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Uganda’s agriculture sector must move away from fragmented project planning and embrace complete value-chain development if farmers are to reap the full benefits of their labour, the Minister for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Mr Frank Tumwebaze, has said.

Speaking during a World Bank Mission hosted by the National Agricultural Research Organisation (Naro) at the National Livestock Resources Research Institute (NaLIRRI) in Nakyesasa, Wakiso District, Mr Tumwebaze emphasised that poorly designed, stand-alone agricultural initiatives often fail to deliver impact because they neglect market linkages and value addition.

‘It’s dangerous to plan for production alone without a lens on markets because agriculture can only thrive when we look at the entire value chain from inputs and production to processing, storage, and marketing. Through this, our projects will be more impactful and farmers will find greater sense in doing agriculture,’ he said.

He cited the case of vanilla production, saying while the crop was widely promoted, it lacked proper planning for market access and processing capacity, leaving farmers stranded when global prices dropped.

‘We must learn from that experience. Every proposal should integrate production, research, market systems, and farmer incentives,’ he added.

Tumwebaze also called on project proposal teams under the ministry and research agencies to synchronise their programmes with agricultural seasons, saying mismatches in input supply and planting cycles continue to undermine productivity.

‘A good project that delivers inputs after the planting season loses its value and we must plan in alignment with the rhythm of our farmers,’ he said

He commended Naro for its growing research potential and assured the scientists of continued government support, which has emphasised the centrality of agricultural research in Uganda’s economic transformation. Mr Fan Qimiao from World Bank expressed admiration for Naro’s contribution to agricultural development, revealing that it was one of the reasons for his visit.

‘It’s because of the wonderful work you are doing that I have visited this institution and I have been impressed by the dairy zero-waste model. This is exactly the kind of long value chain we want to build,’ he said.

He highlighted the transformative potential of agriculture to create decent jobs and raise household incomes, noting that Uganda’s average maize yield of 2.3 metric tonnes per hectare could easily be tripled with better technology, inputs, and infrastructure.

‘If Uganda can reach yields of six to seven metric tonnes per hectare, farmers’ incomes will double or triple. That’s why the World Bank continues to prioritise agriculture. It is key to inclusive growth,’ he said.

Qimiao reaffirmed the World Bank’s support for Uganda’s national development strategy, which seeks tenfold economic growth by 2040, expanding the economy from $50b to $500b. The plan hinges on four pillars: agro-industrialisation, tourism development, mineral development, including oil and gas, and science, technology, and innovation.

He emphasised the need for climate-resilient agriculture, high-yielding seeds, irrigation, and access to fertilisers, alongside investment in rural roads and electricity to improve market connectivity. ‘Infrastructure is the backbone of successful agriculture. Without roads and energy, even the best research cannot reach the farmer,’ Qimiao stressed.

Naro’s Innovation Footprint

Dr Yona Baguma, the Naro Director General, detailed the organisation’s extensive work in developing high-yielding, drought-tolerant, and disease-resistant varieties of key crops such as coffee, banana, maize, beans, rice, cassava, groundnuts, sweet potato, millet, sorghum, wheat, and potato.

These innovations, he said, have not only boosted food security but also supplied raw materials for Uganda’s emerging agro-industries. ‘Our goal is to make research relevant to every farmer,’ Dr Baguma explained.

‘The technologies we develop must strengthen resilience to climate change, improve productivity, and enhance competitiveness.’

However, Dr Baguma cautioned that while Uganda’s research foundations are solid, more effort is needed to align innovations with market demands and expand private sector partnerships.

‘The next phase is to scale adoption with World Bank and other partners to work with us in commercialising technologies that improve productivity, create jobs, and position Uganda as a leader in agro-industrial transformation in Africa,’ he said.

Mr Tumwebase added that agriculture must move from projects in isolation to programmes that connect farmers to value and prosperity.

‘When we plan holistically, farmers benefit, markets grow, and Uganda wins. That is the future we are building as agriculture sector that works for every Ugandan.’

The plan

Qimiao reaffirmed the World Bank’s support for Uganda’s national development strategy, which seeks tenfold economic growth by 2040, expanding the economy from $50b to $500b.

The plan hinges on four pillars: agro-industrialization, tourism development, mineral development including oil and gas, and science, technology, and innovation.

On August 18, the Director General (DG) of Health Services at the Ministry of Health, wrote to the Chairperson of the Parliamentary Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs, of the Parliament of the Republic of Uganda and expressed a number of reservations on some of the aspects of the Bill.

To the DG, the title of the Bill needed to be revised to better reflect its scope, purpose and intent. The current title of the Bill, as it is, is extremely broad and does not synch with what it intends to achieve.

It was the recommendation of the Ministry of Health the Bill redefines what an analytical laboratory is and without this, the Bill risks creating confusion by attempting to regulate the scientific analysis of all samples. The Office of the Directorate of Public Prosecutions could not agree more as it independently raised this same issue.

The DG told the Committee that the issue of management of poisons falls under the Ministry of Health which already has systemic, institutional and structural capabilities in place for managing patients who are poisoned.

Putting the management of poisons under the Directorate of Government Analytical Laboratory would have the effect of duplication of services within the same government. And moreover this was a position agreed upon during the consultative process.

How and why a different position resurfaced in the Bill needs to be explained by the drafters of the Bill.

The opinion of the ODPP was that other suitable professional bodies like the Ministry of Health and other affiliated bodies are best suited to make comments on the subject matter of the Poison Control Centre. To the Ministry of Health poison management should be excluded from the Bill, as this function appropriately falls under its mandate.

The DG recommended that a dedicated committee of experts be drawn from the relevant stakeholders involved in the forensic field and constituted to provide oversight and regulation of forensic practice in the country. This is necessary considering the wide scope of forensic practice and the critical role of the multiple stakeholders.

Another stakeholder was of the opinion that Uganda’s most urgent need is of an independent body, by law established, to regulate and oversee the forensic services offered by the key stakeholders. Such a body will provide regulatory oversight to the forensic services offered by the Uganda Police, the Ministry of Health and the Government Analytical Laboratory.

There is a further suggestion that Uganda should establish a body known as The Independent Forensic and Scientific Services Commission with representation from, among others, the Judiciary and ODPP, the law enforcement agencies, Ministry of Health, professional associations and the Human Rights Commission.

Such a commission would provide for checks and balances of the services provided and prevent the concentration of regulatory power within a single Ministry.

In addition such a body would provide independent oversight for DNA databases as well as align the country with global trends in forensic governance. An independent body with input from the relevant stakeholders enhances impartiality, promotes human rights and builds public confidence.

In the United Kingdom the Forensic Service Regulator operates independently and reports to Parliament. It provides codes of conduct for forensic services but does not sit within a single Ministry. In South Africa, the National Forensic Oversight and Ethics Board, established under the Criminal Law (Forensic Procedures) Amendment Act, 2013, includes representation from police, forensic scientists’ civil society and lawyers.

The Ministry of Health further recommended that a benchmarking visit to selected countries within the region should be considered to study how their Analytical Laboratories operate and collaborate with other forensic service providers. It was most unfortunate that this Bill was drafted without benchmarking.

It will also be prudent to review the legal framework establishing Government Analytical Laboratories in these countries and other relevant laws regulating forensic practice. Uganda’s Forensic and Scientific Services Bill, 2025 may be the only one of its kind and risks entering unchartered waters considering the comments about the Bill by the various stakeholders.

On February 13, 2025, the Forensic Evidence Bill, 2024 was withdrawn on the floor of Parliament and the reason given for withdrawing the Bill was that after extensive consultations it had become obvious that some aspects of the bill needed to be reviewed and refined. The Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill, 2025 has the same defects as previous Bill and must, therefore, be painfully withdrawn.

The defects in the Forensic Bill 2025 are the misdeeds and mischief’s of the team that was to review and refine the previous Bill. The team simply repackaged the old bill without incorporating the changes that the stakeholders had recommended. This was probably because of conflict of interest and other ulterior motives.

It would be prudent that the Ministry of Internal Affairs engages the Law Reform Commission (ULRC) to take the lead in drafting a law to regulate forensic practice and the Commission will, in turn, consult and hire relevant experts to draft this law. The ULRC is a constitutional body established under Article 248 (1) of the constitution of Uganda and the mandate of the Commission is to study and keep under constant review the laws of Uganda.

The ODPP raised a fundamental issue; that a law that is enacted should address a specific mischief meriting regulation by statute. Neither the memorandum of this Bill nor the text of the Bill itself has clearly spelt out the mischief this law is intended to cure. That there are challenges in regulation and provision of forensic services in Uganda is not in question.

The question is what type of law we need to cure these defects. A law may be regulatory or administrative. The framers of the Forensic Bill 2025 should have interrogated the needs of the country in as far as forensic services are concerned before coming up with this Bill, which Bill is both regulatory and administrative.

The major issues in forensic service delivery in Uganda today include credibility of results of forensic examinations and tests, capacity building, logistical challenges and coordination of the services. Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill 2025 has not and will not address these endemic challenges. The root causes of these poor services needed to be have interrogated even before such a bill was drafted.

Many of these issues may be addressed through administrative measures including internal and external quality control and establishment of a regulatory body.

The Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill 2025 is basically about the services provided by the Government Analytical Laboratory, to the exclusion of the services offered by other stakeholders. A question that begs to be answered is what value this law will add to the quality of services that the DGAL will provide.

Forensic services are crucial in justice delivery and these services are provided by, among others, the Uganda Police Force, the Ministry of Health and the Government Analytical Laboratory. These sectors technically play distinct roles.

No single administrative law can harmonise the roles and responsibilities of these key stakeholders. It is only a regulatory law that will bind these service providers and without such a law things will continue to fall apart.

Wednesday 15, the sun rose and set like it was a normal day. Of course, it could have been a normal day but it was 10 years since October 15, 2015.

Stories have been told of how the plan was hatched, apparently, by an artiste, currently an MP in the Opposition, came up with a plan to sing a song praising the president to light up his 2016 campaigns.

However, the artiste lacked influence thus, only his idea was picked but he wasn’t chosen to headline the project, neither was he included on the project in the end. Artistes were mobilised, those who had influence, some refused to join even when the project seemed lucrative, but at the end, 12 were chosen.

King Saha, Rema Namakula, Radio and Weasel, Jose Chameleone, Iryn Namubiru, Julianna Kanyomozi, Haruna Mubiru, Judith Babirye, Mun*G and Bebe Cool were those selected.

The song

It is said the project was pitched at Shs400m. The 12 were the hottest voices in town in all genres Uganda music has curved out, from hip hop to Ugandan soukous, what we usually call band music.

Only a few names, including Winnie Nwagi, Sheebah, Irene Ntale, Eddy Kenzo and Bobi Wine were missing. When Tubonga Nawe was released, with the video shot at Namboole stadium, with the 12 artistes singing and dancing alongside Annet Nandujja’s troupe, the song was a masterpiece, an earworm, yet for many reasons, it did not sound right.

Ugandans started talking, some felt heavily betrayed by the artistes they loved dearly, while others chose to defend them to the depths. And right there, the artistes had weaponised a fan base, it was confusing. In 2015, where going viral wasn’t a statement used often, the Tubonga Nawe situation was viral.

Elites and those who don’t identify as such were all talking, those in support of their stars cited examples, including Will I Am and John Legend’s Yes We Can, a song directly influenced by a Barack Obama speech from one of his 2008 speeches.

The song was a strong tool for Obama’s campaign, which saw him become the first black president of the United States of America. But there was a slight difference, neither Will I Am nor John Legend were paid by Obama’s team to record the song. And neither was Young Jeezy for My President, which had also been released early on.

Thus, the comparison which tried to put Tubonga Nawe with Yes We Can in the same basket didn’t make a lot of sense, especially considering the fact that artistes like Jay-Z, Beyonce, Kanye West, John Legend had even contributed to Obama’s campaign through donations.

By the end of the campaigns, President Museveni was declared winner, it was all over. In his speech, he said it was time to work, but for the local music industry, it was just the beginning of a major shake up. For politics, it was the end of the old and a new era was forming, right before our eyes.

The artistes started rallying Ugandans to put politics behind them and move on with life. In fact, Bebe Cool and Chameleone, among others made a TV appearance to explain their reason for being part of the Tubonga Nawe project and the show was a major discussion online.

That show was proof that something had shifted, Chameleone, was in the NTV studios, in his grace; there to answer Douglas Lwanga’s questions about the song and his decision to take part in the project.

This was Chameleone’s first live TV interview in more than 10 years, the man had between the years become so big that if you needed him for an interview, you had to go to his home or his desired place but he wasn’t going to come to you, regardless of who you were. But here he was, defending his reasons for dancing and singing for a man in a song shot in an empty Namboole.

Meanwhile, talk of Ugandans boycotting the 12 artistes started taking shape. Dr Kizza Besigye, who had been president Museveni’s biggest rival for four elections, including the one in 2016, was under house arrest, only a few people could access him. One of those who accessed him was Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.

He played his guitar for him and sang a song; he would later upload the video onto his social media pages to much appreciation and acclaim.

The song he sang in the video was Situka; the song had been around, as a soundtrack to a film of the same name, where Bobi Wine stars as a local young man who decides to take on the leadership of his community after seeing so much injustice.

Initially, the song didn’t hit, but in the wake of half the industry appearing on Tubonga Nawe, Bobi Wine curved himself as the people’s champion. He was not only admired but people were willing to put on anything Bobi Wine related.

He had the years prior positioned himself as a common man’s champion, a voice for the downtrodden with songs such as Ghetto, Tungambire Ku Jennifer, and Time Bomb among others, staying out of Tubonga Nawe even when it was a lucrative deal.

But Bobi Wine had buggages too; for more than a decade, he alongside Chameleone and Bebe Cool had ring-fenced the industry, keeping themselves on top of the chain either intentionally or otherwise. They became a cult and a yardstick of the industry. Leone Island, Fire Base and Gagamel Entertainment became taste makers and a blueprint of the industry.

When they fought, aspiring artistes found themselves choosing sides, it was almost impossible to stay neutral if you indeed wanted mainstream success.

That divide went straight into the fan base, thus, they became the artistes to popularise music concert battles. At first, it was people organising shows on the same day but then it was upped to shows in the same space and almost the same stage. The fan base was divided alongside artistes, it was either or, not both, something that at least Bobi Wine and Bebe Cool carefully commercialised for years by either doing songs attacking each other or staging shows on the same day.

Even when Bobi Wine didn’t appear on the Tubonga Nawe project and was sought after as a people’s artiste, there’s a fan base that didn’t appreciate his message.

By the beginning of 2017, the industry was majorly undergoing a rebirth, Tubonga Nawe had changed the tides, most of the artistes on the song had chosen to shelve music because they thought Ugandans would boycott them. Bebe Cool decided to churn out a song almost every month until he landed that Kabulengane.

Iryn Namubiru, Julianna Kanyomozi, Haruna Mubiru, Judith Babirye either withheld music or went into active politics and business.

Unfortunately, both Julianna and Iryn’s space would be claimed by Winnie Nwagi and Sheebah; the two would go on to dominate the industry for years. With Sheebah steadily managing to shift the industry from a vocal first approach, which had been a yardstick for artistes before her.

Sheebah’s rise led to the rise of artistes such as Vinka, Spice Diana, Nina Roz to the current crops such as Pinky, Ava Peace, and Jowy Landa who are prominent for hit singles.

On the other side of the spectrum, Bobi Wine rode the people’s love solely on the legacy and music he had recorded prior, then in April 2017, the MP for Kyadondo East Constituency, Apollo Kantinti was kicked out of Parliament and fresh election was organised.

Bobi Wine contested as an Independent candidate. That election in September 2017 was of national interest. Today, Bobi Wine leads probably the Opposition political party. In his opposition, words such as robbadob style or calling his main opponent, President Museveni, Oyo Chali.. is common.

Even the political commentary spectrum has changed, there’s commentary on TVs and radios but actual commentary takes place on social media spaces such as TikTok where presidential advisors don’t engage in conversation but insult everything and everyone.

What could the political spectrum have looked like if the song didn’t propel Bobi Wine in one way or another? Would Dr Hilderman, Geoffrey Lutaaya, or Mathias Walukagga be politicians or active singers today? So where did we start from? Yes, last week was Wednesday, 15 October.

Unfortunately on Friday night of the same date in 2015, it wasn’t only Tubonga Nawe that rewrote the music timeline, along the showers of River Nile, at Nile Discovery Resort in Njeru, a new festival was born, rewriting the meaning of a music festival in Africa, Nyege Nyege, but that’s a story for another day.

Key

Could Bobi Wine’s ascendency have been different had he been on Tubonga Nawe Maybe yes, maybe no.

But we could use King Saha as a specimen.

Because King Saha was on that song, only to switch sides, he has since released countless political songs he calls revolutionary, yet the other side always reacts by replying his verse on Tubonga Nawe whenever they can. Sometimes it’s all they play.

For years, smallholder farmers across the country have struggled to convince banks that they are worthy borrowers. But things are changing – and the Bank of Uganda (BoU) wants farmers to start thinking beyond subsistence.

Through its Agricultural Credit Facility (ACF), the central bank is showing farmers that access to credit starts with simple habits: keeping money in the bank, taking basic records and treating security as a sign of responsibility – not fear.

‘Keeping money in the bank is the first step toward being bankable. It gives lenders a clear picture of how you earn and spend,’ says Jean Martina Ainembabazi, the Credit Appraisal Officer at BoU.

Uganda’s financial inclusion rate has improved but remains low – only 13 percent of adults have active bank accounts, according to the 2023 FinScope survey.

Most farmers still save in cash or informal groups. Ainembabazi says even modest deposits in a Sacco or bank account can make a big difference.

‘Banks lend to people they can trace. Every deposit you make is evidence of financial discipline,’ she says.

Keeping funds in circulation through the banking system also creates a transaction history forming the foundation for any credit assessment. The second step is record-keeping, which many farmers overlook. Yet, Ainembabazi says, it can be as simple as jotting down your harvests, sales and expenses.

‘You don’t need to be an accountant. A notebook showing how much you sold and what you earned is proof of business,’ she explains. That’s how John Kato, a maize farmer from Masindi, got his first loan.

‘I used to sell everything in cash. But when I started recording my sales and depositing part of it, the Sacco helped me get a loan to buy a maize huller. My profits tripled,’ Kato recalls.

Collateral isn’t a curse

Many farmers still fear the idea of collateral, assuming they need land titles or huge assets to qualify for loans.

‘Collateral simply shows that you are responsible. For loans under Shs20 million, movable assets such as livestock or produce stores can work,’ Ainembabazi clarifies.

Under the Agricultural Credit Facility, farmers can access loans of up to eight years, with grace periods of three years before repayment starts. Funds can be used to buy tractors, seeds, fertilisers, or value-addition machines such as hullers and millers – but not to purchase land, plant trees, or clear old debts.

Why the Agricultural Credit Facility matters

Launched in 2009, the ACF has disbursed more than Shs1.23 trillion to more than 7,600 farmers and agribusinesses.

The programme targets value addition and modernisation, helping farmers who once relied on middlemen to process and sell their produce.

‘Our goal is to move farmers from subsistence to business. We want to see more Ugandans producing for markets, not just for home,’ Ainembabazi says.

Women and youth, a new frontier

BoU’s strategy also focuses on women and youth, who make up most of Uganda’s agricultural workforce but remain underbanked. In districts like Mbarara and Mbale, women-led cooperatives have accessed ACF loans to buy milk coolers and maize milling machines, enabling entire communities to benefit.

‘Group applications are powerful. They build trust and reduce risk, especially for rural women,’ Ainembabazi notes.

Farmers’ money is safe

BoU’s efforts to deepen trust in the financial system are backed by the Deposit Protection Fund (DPF), which guarantees up to Shs10 million per depositor if a bank collapses.

‘That means your savings are safe. Farmers should never fear keeping their money in a bank – it’s far safer than under the mattress,’ Ainembabazi assures.

Agriculture employs over 65 per cent of Uganda’s workforce, yet access to affordable finance remains the missing link. BoU says digitising ACF applications and integrating SACCOs into the system will make loans faster and fairer.

‘Our dream is that every serious farmer in Uganda – no matter how small – can access affordable credit and grow,’ Ainembabazi says. For Uganda’s farmers, that dream begins with one small act: walking into a bank.

Five easy ways to make your farm bankable

Keep your money in the bank.

Even small deposits matter. Regular banking creates a financial history that lenders can trace when assessing your loan application.

Record everything

Use a simple notebook or phone app to track sales, harvests and expenses. Clear records show discipline and consistency – traits every bank values.

Join a Sacco or farmer group

Collective savings and group guarantees make it easier to access credit. Group lending also builds trust with financial institutions.

Use your assets wisely

Collateral isn’t a barrier, it’s proof of responsibility. Livestock, equipment, or even a produce store can help you secure smaller loans.

Borrow for value addition

Loans used for productive investments such as hullers, millers, or tractors generate income and raise your creditworthiness over time.

The Uganda Premier League (UPL) Board and top-flight clubs face a new challenge after the recent format reversal highlighted the urgent need for better coordination with fans.

The 2025/26 season began amid confusion when a new three-phase format was introduced and later dropped after protests from several clubs.

This incident revealed that league reforms without full engagement from clubs and fans are bound to fail.

Ugandan football thrives on passion, and its supporters have remained loyal even when faced with limited communication and unclear governance.

The UPL and clubs must now turn lessons from this setback into a foundation for stronger, more inclusive football management.

Fans are not just spectators; they are the emotional and financial backbone of Ugandan football.

KCCA FC’s ‘Yellow Brigade’ has built a culture of community support and unity around the MTN Omondi Stadium.

SC Villa’s ‘Jogoo Fans’ remain a symbol of resilience, keeping the club’s traditions alive through self-organised campaigns and member drives.

Express FC’s ‘Red Army’ is known for its vocal passion and for leading peace campaigns within the football fraternity.

Vipers SC’s ‘Venoms’ supporters group has embraced digital platforms to mobilise youth and strengthen club identity.

URA FC’s ‘Tax Collectors’ and BUL FC’s ‘Wave’ fans continue to bring life to regional stadiums across the country.

These groups prove that Ugandan football already has a strong base of organised supporters ready to play a bigger role in governance.

The challenge now is to formalise these groups and link them directly with their clubs and the UPL Board.

Each club should recognise its Supporters’ Association as an official structure, complete with elected leaders and clear communication channels.

The UPL Board can then maintain a register of all club fan associations to ensure accountability and coordination.

Every club needs a Supporter Liaison Officer (SLO) to act as a bridge between management and the fan community.

This role has worked well in countries like Germany and England, where structured fan engagement builds stability and transparency.

A National Fans Forum under the UPL could bring representatives from all clubs together twice a season to discuss key league matters.

Such a platform would promote dialogue, prevent misunderstanding, and strengthen the bond between administrators and supporters.

Sponsors and partners would also gain confidence in a league that listens to its consumers – the fans.

Ugandan football has suffered in the past when leadership ignored supporters and made unilateral decisions.

But clubs like Express FC and SC Villa have shown that reconnecting with fans revives matchday energy and community trust.

Formal fan structures will protect clubs from leadership wrangles by rooting them in community ownership.

The UPL Board’s role must go beyond administration to include nurturing a culture of shared responsibility.

Clubs and fans working together can redefine Ugandan football governance from the bottom up.

The recent controversy should be remembered not as failure but as a wake-up call to build trust and inclusion.

If the UPL Board, clubs, and supporters walk this path together, Ugandan football can achieve a new era of stability and professionalism.

Football belongs to its fans, and only by recognising their voice will the league grow stronger and united

When victims of conflict from Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan arrive at the Bweyale Refugee Settlement in Kiryandongo District, they are ushered into new beginnings that often start with little more than a piece of land and hope.

Each family is allocated a plot of about 20 to 30 square metres, barely enough for a modest home and a small garden. The government, through the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), together with humanitarian organisations, provides basic materials such as tarpaulin sheets, timber, and cooking utensils to help them settle.

The remaining space is what many now call ‘the land of possibility.’ From these tiny plots, refugee families are not only growing food but also rebuilding dignity. What was once bare, dry soil now brims with green, neat rows of cabbage, onions, sukuma wiki, eggplants, tomatoes, and beans. A model for self-reliance

Until recently, most of the new arrivals in Bweyale depended entirely on food rations. For many who had left behind formal jobs and city lives, adjusting to agriculture was not only difficult but emotionally disorienting. However, with the support of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and development partners, a new initiative has changed that narrative.

The Optimised Land Use Model (OLUM), piloted in Kiryandongo, trains refugees to grow more from less, teaching them how to maximise small garden spaces through improved soil management, crop rotation, composting, and intercropping.

‘What started as a small food security project has evolved into a life-changing initiative. We realised that refugees wanted to work the land. They needed skills, not just food aid, so we decided to invest in knowledge,’ explains Anne Nyambane, FAO’s Refugee Response and Sustainable Energy Specialist.

The FAO and OPM collaboration ensures that the response to refugee needs goes beyond short-term relief to focus on sustainability and resilience. Through internal FAO funding, refugees are introduced to hands-on training in crop production, poultry management, and agro-processing, skills that can travel with them, wherever they go.

Among the first to join the initiative was Zahara Mohammed, a refugee from Sudan. She recalls the early days when food was scarce and hope scarcer.

‘When we first came from Sudan, we depended on food from the reception centre. Later, FAO gave us seeds and training. We planted, harvested, and sold. Now we have vegetables and chicken, and we earn enough to support our families,’ she says.

In her small garden, Zahara and her neighbour grow onions, sukuma wiki, and cabbage. They also keep kuroiler chickens, which they sell live to traders in nearby markets. Her backyard is a patchwork of green and brown, irrigated with water from recycled jerrycans. ‘We used to eat whatever was given,’ she says, ‘but now we eat what we grow.’

Such transformation stories are common across Bweyale. The settlement, once dependent on relief aid, is slowly turning into a landscape of small, productive farms. For many, agriculture has become not just a means of survival but a bridge to self-sufficiency.

Learning by doing

The project’s success lies in its three-month training courses, offered in partnership with vocational institutes within the settlement.

Refugees can choose from four main courses: crop production, poultry management, agro-processing, and agricultural mechanisation. Each class combines classroom theory with field practice, taught in English and Arabic to accommodate all learners. Trainers emphasise business thinking as much as agricultural technique.

‘Skilling is not just about planting,’ Nyambane explains. ‘We teach agripreneurship, how to save, market, and plan. It’s about turning farming into a business.’

In crop production, participants learn how to prepare nurseries, manage seedlings, and use drip irrigation to conserve water. The poultry management group studies housing, feeding, vaccination, and record keeping. For agro-processing, trainees experiment with honey refining, baking, and food packaging, all aimed at helping them move beyond raw production into value addition.

Upon completion, participants receive starter kits such as seed packs, watering cans, and poultry feed to help them apply what they have learned immediately.

For young refugees like 17-year-old Afag Ali, the experience has opened new doors. ‘Before, I didn’t know anything about planting,’ she says. ‘Now I can choose seeds, prepare the soil, and plant properly. When I harvest, I sell and help my family. This garden pays for our soap and school books.’

Afag’s garden, behind their small house, produces tomatoes, carrots and green peppers. She dreams of expanding her plot and teaching other young people to farm.

‘Farming gives us something to do. It gives us hope,’ she says quietly. Her story reflects a wider shift. More youth are embracing agriculture as a sustainable livelihood instead of waiting for aid.

The sense of purpose that comes from working the land is changing how refugee families see themselves, from dependents to contributors.

Beyond Food

The skilling programme is designed to help refugees think beyond consumption. Graduates are forming cooperatives and savings groups to pool resources and access bigger markets. FAO provides technical support, linking them to local government agricultural officers and potential buyers. Some are already planning to expand into processing.

‘We want to start slaughtering and packaging broilers for restaurants,’ says Zahara. ‘People buy them alive now, but processed chicken will bring better income.’

Others are exploring beekeeping, mushroom growing, and baking as secondary businesses. The growing diversity of activities is helping reduce dependency on aid and strengthening relations with host communities.

Model worth replicating

Uganda’s open-door refugee policy, allowing freedom of movement, access to land, and the right to work has made models like OLUM possible. The Bweyale pilot shows that when refugees are equipped with knowledge and land, even small spaces can become productive and profitable. ‘The Optimised Land Use Model is proof that small is powerful,’ Nyambane says. ‘When refugees are empowered to use land efficiently, they move from survival to self-reliance.’

The initiative also complements government and UN efforts to integrate climate-smart agriculture into refugee response. Practices such as composting, mulching, and solar-powered irrigation help protect the environment while improving productivity.

Uganda’s Minister of State for Housing and Urban Development, Persis Namuganza, has called on the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to conduct free and fair elections, warning against favoritism and bias as political tensions rise ahead of the 2026 general polls.

Namuganza, who serves in veteran President Museveni’s government, said the commission chaired by Justice Simon Byabakama must ensure equal treatment of all candidates to avoid disputes similar to those seen during the ruling NRM primaries.

‘We want a free and fair election, and this is what all candidates and Ugandans want to see happen next year,’ she said.

The minister, seeking a third term as Bukono County MP, is contesting as an independent after losing in the NRM primaries.

She accused the party’s electoral body led by Dr Tanga Odoi of presiding over irregularities that cost her the flag.

Namuganza also urged the Electoral Commission to guarantee equal security protection for all candidates during campaigns and on polling day.

‘The Commission should provide security for all candidates regardless of their political affiliation because we are all contestants,’ she said.

After her nomination on Thursday, the minister cautioned district returning officers against tampering with election results.

‘We want to see candidates who have truly won declared as winners with accurate vote tallies. For instance, I should know exactly how many votes I have received,’ she added.

The race for Bukono County has shaped into a tight contest between Namuganza and NRM flag bearer Emmanuel Maganda, who accused the minister of rigging the 2021 elections.

‘If she lost the NRM primaries, she should have accepted defeat and served the country elsewhere, not come back as an independent,’ Maganda emphasized.

Across Namutumba District, 30 candidates were cleared to contest for parliamentary seats on the first day of nominations.

The Woman MP race has also attracted attention, with incumbent Mariam Naigaga (NRM) facing a challenge from Betty Nakisita Mpongo, who alleged she was cheated in the primaries.

‘She cheated me in the NRM primaries, but I’m ready to defeat her again in the upcoming elections,’ Nakisita said.

In Busiki Constituency, incumbent Paul Akamba will face Joel Waiswa Azalwa, who vowed to unseat him despite losing a court battle over the NRM ticket.

Meanwhile, in Busiki North, former MP Willion Isiko Mpongo declared his bid to return to Parliament after a decade out, saying he is ‘ready to represent the people again.’

Ugandans will vote the next parliament in general elections to be held January 15, 2026.

Candidate Yoweri Museveni this week concluded his barnstorms of Acholi, confident that he will poll higher than the 58.491 percent average mustered across the sub-region’s eight districts during the 2021 presidential poll. Two broad issues have in recent times come to capture the imagination of the sub-region’s constituents. Firstly, there are the related issues of the depletion of natural forest cover and degradation of gazetted river catchment areas in east Acholi districts.

Experts say such human activities are central to both issues. If it is not the increased demand for charcoal as a major source of energy, then it is the extraction of sand and gravel that leaves behind open spaces with borrow pits. In the districts of Kitgum, Lamwo and Agago, key rivers, including Pager, Aswa, Aringa and Orom, have not been spared by the devastation.

The major rivers include Pager (running from the hilly areas of Mt Moroto and Orom mountain rangers and Aringa (running mainly from the hilly areas of Agoro hills), among other small streams. These form the bigger Aswa Catchment Management Area that is managed under the Ministry of Water and Environment’s Upper Nile Water Management Zone programme.

According to the Kitgum District’s Development Plan 2021-2025 document, natural resources have been degraded over time. ‘It is common that people are cultivating inside the river banks and penetrating wetland areas during the dry season to cultivate rice and vegetables. As a result, most parts of these major rivers are now getting silted,’ the document states in part.

For the case of mountains/hills, cultivation of crops in the foothills is a common phenomenon as is the extraction of gravel for construction activities. Kitgum boasts a combined 30,704 hectares of forests gazetted as central forest reserves under the National Forestry Authority (NFA). Only 16 hectares of local forest reserves are managed by the district.

‘We have five local forest reserves, all of which are unfortunately located within rapidly developing sub-counties. One of the reserves is in one of the divisions within Kitgum municipality, and the division headquarters and a market are sitting inside the reserve,’ Mr Martin Anywar, the Kitgum District forest officer, said in an interview. Authorities decided to allocate Labongo-Layamu Local Forest Reserve in Labongo-Layamo Sub-county to developers on the assumption that it was an empty and vacant land. Elsewhere, Matidi local forest reserve in Kitgum-Matidi Sub-county is 100 percent encroached, Mr Anywar disclosed.

‘In 1986, our tree cover was 20.7, but in 2002, the forest cover came down to 13. Then, in 2021, it increased a little by, I think, 0.2 or 0.3; there was a little bit of increase in that forest cover. But when you look at agriculture, which was around 0.2 percent of our land cover in 1986,’ Mr Anywar noted.

Lost in the woods

In Amuru District, the NFA has continued to struggle amid stiff resistance from communities to restore, protect and preserve forest cover. As a result of the continued human activities, over 1,000 acres of forest reserve land in Keyo, Wii-Ceri and Labala have been lost with about 60 percent of tree cover depleted, majorly due to settlement, agriculture and commercial charcoal burning and logging, it is established.

Several attempts to open boundaries of reserve lands in the district have been futile, with the majority of community members violently rejecting the process.

Mr Michael Lakony, the Amuru District chairman, however, blames the continued encroachment into forest reserves and the rapid depletion of tree cover from the forest reserves in the district on the ‘inactive’ presence of NFA on the ground. He is not the only critical voice. Ms Paska Kerren Alanyo, Amuru District forest officer, says: ‘When I came here three years ago, I went to that reserve and I failed to trace it because there was no single tree; instead, some buildings, crop plantations sat on it. It is 100 percent lost.’

Ms Alanyo says their efforts to reclaim the reserves from encroachers are continually curtailed by underfunding, which makes their operations ineffective.

As a result, commercial charcoal dealers have destroyed all the tree cover in the villages of Coro, Aker, Luro, Apaa, which was a resettlement camp, Goro B, Kalacut, Acut, Zoka, and Kamdini, among others, in Amuru. Commercial charcoal production in Acholi Sub-region has nearly doubled after the issuance of the Presidential (Executive) Order in May 2023.

New strides

Currently, central forest reserves manned by NFA occupy up to 1,265,741 hectares, constituting 64 percent of Uganda’s permanent forest estate (PFE), with the rest of the estate being managed by Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA). ‘With the fourth highest population growth rate globally of 3.3 percent, there is a high demand for agricultural land, construction materials (timber, poles, sand, etc), and energy sources (firewood and charcoal), the refugee population (estimated at 1.8 million in 2025) adds to the population pressure, a challenge to safeguarding the forest estate,’ NFA states in its 2025-30 corporate strategic plan.

To restore depleted forest cover in the Acholi Sub-region, NFA has invested in the generation of tree nurseries aimed at regenerating critical indigenous and commercial species. These include Shea (Vitellaria paradoxa), Tectona grandis (Teak), Mvule (Milicia excelsa), and Warburgia ugandensis, a rare medicinal tree.

These nurseries are expected to supply seedlings for forest restoration, community planting, and enrichment of degraded forest reserves, according to Mr Aldon Walukamba, NFA’s communications and public relations manager.

Despite the present efforts, Mr Walukamba says the severity of encroachment on central forest reserves manned by NFA remains a challenge in the Acholi Sub-region, where vast areas have been targeted for farming, settlement and charcoal burning. ‘NFA has stepped up efforts to protect and restore central forest reserves in Acholi and Lango sub-regions, with notable progress in several central forest reserves. These interventions are part of a broader strategy to safeguard Uganda’s forests against rising threats of encroachment, illegal charcoal production, and unsustainable land use practices,’ he told Saturday Monitor.

NFA, in collaboration with other government agencies, has enforced the Presidential Directive on charcoal, targeting large-scale illegal commercial production that has devastated Shea tree populations in northern Uganda, he added.

Balaalo issue

Away from forest encroachment, the Acholi Sub-region has found itself grappling with the issue of the Balaalo herdsmen. Their battles with Lamwo landowners are well documented. The battles moved to court this year, with High Court judge Justice George Okello dismissing the herdsmen’s claims on account of them not having any property rights.

It all started on November 11, 2021 when Simon Timbigamba, Petero Bashaijja, John Bosco Kamanzi, Moses Gakumba, George William Katozi, Emmanuel Tayebwa, and others sought legal redress. They sued Palabek chiefdom, Palabek Kal Town, Palabek Gem, Palabek Kal, Palabek Ogili, Palabek Nyimur, Palabek Abera Sub-county and ten others for illegally evicting them from the land on which they kept their cattle. According to the court, while the herdsmen claimed, in their suit, to have rented and purchased land through formal arrangements with several persons within Lamwo District for pastoralism.

They further claimed that the accused held meetings and resolved to irregularly evict them from the land irregularly. The herdsmen also expressed contempt for being called ‘Balaalo’ a term they deemed defamatory. To understand the weight of the standoff, you have to go back to October 25, 2021. Back then, the Palabek Chiefdom summoned a meeting. The meeting involved all lower local governments, including lawmakers. Up for discussion were concerns over the intrusion of large numbers of herdsmen in Palabek County.

The intrusion, according to the chiefdom, was an undesirable trend that could not be left to persist unchecked and unregulated. The meeting is said to have discussed how the herdsmen manipulated vulnerable and unaware locals to ‘fraudulently obtain’ documents. According to a memo authored by Palabek chiefdom, presented as evidence before the court, since they were alleged to have caused marital issues in households by using their money to entice locals’ wives and young girls, the leaders during the meeting ordered the herdsmen and their cattle to vacate the area.

‘No new inflow of cattle into Palabek by the Balalo shall be allowed forthwith; all clans must ensure they take effective control over their customary lands to avoid individuals grabbing and disposing them off; persons who are said to have sold off or leased customary lands or any other land in Palabek are asked to devise ways of remedying and or redeeming the transaction otherwise such transaction is considered null and void,’ the memo reads in part.

In his judgment, Justice Okello averred that while Mr Timbigamba, one of the applicants, hired 300 acres of land from Mr Oryem Lodoviko Atoya in 2020, he did not suffer any deprivation of property by the respondents’ acts but mere contract rights given his status as a mere tenant. ‘The 300 acres appear to have remained the property of Atoro Obori Shirinus’ family with the right to deal in purely regulated by the customary law of the area, which Mr Oryem Lodoviko Atoya, the head of the family, ought to follow in case of any dealings.’

Whereas Mr John Bosco Kamanzi told the court that he rented 1,280 acres of land for five years from Mr Jimmy Odoko-pira and family for Shs11m, the court ruled that he did not acquire any property right or interest in the 1,280 acres of land but a mere contractual right which the accused was right to reject. Mr Museveni has found himself sucked into the dicey issue. In Executive Order 3, issued on May 19, Mr Museveni banned all Balaalo from northern Uganda, labelling them as undisciplined. His ruling NRM party has found itself having to stress that position, mindful that it is one of the hot button issues heading into the 2026 poll.

With a following of more than 570,000 and 7.7 million likes on Tik Tok, Aziz Kayihura, who goes by the moniker Shirtless Boss, is a force to reckon with on the streets of Kampala.

He is a deejay and talent promoter from Uganda known for promoting music talents from the ghetto and is also associated with the ‘ghetto talent search’.

His niche is interviewing people from the ghettos, freestyling on different instrumentals under the name Eno Nkambwe on Tik Tok.

Joining Tik Tok

Kayihura used to work downtown and used to see many people watching videos. Thinking to himself how he could also be the one people are watching, he gathered his friends who he used as a case study. ‘In 2020, I gathered some of my friends, asked them if they would be okay if we filmed them expressing themselves and they accepted. We started it as a joke but it kept on growing and this surprised us. This marked the beginning of my life on Tik Tok.

Creating a brand

Kayihura wanted something unique. He wanted something that stood out and having come from the ghettos of Kampala, being shirtless was what came to his mind.

‘People might see it as being abnormal but it represents something big. I represent the ghetto people. The people who are always ignored and if you notice, they are the people I am always hanging out with. So being shirtless shows that we don’t have anything,’ Kayihura explained.

Asked whether this is the perfect representation of the ghetto people, he said besides being homeless, lacking basic needs and using drugs, not having clothes or poor dressing is the other aspect and that is how he chose to represent his people. It is with this brand that he has also been able get an endorsement deal with Premier Distilleries as their ambassador.

‘Because my work involves dealing with local people, they found me as the perfect person to promote their Bikole Masavu promotion, which I have done for three months now. If it wasn’t for my shirtless brand, I doubt they would have approached me.’

Why the ghettos

He was born and raised in Katwe Kinyolo, suburbs of Makindye Division in Kampala, and because of this background, he feels people in the ghetto have a lot of interesting and untold stories, the kind of content he scouts.

‘I mostly visit different communities in the ghettos and people tell me about their challenges and I give them the chance to showcase their talents. There is a lot of content in the ghettos. That is why I took that direction,’ he says.

Earnings

Kayihura says Tik Tok does not pay and this is what people do not know. He, however, says Tik Tok is one of the avenues he uses for his content that spills over other avenues that help him get money.

‘I have other avenues like YouTube, Instagram and Facebook that pay. It is through those avenues that big brands approach us to work for them,’ he explains.

Life before TikTok

Before joining the platform, Kayihura was into music.

He had a recording studio where he recorded four dancehall songs, including Tuzilye and Makosa, but did not go further with his music career because of luck of financial support.

‘Music is expensive and I did not have the necessary support. I needed the push to progress but no one gave me a hand so I had to end that career prematurely,’ he says.

However, all was not lost because with his kind of work now, he uses that same studio for his video editing before posting on social media. It is not just him but other content creators like Shutter Empire also use the studio for their work.

He says the studio will not just stop at that as he looks into joining the movie industry, venturing into ghetto movies.He did not study past Senior Four and it was a personal decision. Asked why, the Tik Toker says the system is not supportive.

Because he was paying his own tuition from Primary Five by vending fruits around Owino market and later collecting scrap and selling it, no one could question his decision of dropping out of school.

Challenges

More recently, Shirtless Boss was in the news after burglars broke into his home and stole his valuable work equipment, including three laptops and a camera, among other things he uses in content creation. He says the things they stole had all the content he had short ever since he started out and this means starting afresh.

In 2009, Patrick Idringi alias Salvador chanced upon a Stand Up Uganda auditions advert at Theatre La Bonita. He registered and luckily made it to the top 20, who underwent training for two weeks.

Pablo Kimuli emerged as a winner and Salvador as the first runner-up. It is this very audition that set Salvador on the career path as a comedian. Fifteen years down the road, he is celebrating with a big show tonight dubbed Africa Laughs at Kingdom Kampala.

Do you remember your very first comedy show? How many people turned up? How much money did you make?

My very first comedy show was organised by myself and Daniel Omara. It was at Club Rouge and it sold out. At that time, money wasn’t even part of the things we really cared about. We just wanted to be on stage and perform. I don’t even know how much was made that day. All we wanted was drinks at Rouge.

Comedy shows of 15 years ago and comedy today. What key things stand out?

Comedy shows 15 years ago were pure because we were not motivated by money. Today, without money, the motivation is not there. There are a few comedy shows that are purely motivated by passion like the Laughing Maraboustock – a platform for upcoming comedians who just want to perform and entertain their audiences.

In your view, what makes a good comedian?

A good comedian is one who knows how to read his audience. No matter how prepared you are, how many scripts you rehearse, if you don’t read the audience, even your best jokes will land flat. We are seeing 11 comedians from different parts of Africa, two Ugandan music legends and Janzi band all advertised to perform. Why did you choose these specific comedians as your supporting acts?

These are comedians I have worked with over the past few years and I know they will totally define this 15 year celebration. I don’t want to leave anything to chance so from the first to last performer, I want everyone to be in awe.

We see artistes dominating comedy shows and here we are seeing Chameleon and Juliana as performers. Won’t this affect what you want to achieve?

It’s very hard to change a culture that has already been imprinted in people. Music and comedy go hand in hand today, and this being a celebration, I chose two of the legends I respect the most. I don’t even remember the last time I saw Juliana Kanyomozi on stage, but I believe her touch is what my show needs, for Jose chameleon I think it’s self-explanatory.

In 2020, The Uganda Comedians Association (TUCA) was formed with you on the committee yet in May this year, you came out and said comedians are responsible for the industry’s decline because they are disunited. Does this mean you guys failed as an association?

I think you misquoted me. I said when we allowed music to influence how we run our shows, that culture became hard to change. I’m glad the new generation of comedians is actively bringing order to the industry..

You are celebrating 15-years in comedy and it is also seven years of Africa laughs. Is this going to be a double celebration?

Africa Laughs 7 show had taken a break since 2022, and I had to bring it back. My friends in comedy really wanted to be a part of this celebration. I could have done a one-man show, but I figured it would have made more sense if I made it more of a celebration with my colleagues, which falls under Africa Laughs among the shows I do.

How did Rajiv Ruparelia and Cedric Babu impact your comedy career?

These two particular gentlemen (may their souls rest in peace) believed in me when I didn’t even know how far I would go with this. Rajiv was my biggest supporter.

He never hesitated to come through whenever I called him. Cedric was the one who made me valuable in terms of how I viewed myself. There is a lot I can say about these two gentlemen.

Was this choice of venue connected to Rajiv in any way?

Yes, when I pitched to him the idea of starting a weekly show in 2019, he was very open to it. In fact, he even waived the fees for my first show and he told me, ‘let’s see how it goes’.

He didn’t want me to make a loss on my first show. So in his memory, I decided to do one of my biggest shows at the same venue. When I reached out to his sister, Sheena, the meeting did not even last five minutes and the venue was offered, courtesy of the Ruparelia family.

Speaking about the weekly shows (Just Comedy), why did you put a stop to them?

I had plans of coming back to Kingdom Kampala for the Just Comedy show. The management contacted me to bring it back. Unfortunately, it is designated as Parliament [Parliament rents office space on the building] and I had to get clearance every week I did a show. The bureaucracy involved in getting clearance got on my nerves. We shall see if we can resume it after this show.

In one of the interviews, you said employers feared hiring your wife. Is that true?

Most of the people I would recommend her to are my friends, however much I know her potential, I don’t think she’d fully hit it because of the way they would treat her. This is the honest truth. And also if anything went wrong, I would be burning those bridges, so we decided to open up a company, Salphine Productions, together and it’s a decision that we are both proud of.

Fifteen years in comedy. What are you most grateful for?

I am grateful to God for the ability to harness this talent to make a living and sustain my family. I am indebted to the people who have supported me along the way.

What next for Salvador?

Well, I will keep going. I will always bring joy to people. Watch out for better things to come because I have a lot in store.