

Rapper Erigga has expressed frustration over Nigerians’ value for international recognition more than local talents.

Speaking in an interview with Yanga FM, the artist reacted to the then relocation of the Headies Awards to the United States, noting that it reflects a wider problem of Nigerians valuing foreign recognition more than local achievements.

Erigga noted that Nigerian artists often prioritise showcasing foreign talent, despite the thriving music industry and large audiences in Nigeria.

‘Nigerians have this attitude when it comes to our own; we don’t regard our own. The average Nigerian prefers to show you 300 people wey dey dance to him song for London than to show you 5,000 people doing the same in Nigeria.

‘I feel like music should be for everyone. Regardless of where you are, you should appreciate your own because they (London) appreciate their own. We have this disconnect issue; we prefer what is outside.

‘Sometimes people be like, ‘Erigga, do one English rap for me,’ and I’m like, shey me na English professor? I dey educate people wey I meet for street,’ he said.

Indigenes of Obitugbo, a riverine Itsekiri community in Warri North Local Government Area of Delta State, have issued a pre-action notice against the Nigerian Armed Forces, the Police, and several influential figures over alleged human rights violations and interference in traditional leadership matters.

In a legal notice dated October 23, 2025, and signed by their solicitor, Chief Robinson Ariyo of Robinson Ariyo and Co., nine intending plaintiffs led by Professor Jim Omatseye accused the proposed defendants of ‘flagrant disregard for the rule of law and deliberate acts of intimidation against law-abiding citizens.’

The proposed defendants include the Armed Forces of the Federation, the Chief of Army Staff, the Police Service Commission, the Inspector General of Police, the Chairman of Warri North Local Government Council, and several Itsekiri chiefs and community leaders.

At the core of the dispute is the succession to the position of Olare-Aja (Community Head) of Obitugbo, a role traditionally reserved for the eldest unencumbered male descendant of the community.

The plaintiffs allege that state and local actors, working with security operatives, have moved to install an unqualified person in defiance of existing court orders and customary law.

According to the notice, the alleged imposition was ‘carefully hatched and facilitated by certain local government officials and traditional power brokers’ who deployed armed forces to silence opposition.

Through their lawyer, Chief Ariyo, the plaintiffs have given the defendants one month to withdraw from the unlawful acts otherwise face legal action.

‘The plaintiffs were unlawfully banished from their ancestral community through the use of armed officers and men of the Nigerian Army and Police Force. Their freedom of movement, association, and participation in community activities have been grossly violated.

‘No amount of intimidation can silence the truth. Our clients will pursue justice for themselves and for the people of Obitugbo who have suffered indignities under the abuse of state power,’ the notice stated.

The plaintiffs insist that by Itsekiri custom, and as affirmed by the declaration issued by His Majesty, Ogiame Atuwatse III, on September 7, 2024, only Professor Omatseye qualifies for the title.

However, they claim that some prominent community figures, including two chiefs of the kingdom and one other, conspired to install another candidate, further alleging that the move was ‘intended to subvert justice, usurp legitimate authority, and manipulate the community’s governance structure for personal gain.’

The plaintiffs also accused military and police officers stationed in Koko and Sapele of ‘aiding and providing illegal cover’ for the defendants during an alleged unlawful ceremony to inaugurate new community bodies, including the Obitugbo Community Council of Elders, the Community Management Committee, and the Community Development Association, despite existing court orders maintaining the status quo.

‘This brazen disregard for judicial authority and the principles of natural justice cannot stand. It is an affront to the rule of law and an abuse of human rights that must be redressed,’ the plaintiffs’ statement read.

Among other reliefs, the plaintiffs are seeking judicial declarations that the actions of the security forces were unlawful, injunctions restraining further interference, and directives compelling the government to investigate and sanction the implicated officers.

The pre-action notice gives the defendants one month to respond before formal court proceedings begin.

The Chief Judge of Enugu State, Hon. Justice Raymond Ozoemena, has granted bail and ordered the release of 86 inmates from the Enugu Custodial Centre during the flag-off of the 2025 Jail Delivery Exercise held in Enugu.

Among those freed was an 86-year-old man from Okpanku, Aninri Local Government Area, who regained his freedom on health and humanitarian grounds.

Speaking during the exercise, Justice Ozoemena described the jail delivery as a sacred judicial duty aimed at upholding the rule of law and protecting the fundamental rights of persons awaiting trial.

He explained that the exercise enables the judiciary to review the cases of inmates whose trials have been unduly delayed, ensuring that no one is unjustly deprived of liberty.

‘This is a statutory duty imposed on the Chief Judge of every state to ensure that inmates in correctional centres are afforded the opportunity to have their cases reviewed where the wheel of justice has been slow. I consider this a sacred obligation to protect the constitutional rights of every citizen and to ensure that justice is both fair and timely,’ Justice Ozoemena said.

The CJ commended his predecessors for sustaining the tradition of the jail delivery exercise, stressing that it remains a vital mechanism for maintaining public confidence in the justice system.

An unknown trait exists among three Lagosians and not many people know about it. Only a few close aides and friends know about the trait that exists among economist and former Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon Sabit Adeyemi Ikuforiji; the incumbent Commissioner for Ministry of the Environment and Water Resources, Tokunbo Philips Wahab; and His Royal Majesty, Oba Abdulwasiu Omogbolahan Lawal, Abisogun II.

According to those in the know, Ikuforiji and Wahab share the same Epe descent and have been good friends even before politics. Wahab, on the other hand is known to be from royal houses, hence, his relationship with monarchs transcends his political and professional life. The three were spotted earlier in the year together having close conversations at a social gathering.

Wahab, we gathered, is the youngest amongst the trio but their relationship transcends age and political position. The three have a common penchant for development and they have individually ensured that there are developments in their different corners in Lagos state in every area and form.

It is God’s design that the All Progressives Congress (APC) will hold a festival of unity, cohesion, and tranquility next Monday across the wards in Ekiti State.

It is a popularity test without a competitor, rival or foe. Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, fondly called BAO, will stand before the mirror of history. His character and performance wll be on the scale. Party men and women will consider his application for the ticket for the second time and give an instant verdict.

The outcome of the unique shadow poll is predictable. There will be neither anxiety nor tension. In one accord, party faithful, represented by five delegates per ward, would chorus in unison at the special coronation that the 2026 consensus candidate of the Ekiti APC is also, more or less, the sole candidate of the over 130 towns and villages constituting Ekiti State in next year’s governorship election.

Instructively, the exercise, coming barely two weeks after the third anniversary of the administration, will be a referendum on the scorecard of the governor across the sectors.

There will be ‘no victor, no vanquished’ at the end of the exercise; only the wish of the majority will prevail.

The lessons of this moment should not be forgotten. They are very instructive. It is now clear that membership of Ekiti APC entails a miniature financial responsibility that is often ignored until it is too late. Party dues must be paid and only financial members are entitled to play the roles of nominators and electors at the primary.

Also, seasonal or on-and-off politicians who appear during primaries and disappear into their shells, only to resurface in another election cycle, cannot be taken seriously by the chapter.

Once Ekiti indigenes decide, like their forefathers did in the days of their famed confederation (Pelupelu), there will be no going back. The lone dissenting voice becomes an exceptional and isolated player, boxed into obscurity for non-conformity with the collective formula for promoting group interest.

Governors usually have the right of first refusal, especially when they are popular. But it is not absolute. They can be rightly challenged to a duel by other aspirants, in the exercise of their freedom of choice, association, and assembly.

But when over ninety-nine per cent of the stakeholders decide to collectively endorse Oyebanji for a second term, discerning people should know that a vacancy does not exist in the Government House in Ado-Ekiti.

The statewide endorsement was quite intimidating. A clear message was sent to potential aspirants that there is one crowd puller for now in the state. Their ambitions consequently paled into daydreaming.

Twelve categories of people threw their weight behind Oyebanji ahead of the primary. Their influence is not in doubt.

The first are the four former governors who never saw eye to eye but were united by their support for their successor. Governors Niyi Adebayo, Segun Oni, Ayodele Fayose, and Kayode Fayemi, despite their diverse political outlooks, collectively projected Oyebanji as their anointed candidate. Since the governor was endorsed by the former helmsmen, they have been campaigning for him.

The second are other key opposition leaders, particularly those of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The governor began courting them, shortly after he won his first victory in 2022. For example, the PDP governorship candidate, Bisi Kolawole, teamed up with him. Two months ago, the most vital female opposition voice, Senator Biodun Olujimi, dumped the PDP for APC. Asked why they were supporting the governor, notable PDP chieftains explained that they were captivated by his laudable inclusive policies and programmes.

The third category is mainly the party – its officers at the ward, local government, constituency, senatorial, and state levels. Analysts describe this category as the most potent structure for delivering any candidate at the intra-party election. These leadership structures coordinate party activities. Blessed is that governorship candidate who has the undiluted support and cooperation of the bulk of loyal, dedicated, and committed party men and women who are nominators for the primary. Many of them may not have high socio-economic status, but their fanatical loyalty to the platform is never in doubt. Their blood flows in the veins of the administration.

The fourth category of stakeholders are elective public officers – three senators, nine House of Representatives members, 16 members of the House of Assembly, commissioners, advisers, and other appointees. They are from the different local governments, and they have a stake in the government.

The fifth are elder statesmen who cannot be ignored in Ekiti. Not all of them are directly associated with political tendencies, but they command a high level of respect. The four legal luminaries – one from Ado-Ekiti, another one from Ikere-Ekiti and two from Ilawe-Ekiti – fall into this category. As a tribute, specific days are devoted to celebrating their contributions to the communities and the state. Their support is akin to the wall of Gibraltar.

The sixth bloc is the class of founding fathers of the state. Members of this group agitated for the creation of the state. Oyebanji was their secretary during the struggle. It is natural that these gerontocrats should tilt their support towards their younger compatriot who served Ekiti at the prime of life, unknown that fate would catapult him to the number one position in the Fountain of Knowledge.

The seventh group comprises influential traditional rulers, the home-based monitors of governance. They are objective in their assessment of the governor. Although they are expected to be non-partisan, their mood supports the push for continuity of the progressive governance beyond next year.

In the eighth category are credible old students of Ekiti State University. They knew the governor, either as a schoolmate or as a young, energetic, and brilliant teacher in the Department of Political Science.

The ninth bloc comprises colleague-governors in the Progressives Governors’ Forum (PGF) and the national leadership of the party. Those in this group are impressed by the loyalty to the platform, the style of the governor and his peaceful and non-controversial nature.

The tenth is made up of state workers – civil servants, teachers, and local government workers. Many of them came together to purchase the nomination form for him.

The eleventh group is made of up religious leaders who see Oyebanji as a promising administrator, a man of vision and servant-leader who is an embodiment of the highly valued Omoluabi ethos.

The twelfth consists of the ordinary people who savour the atmosphere of peace in Ekiti under Oyebanji’s leadership. They are the authentic voters in elections. Unlike the big people who may stay indoors or travel out of the country during elections, members of this group are always out to exercise their civic duty in the rains or the heat. Oyebanji is also accessible to them. To everyone in Ekiti, he is a governor they can see, feel, touch, and interact with without restriction.

However, beyond the primary is the challenge of the real election. Reminiscent of what he did to keep the party together after his 2022 victory, the governor has to rally all and sundry, including the supporters of fellow aspirants who floundered and could not cross the nomination hurdle. His post-primary activities should be conciliatory.

In setting up the campaign structures, inclusion should be the watchword. Ekiti APC should always keep its house in order before, during, and after the poll. The party should strategically prepare for the antics of few aggrieved chieftains battling with deflated ego. They may not defect but stay on in the party to package internal rebellion to distract the governor and the party during the electioneering.

Also, governance should not be allowed to suffer in the distribution of time and energy by the governor.

Ekiti 2026 poll is a big election and the opposition will make a lot of noise. The governor, a political scientist, is not expected to underrate anybody on the ballot.

The admonition of the Screening Committee, chaired by Tunji Ajuloopin Olawuyi, is apt. He urged the party to ensure that there is no crack after the primary. He also enjoined the aspirants to fulfil their promise to support the winner after the shadow poll.

The Ekiti governorship poll is the first in the series of exercises that will hold ahead of the 2027 general election. The Ekiti APC, having endorsed Oyebanji and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for re-election, should work hard to achieve victory. Power, as the President always said, is not served a la carte.

The day was Thursday, August 14, 2025. The time was 3pm. The venue was the Rev. Chris Oyakhilome Auditorium of the Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Nigeria. The event was the 133rd in the inaugural lecture series of the over four and a half decades old institution established by the administration of the former governor of the then Bendel State, Professor Ambrose Alli, in the Second Republic. The lecturer was none other than the revered scholar of Comparative Politics and Strategic Studies, Professor Babatunde Olusegun Agara. The intriguing topic of his intellectual disquisition was ‘The Nigerian State: A Country Without Countrymen’ and for nearly two hours he held the audience spellbound with his penetrating interrogation of the dilemmas, uncertainties and challenges of the contemporary Nigerian condition.

Professor Agara kicked off his cerebral offering with a declaration of the credos constituting what he described as ‘My three guiding principles in life’ stating directly, unpretentiously and unrepentantly that: ‘In religion, I am a Christian and hence I believe passionately in God, the Almighty; In politics, I am a radical humanist, I believe in bringing about radical change that positively affect the masses through the instrumentalities of violence (if need be); In economics, I am a committed Marxist and hence I believe in revolutions’. His affirmation of belief in and support for revolutionary change in society if necessary may sound sacrilegious to conservative defenders of the establishment and advocates of continuity of the status quo. But inherent in variants of Marxist theses is the belief that it is only rational to respond to what is perceived as the disguised and structural violence imposed on society by a ruling class or elite with a counter violence designed to engender a more just, equitable and fair social order.

It is thus not surprising that Professor Agara ‘s lecture is suffused through and through with concerns about the challenges over the years of inept governance, paucity of leadership vision, structural inequities and debilities among others contributing to what he perceives as the deepening fragility of the Nigerian State even if it is yet to degenerate to the condition of total state collapse. On his choice of the topic of the inaugural, he explains that ‘The Nigerian State is seriously under a siege being plagued by what I have referred to as ‘the evil triad’ of insecurity, threats of secession and herders’ invasion. All these are simply due to the fact that we, Nigerians, do not see ourselves as countrymen, rather primordial sentiments and loyalty have created a divisive fault-line among us. Our argument is that it is our inability to see ourselves as countrymen that have not only brought the evil triad, but is escalating them on a daily basis’.

Critical to Professor Agara ‘s characterization of the Nigerian State as a country without countrymen is the stalled progression of the polity from mere statehood to a more cohesive sense of nationhood. Can Nigeria be said to be any more organically viable today than she was when the great statesman and first Premier of the Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, described the country nearly eight decades ago as ‘a mere geographical expression’? Are there not still many Nigerians who would not disagree with the reference by Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria in the First Republic, to the colonial amalgamation as ‘the mistake of 1914’? With virtually every component of the country seeing themselves as marginalized and some groups advocating the outright breakup of Nigeria through secession, can it be plausibly contended that ours is indeed a country without countrymen?

When he speaks of the absence of countrymen in a country, Agara obviously refers to a deficient emotional bond between citizen and state and the lack of patriotic commitment of the vast majority of Nigerians to the structural entity known as Nigeria. While noting that what he describes as ‘the evil triad’ – insecurity, threats of secession and herders’ invasion – have reached an international dimension, he states that the situation is complicated and worsened by ‘the domestic problems of governance with virtually no opposition party, recycling of wasted political elites, lack of ideological convictions and a lack of political accommodation for the minorities within the state as it is presently structured’.

This, he argues, ‘has led to some questioning the legitimacy of the state and consenting to the fact that a state thus construed and not in total control of the means of violence added to the fact of its gross inadequacy in ensuring the security of its populace, is already a weak state on the path of being a failing, failed or collapsed state. These are the informing motifs for the choice of this topic’. Professor Agara interrogates the subject through an exhaustive examination of the concept of nationalism which, he states, ‘implies a national sentiment be it political, economic, religious or symbolic that unifies a people together and for which they are ready to sacrifice anything to sustain’.

Some of the dimensions of nationalism x-rayed by the lecturer include cultural nationalism which ‘stresses the need to defend or strengthen a national language, religion, or a way of life rather than achieve overt political ends’; liberal political nationalism predicated on the belief that, just like the individual, all Nations have a moral status and right to self-determination; conservative political nationalism which stresses social cohesion, public order and deployment of the sentiment of national patriotism in defence of traditional values and institutions; ethnic nationalism which ’emphasizes the commonality of ancestral heritage thereby implying a stronger and perhaps more intense sense of distinctiveness and exclusivity’ and expansionist nationalism rooted in a chauvinistic world outlook and value system difficult to distinguish from racism.

The political scientist sheds light on the notion of a country without countrymen when he submits that ‘Within a federal pluralist society filled with much sentiment of ethnic differences and more heterogenous factors than homogeneous, ethnic consciousness and differentiation becomes ‘natural’ and is ‘real’. In cases where some set of people feel that they are marginalized and that the political arrangement and structure does not provide enough or sufficient political accommodation for them to feel that they ‘belong’, primordial instinct of identifying with their ‘kind’ kicks in and national loyalty is transferred to ethnic loyalty expressed through ethnic identification and nationalism. Thus, ethnic nationalism and identification becomes an intellectual response to political, social and cultural problems of integration and legitimacy’.

One of the theoretical frameworks or anchors through which Professor Agara analyses his subject is that of political accommodation which is particularly central to federalist theory and practice. Thus, he posits that in a complex, ethnically, culturally and religiously plural society, the adequacy of the arrangements for political accommodation and coexistence of diverse groups in the polity are critical to the achievement or otherwise of harmony, peace and stability. He submits that federalism as a political format provides a framework for managing differences and that ‘political accommodation is only possible within a context where competing demands and claims by constituent groups are reconcilable and the various groups making up the federation are agreed to stay together’.

Critical to the viability of sustainable and productive political accommodation, the professor points out, are the mode of allocation or distribution of material and fiscal resources among component groups of the polity which must be reflective of justice particularly with reference to contributions to the polity’s collective resources; the opportunities offered the diverse component groups for peaceful, systemic and Judicial articulation and resolution of their demands as well as the imperative of achieving a balance between national cohesion and the desire for autonomy and self-determination by the federating units.

The second theoretical framework around which Professor Agara’s thesis revolves is that of contentious politics and violence which encapsulates such concepts as contentious collective challenge, contentious political behavior and social movements. He explains that contentious collective action through aggravated social movements comprising complex underlying social networks offers a critical avenue through which ‘the oppressed can draw an unresponsive state’s elites’ attention to their plight, or better articulate their grievances and confront the better equipped opponents or the state. Contentious collective action brings ordinary people together under the same umbrella, for the same purpose and to confront opponents, elites’ or authorities’.

In this regard, Professor Agara cites ethnic militias as examples of a form of social movements mobilized to pursue or undertake a collective challenge against state authorities for failing to address collective grievances of, for example, the peoples of the Niger Delta or the Igbo nationality of the Southeast region. He avers that the easiest and readiest recourse of components of aggrieved social movements desirous of social change is ‘the power of disruption’. According to him, ‘Social movements employ the power of disruption basically because this draws attention to them; enables the social movement to spread uncertainty while giving them the necessary leverage they need against powerful opponents such as the state’.

However, the deployment of the coercive apparatus of the state including the police, military and intelligence services to contain escalation in disruptive activities of social movements and eliminate their offensive capabilities tend to split the latter into two – moderate elements who tactically withdraw from the struggle and the more extremist and militant who resort to continuously intensifying acts of outright violence. Professor Agara makes profuse references in the literature to demonstrate that (1) political violence tends to progress from the onset of mild discontent to the politicization of discontent and ultimately the actualization of violence against political actors and structures; (2) political violence challenges the monopoly of force which is the defining essence of state authority while destabilizing normal political processes and (3) political violence tends to be directed not just at incumbent governments and their functionaries and facilities but also opposing political actors, forces and groups thus constituting a threat to the extant political order.

In this inaugural lecture, we have a most exhaustive and rigorous analytic interrogation of the various incendiary and destabilizing groups running rampant in Nigeria today including terrorist organizations, separatist agitators, extremist religious proselytizers, invading expansionist herdsmen and criminal cartels with detailed examination of their comparative organizational structures, internal value orientation, diverse modes of operation, assorted psychological motivations, extraterritorial organizational linkages as well as inter-organizational relationships.