General Lucky Irabor (retd) can at best be described as intellectual in military uniform. But that only reminds us of the glorious days of the Nigerian military before criminals in uniform mindlessly murdered their colleagues and Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha turned the military into ‘an army of anything is possible’. Irabor speaking last week at the public presentation of his book, Scars: Nigeria’s Journey and the Boko Haram Conundrum reminded us of some of those truths about ourselves we have tried to ignore. He told us that the book is ‘not an indictment, but a national soul-searching presentation; an awakening reality to either act dutifully for progress, or do nothing and turn towards extinction’. He wants the book ‘to serve as an opportunity for Nigerians to reflect on past experiences and recommit to justice, equity, and peace’.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu could not have agreed any less. Speaking as special guest of honour through his Minister of Defence, Mohammed Badaru during the launch, he admitted that Scars tells a story, reminds us of pain but it also proves that survival is possible adding that the book ‘will provide guidance and serve as a roadmap for the nation to build a safer future’ because it reminds us that ‘the scar we carry as a nation are evidence of our resilience and of the sacrifice of our heroes past, soldiers, displaced families, and communities’. He therefore wants Nigerians to ‘use the occasion not only to acknowledge the book but also to affirm our commitment to working together toward a future where every Nigerian can live without fear, thrive in peace, and contribute to the nation’s greatness’.
The book could not have come at a better time for embattled President Bola Tinubu. Those who love Nigeria and who understand that we have been fighting tribal wars by another name since independence, for two years have mounted pressure on him to address the national question. They have all argued that all our woes, including corruption, poverty, Fulani terrorism/banditry and economic crisis arising from fuel subsidy scam and foreign currency speculation, are all but symptoms of our failure to first seek the kingdom of politics, as advised by the great Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. We need to first define who owns Nigeria.
The Patriots led by Chief Emeka Anyaoku, an elder statesman and former Secretary General of the Commonwealth not too long ago visited the president making two demands. First, was: ‘The convening of a National Constituent Assembly of directly elected individuals, on a non-political basis, from the 36 states of the federation, possibly three individuals per state, and one from the FCT with the mandate to produce a draft people’s democratic constitution. And that ‘the draft constitution produced by the constituent assembly, to be put to a national referendum and if approved, should then be signed by the president as the genuine Nigerian people’s constitution’.
The president while assuring them of ‘listening to their two major requests on the path to referendum which should lead to constitutional measures that will fit our diversity and governance so that we avoid conflicts and break-ups’, however insisted that he is ‘currently preoccupied with economic reform, his first priority after which he would ‘look at other options, including constitutional review as recommended along other options, as soon as possible’.
Before the Patriots’ last call was Olu Falae, a former secretary to the government of the federation. Canvassing that the regions which used to be federating units, in today’s Nigeria, to now be called federal regions because states have been created in the regions, he wants us to go ‘back to that arrangement which all of us agreed at independence and not what Abacha imposed on us’.
Of course we have had other groups including the late nationalist, Pa Enahoro’s ‘Movement for National Reformation’ ( MNR), Pro-National Conference Organisation (PRONACO), National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), foremost socio-cultural ethnic groups such as Afenifere, Ohaneze, Pan Niger Deltal Forum (PANDEF) and Middle Belt Forum, (MDF) for whom periodic agitation for restructuring of the country was a crusade.
President Tinubu who is always working ahead of his colleagues probably understand better that the rain started to beat us since the run up to independence because of lack of elite consensus or consensus of military-baked newbreed that bred corruption.
The three dominant Nigerian ethnic groups and their leaders have different worldviews of how Nigeria should be run. The Yoruba who by nature are federalist wanted federal arrangement, a social system that has demonstrated in Europe and in over half of the world where it is adopted as capable of ensuring unity in diversity in deeply divided societies like ours. In fact, Awo wrote his Path to Nigeria Progress in the late 1940s where he advocated for a Nigerian federation based on the major ethic groups.
Of course, the Fulani hegemonic powers in the north have never hidden their desire to conquer Nigeria for their fellow stateless Fulani all over Africa. Uthman dan Fodio demonstrated this when after his 1804 Jihad and conquest of the Hausa states, 12 of the 13 people he appointed as Emirs were his Fulani compatriots while only one Hausa was found pious enough to be appointed an emir in an area where Islam had thrived for over 400 years before Dan Fodio, the Fulani revered Islamic teacher who first appeared in Gobir as the guest of the King Yuma.
But Nnamdi Azikiwe, the foremost nationalist that up to 1959 insisted on unitary system for a multi-ethnic Nigeria was less sincere. What he and his Igbo colleagues, from a landlocked country of hostile neighbours wanted in truth was a Nigeria where their highly resourceful youths who like the Jews thrive in other peoples land, can operate without hindrance.
I am also sure he understood this is the source of periodic tribal wars in Nigeria since independence. The first victim was Awolowo and his Yoruba people (1962-63). With one leg of a tripod that held Nigeria together removed, the next tribal war was between Igbo and Fulani (1964-1970). In 1993 when MKO Abiola pan-Nigerian mandate was annulled, the victim was unarguably Yoruba with Arthur Nzeribe placing advert in various newspapers saying Igbo will not accept a Yoruba president.
South-south was the victim between 2011 and 2015. The northern elite kept their peace when Boko Haram first started attacking Christians and churches. In fact, it was claimed that late president, Buhari insisted Boko Haram insurgents should be treated like Niger Delta freedom fighters with monthly stipend from government.
Of course Tinubu understands he and his Yoruba people are the victim since 2022 when Igbo, supported by Obasanjo and Pa Ayo Adebanjo, started to accuse him and his Yoruba people of betrayal for not ceding the presidency to the East. Even though he was out of power for 16 years while Igbo political elite ate with their 10 fingers. Two years into his presidency, the tribal wars has only become more fierce.
But President Tinubu is a unique politician who has probably moved beyond call for a return to pre-independence constitution because he understands the need for an elite consensus. Today, he has sufficient support from the east and the north to be held down by old prejudices. He has quietly worked toward mobilization of the elite because he knows the elite that ‘often determine the direction of their country even for the purpose of self-preservation’ (Yemi Osinbajo). And that democracy is best preserved, enhanced and stabilized on existing consensus among political elite (Rustow).
While his opponents are busy abusing him, questioning the authenticity of his university degree and even his identity, he was busy and quietly trying to win the confidence of elected members of the elite. And today, with close to his party’s control of close to 80 members of the red chamber from its modest 59 in at inauguration in 2023, and about 265 in the Green Chamber from 175 in 2023, with about 22 governors, his labour has not been in vain. He now has an historic opportunity to take our country back to ‘the Path to Nigeria Progress’ never taken.
With a rancorous National Assembly whose result will never be acceptable to those who have held Nigeria hostage for 85 years, I think his establishment of development commissions in all the six geo-political zones is a step in the right direction. For those who are passionate about their independence and who do not want anyone in Abuja to dictate to us the education of our children, the road we pass through or the water we drink, they have an answer in the development commissions which have the potential to become the building block for our new Nigeria. Just imagine if the states covered by each commission decided to come up with one police force with local police and community police running their states.