NUP’s ambitions to join IPOD, secure funding hang in balance

The High Court in Kampala has been asked to dismiss an application by the National Unity Platform (NUP) challenging its exclusion from statutory political party funding, arguing that the case is legally defective and has been overtaken by events since the funds have already been disbursed.

In an additional affidavit filed on October 2, on behalf of the Attorney General, Mr Lawrence Sserwambala, the Executive Director of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD), stated that the government’s actions were lawful and in line with the amended Political Parties and Organisations Act.

“The instant application is void from the outset due to fundamental legal defects. The preliminary objection had been raised to the effect that it is an abuse of court process, bad in law, incompetent, frivolous, vexatious and lacks merit,” Mr Sserwambala said.

Mr Sserwambala further noted that the Electoral Commission, acting within its mandate, had already released the first quarter disbursements for the 2025/2026 financial year to all political parties that are members of IPOD.

“The respondent has already released the disbursements to all political parties that are members of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue,” he said.

Attached to the affidavit were payment vouchers showing that on September 30, 2025, the Electoral Commission disbursed funds to six parties; the National Resistance Movement (NRM), Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), Democratic Party (DP), Justice Forum (JEEMA), and the People’s Progressive Party (PPP).

According to the vouchers, NRM received Shs8.5 billion, FDC received Shs756 million, UPC Shs277 million, DP Shs227 million, while JEEMA and PPP each received Shs25 million. The payments were approved by both the vote controller and accounting officer of the Electoral Commission under the budget line for ‘funds for political parties activities for the first quarter of the 2025/2026 financial year.’

Mr Sserwambala further contended that NUP’s case does not meet the legal threshold for the remedies it seeks, including an injunction against the government and the Electoral Commission.

“The applicants’ application is overtaken by events and does not meet the threshold and benchmark for issuance of the remedies sought therein,” he stated.

The Attorney General’s office maintains that the disbursement was grounded in law, following amendments that restricted funding to political parties belonging to IPOD.

“The actions of the respondent in disbursing the funds to the political parties that are members of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue is grounded in the law,” Sserwambala said.

However, it has been learnt that NUP has already expressed interest in joining IPOD.

In a letter dated October 10, 2025, Dr Sserwambala acknowledged NUP’s desire to sign the organisation’s Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and commended the party’s commitment to strengthening Uganda’s multiparty democracy through constructive dialogue.

IPOD outlined the procedural requirements that NUP must fulfil before becoming a member.

“Allow me to draw your attention to the provisions of the IPOD Memorandum of Understanding, which clearly outline the procedure and prerequisites for joining IPOD. Specifically, Article 5.2.7 provides that ‘a political party eligible to join IPOD shall express its interest in writing to the Secretary to Council,’ where a party is expected to state its intent to participate in the objectives, principles, and obligations of the Organisation,” the letter reads in part.

Dr. Sserwambala clarified that joining IPOD is a process distinct from merely signing the MoU.

A formal written expression of interest must first be submitted to allow the IPOD Council to consider and approve the application. Upon approval, arrangements are then made for the new member to formally accede to and sign the MoU in accordance with its terms.

“Accordingly, NUP should submit a formal written Expression of Interest, affirming the party’s commitment to the objectives, principles, and values of IPOD as outlined in the MoU and indicate readiness to participate in IPOD’s dialogue processes, programs, and institutional structures,” Dr. Sserwambala wrote.

He added that once received, the IPOD Council would process the request in accordance with the MoU and the legal framework under Section 20 of the Political Parties and Organisations Act (as amended), which governs inter-party collaboration and dialogue platforms.

The letter reaffirmed IPOD’s commitment to inclusivity, transparency, and peaceful, issue-based political engagement in Uganda, noting that NUP’s participation would enrich the platform’s diversity and strengthen collective efforts toward a more democratic and sustainable political environment.

NUP, through its Secretary General, Mr David Lewis Rubongoya, had earlier petitioned the court challenging a directive by the Justice Minister, Mr Norbert Mao, which instructed the Electoral Commission to fund only IPOD member parties.

NUP contends that the directive was illegal and discriminatory, noting that it has previously received funding as the second-largest party in Parliament and a member of the National Consultative Forum.

In his earlier affidavit, Mr Rubongoya said the exclusion had crippled NUP’s operations and preparations for the 2026 general elections. He asked the court to declare the directive unlawful and compel the government to release funds to the party.

However, in response, the Attorney General argues that the funds were lawfully allocated and that any challenge to their disbursement is now moot.

“This application has been overtaken by events,” Mr Sserwambala reiterated, calling on the court to dismiss it with costs.

The second respondent, the Electoral Commission, in its written submissions, raised a preliminary objection stating that the application is void from the outset due to fundamental legal defects that constitute a classical abuse of court process, barred in law, incompetent, frivolous, vexatious, and lacking merit.

The Commission noted that Parliament, in June 2025, amended the Political Parties and Organisations Act to restrict government funding to only political parties and organisations that are members of IPOD and participate in its activities.

It said the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs lawfully directed the Commission on August 25, 2025, to disburse funds accordingly.

The Commission argued that the High Court lacks jurisdiction to stop the implementation of an Act of Parliament unless it has first been declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court.

“The action of the Minister of Constitutional Affairs was done under the authority of the law and ought to be challenged in accordance with Article 137 of the Constitution,” the Commission submitted.

It added that NUP’s application was frivolous because the party is not a member of IPOD, does not participate in its activities, and has never demonstrated any intention to join the platform.

“The Applicant’s claims lack a good faith basis in law or fact, lack substantive merit or a legitimate legal purpose, thus frivolous,” the submission reads.

The Commission also argued that NUP had not demonstrated any irreparable loss it would suffer, and that any alleged damage could be compensated in monetary terms. It added that the balance of convenience favoured not granting the application since an Act of Parliament represents the will of the people and cannot be lightly interfered with.

Both the Attorney General and the Electoral Commission have asked the court to dismiss the case with costs.

The presiding judge, Collins Accellam, has advised the parties to dialogue instead of fighting each other, noting that there is a reason why Shs1.1 billion remains untouched, and set October 24 for his ruling.

Voters criticise FDC’s Nandala manifesto in Tooro, Rwenzori

The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) presidential candidate, Mr Nathan Nandala Mafabi, on Tuesday concluded his campaign rallies in Tooro and Rwenzori sub-regions.

He held rallies in Ntoroko, Bundibugyo on Saturday, Kasese on Sunday, Kamwenge and Fort Portal City on Monday, while on Tuesday he headed to Kyenjojo before proceeding to Kagadi District and other districts in Bunyoro Sub-region.

However, during his four-day stay in the Tooro and Rwenzori sub-regions, residents complained that his manifesto did not directly address issues affecting them.

Mr Mafabi’s manifesto gives much focus on transforming Uganda’s economy, with a slogan stating that if elected he will ensure that every citizen has ‘money in their pocket.’ The FDC candidate says his goal is to fight rampant poverty in Uganda.

Mafabi’s promise to the people

He said Uganda has many resources, but the benefits are currently enjoyed by only a small group of people, mostly in the government.

‘Our biggest problem is poverty at every level. We need a president who can fix the economy and put money directly into people’s pockets. Among all candidates, I am the only one with that knowledge. We intend to chase poverty out of Ugandan homes,’ he said on Saturday during a rally at Karugutu Trading Centre in Ntoroko District.

Mr Mafabi explained that one of his priorities will be to support small-scale businesses that often collapse under the weight of expensive bank loans.

He said his government will create a special fund to provide entrepreneurs with affordable capital to grow their enterprises.

Mr Mafabi promised that every village in Uganda would receive Shs100 million annually, and in five years, each village would benefit from Shs500m to invest in projects that raise household incomes.

‘This country loses Shs10 trillion every year through corruption. In my term of office, we shall stop that theft. Uganda has about 72,000 villages, and if we redirect that stolen money, every village will get annual funding. The balance will be given to boda boda riders,’ he said.

On education, Mr Mafabi promised to address salary disparities among teachers by introducing equal pay for equal qualifications. He also pledged to build more classrooms, staff quarters, and ensure timely pay for all civil servants.

Mr Mafabi further promised better pay and housing for security personnel, adding that his government would prioritise education of their children.

‘Security officers are not bad people, the problem is poor pay. They have families, yet their salaries are too low. We shall improve their welfare so they can serve the country effectively,’ he said.

However, some of the residents from the two sub-regions complained that Mr Mafabi’s manifesto focused much on national issues and lacked local priorities.

A section of voters who attended his last campaign rally on Monday evening at a venue on the Kamwenge-Fort Portal Road, expressed disappointment that Mafabi’s manifesto did not address the most pressing challenges affecting their communities, particularly the declining tea prices in the Tooro Sub-region.

Mr Rogers Tugume, a tea farmer from Kabarole District, said tea farming is the main source of income for many households in Tooro, but for the past three years, prices have fluctuated without any government intervention.

‘We expected him to talk about issues that affect our region. Yes, we agree he has a manifesto, but it should contain local issues. He told us he would give boda boda riders Shs5m each, which is okay… That is not our concern,’ he said.

‘If tea prices were stable, our incomes would grow and we could buy goods. But because the prices have remained low, many people have left their gardens to grow bush, and others have lost jobs,’ he explained.

In Ntoroko District, voters who attended a campaign rally on Saturday at Karugutu Trading Centre said the candidate’s manifesto focused on national issues such as education, while ignoring the persistent flooding that has devastated parts of the district since 2019.

Mr Joshua Alituha, from Kanara Sub-county, said he expected the presidential candidate to address the flood crisis and provide a clear plan for resettling affected families.

‘In Ntoroko, especially the lower sub-counties, the issue is floods. We have suffered for years since 2019, and people have demanded that the government give us land for resettlement. I was expecting Mafabi to promise that if we give him our votes, he would tell us what he would do for us.’

He added that the next president must prioritise disaster management and offer permanent solutions instead of temporary pledges.

‘Yes, he talked about building classrooms and improving teachers’ salaries, but here our schools were submerged by floods. Up to now, we don’t know the future of these schools. Some are operating in camps using tents. If he had talked about this specifically, we would know he understands our issues.’

In Bundibugyo District, residents have long demanded construction of a cocoa factory, a promise the government in about 40 years has failed to fulfil.

During his campaign in Ntandi-Bundimasoli Town, Mr Mafabi, pledged to construct the factory within two years of assuming office. Mr Alex Baluku, a resident of Ntandi Town Council, welcomed the pledge but emphasised that road infrastructure must also be addressed for the cocoa sector to thrive.

In Kasese District, it was FDC district leaders, rather than the presidential candidate, who addressed local concerns during campaign speeches. Mr Geofrey Sibendire Bigogo Thembo, the FDC candidate for district chairperson, said if elected, he would focus on resolving land conflicts that have left many residents homeless.

He pledged that under Mafabi’s regime, they would tackle the water crisis through irrigation schemes and revamp Katwe salt mining to create employment opportunities.

However, some residents expressed disappointment that the presidential candidate himself did not mention these specific local issues.

Mr Alex Bwambale, from Karusandara Sub-county, said, ‘It was our local leaders who spoke about what they want to do for us, but our president’s manifesto is full of national issues.

Suspected witch doctor arrested over death of woman in Mbale

Police in Mbale City are holding Mr Kharim Mwima, a suspected witch doctor, after a woman named Jennifer Khainza reportedly died from his shrine located in Kasanja (A) village, Northern Division.

Mr Rogers Taitika, the Elgon Region Police spokesperson, confirmed the arrest of Mwima, whom he said will guide the ongoing investigation.

“We are investigating to find out the exact cause of death, and we have already forwarded the body for postmortem,” he said.

Mwima’s arrest followed a joint operation by police in partnership with Project Rescue Children Foundation and Cherished Children Foundation, with whom they have been working to end such heinous acts.

“We keep on working with various institutions so that we sensitise the masses to do the right things in terms of seeking medical help. We call upon the opinion leaders, religious leaders, clan heads to join the cause,” he said.

During the operation, Mr Taitika said that an 8-year-old juvenile was also rescued from this shrine.

“I urge all stakeholders to be vigilant and not to be misled by native doctors. You should be careful of the people you seek services from, and this will enable us to eliminate these acts,” he said.

Adam Whittington, the Chief Executive Officer of Project Rescue Children, condemned the heinous acts that reportedly even led to the death of an innocent life.

“Human sacrifice is a dark and horrific reality, often ignored by Western society. It must be brought to light if we are to stop it. This week’s case is both heartbreaking and hopeful – heartbreaking because we could not save the mother, yet hopeful because her child was rescued,” he said.

The High Court of Uganda in Mbale, in May last year, sentenced Isiko Ibrahim to life in prison for the murder of a five-year-old boy in a ritualistic sacrifice. The gruesome case involved the kidnapping and murder of a young boy, whose remains were found buried in a sugarcane plantation.

The annual murders by rituals have been fluctuating over the last three years, according to the 2024 Annual Crime Report by Police. The cases rose from 72 in 2022 to 84 in 2023, before shooting down to 74 cases last year.

Prof Ssempebwa faults Parliament for failing to check Executive

Professor Fredrick Ssempebwa, a former member of the 1995 Constitutional Commission, has criticised Parliament for failing to provide effective checks and balances on the executive.

Speaking at the second commemoration conference on constitutional governance, Ssempebwa noted that Parliament’s actions are now driven by sectarian interests rather than a commitment to holding the executive accountable.

“It’s simply that if the proposal is coming from the President, we members of the ruling party must agree to it at whatever cost,” Ssempebwa said, highlighting the lack of independence in Parliament. He emphasized that the Constitution had envisioned a different role for Parliament, one that would provide a strong check on the executive.

Ssempebwa pointed out that the decentralization system proposed in the Constitution has been undermined by the lack of financial capacity and autonomy for local government units.

“We had at the initiation of the constitution, 35 local government units or 36, something like that, and these were conceived as relatively sufficient for us to be able to play the role,” he said.

However, Ssempebwa criticized President Museveni for not walking the talk on the number of local government units.

“I saw him on TV last night complaining about the cost of districts. He had just said oh, it’s so expensive, we have too many districts and recently, the president has awarded new districts,” Ssempebwa said, referencing the President’s recent announcement on creating a new district in Oyam.

The conference, themed “Guardians of the Constitution: Strengthening Institutions for Democracy, Justice and Rule of Law,” brought together stakeholders to discuss the progress and challenges of Uganda’s constitutional governance.

The former Principal Judge of the High Court, Justice James Ogoola, emphasized the importance of the judiciary speaking its mind in judicial resolutions.

According to Justice Ogoola, the judiciary’s performance over the 30 years of the Constitution’s existence has been a “mixed bag.” He cited notable cases, including the presidential election petition of 2006, where the court was perceived to have failed in its duty to stand for the courage of its conviction.

In contrast, Justice Ogoola highlighted the constitutional court’s recent ruling on military jurisdiction over civilians, saying, “This time, the court means no words. It quickly, courageously, and succinctly ruled against military jurisdiction over civilians and compelled the state to immediately continue cases that were ongoing and turn them over to the appropriate civilian courts.”

Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Thomas Tayebwa, also expressed concerns about the number of members of Parliament, citing the high cost of administration in the country.

“We’ve had a very big debate on the issue of number of members of parliament, they also bother me because the cost of administration in this country, I want to be honest is extremely high,” he said.

The conference highlighted the need for institutions to work together to strengthen democracy, justice, and the rule of law in Uganda. As the country celebrates 30 years of its Constitution, stakeholders are calling for a renewed commitment to upholding the principles of good governance and accountability.

Problems that await new IGG Naluzze

Persistent corruption in government entities, political interference, and low staff motivation are some of the imminent challenges that await the newly appointed Inspector General of Government (IGG), Aisha Naluzze Batala.

In a country that loses close to Shs10 trillion annually to corruption schemes, Justice Naluzze has her work cut out, and in this publication, we highlight some of the hurdles, many of which her predecessors faced too:

Political interference

A few weeks to the end of the four-year tenure of the outgoing IGG, Beti Olive Namisango Kamya, President Museveni wrote a missive, questioning her directive to interdict the Commissioner of Land Registration Baker Mugaino.

Mr Museveni reasoned that since Mr Mugaino was a presidential appointee, he ought to have been informed about the ombudsman’s move to interdict him.

President Museveni, in his May 24 strongly worded letter to Lands Minister Judith Nabakooba, wondered why Mr Mugaino, whom he had sent to her ministry on a special mission, was instead interdicted on the orders of Ms Kamya without his involvement as the appointing authority.

‘.I have now been informed that the Commissioner of Land Registration, who is implementing this solution, has been removed from office on unspecified grounds, apparently acting on the directives of the IGG,’ Museveni wrote in his letter to the minister. He continued: ‘How convenient! Do you have the authority to interdict such an officer (a presidential appointee) without my involvement? Why was I not consulted prior to this action being taken?.’

According to his letter, the President had sent Mr Mugaino to the Lands ministry to find a solution to the persistent inefficiencies, fraud, and mismanagement, particularly in the Land Information System, which he claimed had cost the government over $140 million, yet double tilting, tax evasion, and fraudulent transactions still went on.

The President had sent Mr Mugaino to start the digitalisation process aimed at mitigating the said persistent shortcomings, but he was in the process arrested and interdicted on directives of the IGG.

But President Museveni’s directive was branded by some of the legal minds as ‘overstepping his mandate, impunity, and undermining government institutions on execution of their mandate’.

‘The Constitution demands that the IGG’s work is not interfered with; that is why she is called an ombudsman whose core role is to look into and check the government agencies,’ Mr Caleb Alaka, a senior lawyer, said, adding: ‘If I were the IGG, I would have resigned by now.’

In 2018, Justice Irene Mulyagonja, while IGG, claimed the majority of the powerful corrupt government officials were ‘hiding’ behind the back of the President and using their connection to the country’s chief executive officer to defeat justice. Justice Mulyagonja, who is now a judge of the Court of Appeal, went on to reveal that the corrupt are very powerful and that whenever she attempts to go after them, they fight back and, in most cases, they win the battle.

The President had used the State-of- the-Nation Address of that year to question the effectiveness of the IGG’s office in fighting corruption and said he was to create a new institution under his office to reinforce the fight against corruption in the country. Former Ethics minister Miria Matembe, earlier this week, said corruption in this country can’t be won without the political will.

Demotivated staff

Sources within the Inspectorate of Government said the staff are demotivated due to poor pay in comparison to their peers who work for other government institutions like the office of the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Uganda Revenue Authority (URA), and Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority (PPDA), among others. ‘.As a result, staff get demoralised and pursue greener pastures elsewhere,’ our sources who are privy to what is happening at IGG’s office said.

They added: ‘The current staff structure doesn’t give room for growth in terms of promotion. For instance, there are staff who have been at the officer level for 10 years, and these have never been promoted.’

Prosecuting the corrupt

The new IGG has her work further cut out as the public expects her to prosecute corruption cases, most especially the big cases involving high profile government officials.

Constitutionally, the IGG is the leading fighter against corruption, but this hasn’t been the case; statistics show that the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions has prosecuted twice as many corruption cases as the IGG.

In her four-year term, outgoing IGG Kamya faced two big corruption scandals involving the Karamoja iron sheets and the Parliament exhibition, but never took steps to prosecute any of the accused.

Mr Marlon Agaba, the executive director of the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda, said Ms Kamya’s failures supersede her achievements, especially her failure to prosecute a single high-profile corruption case in her term.

‘We saw a drastic decline in the prosecution of corruption cases, which was unfortunate because we saw a lot of exhibitions on corruption happening, the anti-corruption protests, the Mabaati scandal, but not even a single prosecution happened from the IG,’ he said.

‘Negotiating with thieves’

There was also a concern about the outgoing IGG, where in some scenarios, she negotiated with officials implicated in corruption and they refunded their loot and returned to office, with some being promoted. Examples of such negotiations included officials from the Ministry of Agriculture and Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos).

‘The public wants to see the corrupt being prosecuted. During Kamya’s reign, we saw officials from the Agriculture ministry and Ubos who were involved in corruption scandals refund the stolen money, and they were left to return to their offices with some even being promoted,’ our source said. They added: ‘Since the new IGG is a seasoned prosecutor, let her come and do more of the prosecutions than recovering money.’

Break favouritism

The new ombudsman comes in at a time when there are cliques of officials working with their favourite employees and not on merit. ‘She needs to break the silos.people working with their favourite instead of focusing on teamwork. This kind of work arrangement, derails work,’ the source said.

IGG rating.

‘We saw a drastic decline in the prosecution of corruption cases [by former IGG], which was unfortunate because we saw a lot of exhibitions on corruption happening, the anti-corruption protests, the Mabaati scandal, but not even a single prosecution…’ Marlon Agaba, ED of the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda.

Demands for timber, charcoal deplete Acholi region forests

Rising energy demands, infrastructure expansion, and the booming construction industry are driving the rapid loss of natural forests and the degradation of gazetted river catchment areas across east Acholi, investigations by the Daily Monitor reveal.

In Kitgum, Lamwo, and Agago districts, widespread charcoal burning, sand and gravel extraction, and unsustainable farming practices are stripping the landscape bare, leaving behind degraded riverbanks, eroded hillsides, and barren burrow pits.

A field assessment conducted in July found that major rivers such as Pager, Aswa, Aringa, and Orom, vital lifelines for agriculture and domestic use, have been severely affected by siltation and encroachment.

East Acholi’s terrain, once known for its lush forests, rolling hills, and clean rivers, is increasingly being transformed by human activity. While some areas remain under protection – including Orom and Ogili Central Forest Reserves (CFRs) – most lie on private land and are subject to uncontrolled exploitation.

Rivers such as Pager and Aringa, which feed into the Aswa Catchment Management Area under the Ministry of Water and Environment, are losing their ecological balance due to encroachment and poor land use.

According to the Kitgum District Development Plan (2021-2025), natural resources have been steadily degraded.

‘People are cultivating inside riverbanks and penetrating wetlands during the dry season to plant rice and vegetables. As a result, most major rivers are now silted,’ the document notes.

Deforestation, driven mainly by commercial charcoal production, poor farming practices, and human settlement, continues at an alarming pace of about 1.8 percent annually.

Kitgum District alone has 30,704 hectares of central forest reserves under the National Forestry Authority (NFA) and 16 hectares of local forest reserves managed by the district. Mr Martin Anywar, the Kitgum District forestry officer, says all five local forest reserves in the district have been affected.

‘One of the reserves sits right in a division of Kitgum Municipality – the division headquarters and a market are now inside the reserve,’ he said.

At Labongo-layamu Local Forest Reserve, land was erroneously allocated to developers as ‘vacant,’ while Matidi Local Forest Reserve is now 100 percent encroached on.

To counter this, Kitgum authorities have tried sensitising communities on tree planting and enforcing regulations against illegal logging.

A government-led conservation project through Nema has also promoted the sustainable use of threatened savanna woodland species such as shea (Vitellaria paradoxa), establishing shea butter mills and beehives in Omiya-anyima and Orom sub-counties. Data show that Kitgum’s forest cover has plummeted from 20.7 percent in 1986 to 13.3 percent in 2002, with only marginal recovery since then. ‘Encroachment rates on local forest reserves stand between 50 and 97 percent,’ Mr Anywar said.

The Amuru dilemma

In neighbouring Amuru District, the NFA continues to struggle against aggressive community encroachment and illegal charcoal production. The main challenge stems from the delay in reopening forest reserve boundaries after residents resettled following the Lord’s Resistance Army insurgency nearly two decades ago.

As a result, more than 1,000 acres of forest reserve land, particularly in Keyo, Wii-Ceri, and Labala, have been lost, with about 60 percent of tree cover depleted due to settlement, farming, and logging. Attempts to demarcate reserve boundaries have sparked violent resistance.

In 2019, residents of Keyo in Lamogi Sub-county blocked the NFA’s demarcation of Keyo CFR, and the following year, NFA personnel torched seven houses allegedly built inside Wi-Ceri Forest Reserve.

Amuru District chairperson Michael Lakony blamed NFA’s ‘inactive’ presence for the worsening situation.

‘They are often seen along the Juba highway but not in areas like Wii-ceri and Labala, where the actual destruction is happening,’ he said.

The Pabbo Local Forest Reserve, once covering eight hectares, has been completely lost.

‘When I visited it three years ago, there wasn’t a single tree left,only houses and crops,’ said Ms Paska Kerren Alanyo, the district forestry officer. She said the district hosts six central forest reserves under NFA and more than nine local reserves, all heavily encroached on.

‘We’ve written to NFA requesting boundary reopening, but underfunding makes our operations ineffective. Restoring these reserves would require evicting people, a costly and politically sensitive process,’ she said.

Charcoal trade devastates tree cover

Commercial charcoal production has ravaged entire villages in Amuru, including Coro, Aker, Luro, Apaa, Goro B, Kalacut, Acut, Zoka, and Kamdini.

In previously intact areas such as Acholi-ber, Gaji, Oyanga, and Rwot-Oromo near Zoka CFR, dealers have cleared large tracts.

Despite President Museveni’s Executive Order No. 3 of May 2023, which banned commercial charcoal trade in northern Uganda, enforcement has been inconsistent.

Since then, charcoal business in Acholi has nearly doubled, driven by weak enforcement and the lucrative profits involved.

Uganda’s demand for forest products continues to outstrip sustainable supply. The country needs 1.8-2 million hectares of plantation forests to balance its timber and energy needs but currently has only 120,000 hectares. According to the Ministry of Water and Environment, forest cover on private land has dropped dramatically – from 3.3 million hectares in 1990 to just 0.7 million in 2015.

Nationally, central forest reserves under NFA now cover about 1.26 million hectares, or 64 percent of Uganda’s permanent forest estate, while the Uganda Wildlife Authority manages the rest.

However, NFA’s 2025-2030 Corporate Strategic Plan acknowledges persistent challenges – population growth (3.3 percent annually), rising demand for agricultural land, construction materials, and energy, as well as corruption and refugee settlement pressures.

‘The refugee population, estimated at 1.8 million by 2025, adds to land pressure, challenging the protection of forest estates,’ the plan states. Between 2020/21 and 2024/25, NFA resurveyed and demarcated 4,766 km of forest boundaries, about 49 percent of the total 9,755km, and protected 1.19 million hectares (94 percent) of forest reserves from illegal activities through law enforcement patrols.

Efforts toward restoration

To replenish forest cover in Acholi, NFA has established nurseries producing indigenous and commercial species such as shea, teak (Tectona grandis), Mvule (Milicia excelsa), and Warburgia ugandensis – a rare medicinal tree.

These seedlings are distributed for community planting and rehabilitation of degraded reserves. But encroachment remains a pressing threat.

‘Vast areas in Acholi have been taken up for farming, settlement, and charcoal burning,’ said Mr Aldon Walukamba, the NFA communications and public relations manager.

‘Over the last decade, thousands of hectares of central forest reserves have been threatened, with hotspots in Lira, Gulu, and Amuru,’ he said.

Recent eviction operations, he said, have reclaimed more than 160,000 hectares of encroached land, restoring forest cover by about 12 percent and reaffirming government control. These interventions have included demolishing illegal structures, removing farms, and cancelling unlawful land allocations.

Background

Forest cover then and now

1990: 4.9 million hectares

2015: 1.8 million hectares

2024: 1.6 million hectares

(Source: Ministry of Water and Environment)

Forest cover in Acholi

1986: 20.7 percent

2002: 13.3 percent

2024: Estimated below 10 percent.

Main drivers

Commercial charcoal production.

Agricultural expansion.

Timber and construction material extraction.

Unregulated human settlements.

Emorimor launches education fund for Iteso

The Iteso Cultural Union (ICU) says the Emorimor coronation marathon slated for October 18 in Bukedea District, is among the activities that have been lined up to create a fund to educate needy, bright students in the region.

Speaking at the launch of the campaign last Friday, Mr Abdallah Ochogia, the director of planning and strategic partnerships at ICU, said the marathon is one of the activities which the union development foundation has identified to raise Shs800m to sponsor 100 students in different tertiary institutions.

He added that President Museveni has already given them five scholarships valued at Shs1 billion for training five pilots.

‘The President has already given us five scholarships valued at Shs1 billion for training five pilots and we are still identifying them. We are looking for Shs800m to sponsor bright but needy students in different tertiary institutions. That is why we have organised the Emorimor third coronation anniversary marathon,’ he said.

Mr Calvin Echodu, the newly elected NRM Central Executive Committee vice chairman for eastern Uganda, who also officiated as the chief guest during the launch of the event, welcomed the initiative, saying the fund will foster unity .

He said as someone who has been involved in the education sector for a long time, it is the most important wealth that any community should create for it to develop.

Citing Switzerland and the DR Congo, he said Switzerland which doesn’t have any minerals, is richer than DR Congo which is rich in minerals because of knowledge acquired through education and Iteso must learn to put energy in things which develop rather than divides them.

‘The history for Teso evolved from Karamoja when they stopped nomadism and started mixed farming. We need to keep evolving and discard certain practices. If a culture doesn’t evolve, it will die, if it doesn’t die, it will kill its people. I see education uniting all of us, Africa is backward because of lack of knowledge, education will take us to another level,’ he said.

Paul Sande Emolot Etomeileng, the Emorimor Papa Iteso, who hosted the breakfast at the Sheraton Hotel told the guests who attended the launch that unlike the past where land, labour and capital were considered as the most important factors of production, today, education is the most important of them all.

‘There is no country which can compete in the world today without massive investment in education. We must ensure that all our children have quality education for them to be competitive in the world. I have been in this institution for 23 years, it is only education which can give Teso a chance to return to its former glory,’ he said.

During the launch, a total of Shs155m was raised in cash and pledges. The rest is expected to be raised from the sale of the marathon kits and sponsorships.

If all happens as planned, Teso region will be joining the West Nile region, where professionals hailing from the region, established the West Nile Education Trust fund which has funded education of hundreds of needy and bright science students.

Every last Friday of the month, the professionals gather in a night club in Ntinda a city suburb to dance Lingala.

The gate collections together with other initiatives such as corporate dinners and marathons, is what has funded the education of hundreds of highly needed but scarce engineering, medical and other essential science professionals whom have been retained to serve within their home districts, while others are serving in other parts of the country.

Bringing Uganda’s lost sounds back to life

When Giovanni Kiyingi steps on stage, something ancient stirs. The air thickens with rhythm, as though ancestral spirits have taken seats in the crowd.

His fingers, agile and reverent, move across the endingidi, a single-string fiddle whose voice can cry, whisper, or rejoice. Before long, he reaches for the adungu, or the akogo, or the endere flute, layering melodies that sound like Uganda itself: earthy, spiritual, timeless.

For audiences from Kampala to any city in the world, Kiyingi is not just a performer; he is a vessel through which heritage breathes anew.

His story begins not in grandeur but in solitude. ‘I was born a very weak child, which prevented me from playing with other children. So, I listened a lot. Music became my companion,’ he recalls. That quiet listening became his first form of learning. Church, with its hymns and hand drums, became his classroom.

‘Many of the instruments I play, I first experienced them in church. I would watch, listen, and try one instrument at a time. ‘

Two teachers at St Joseph’s Secondary School Naggalama; Josephine Nabuyungo and Agnes Nsubuga, noticed the young boy’s ear for rhythm and heart for melody. ‘They wanted me to not only study but also practice my talent. Education was fundamental; it shaped both my creativity and my life,’ he remembers.

Faith and focus

Today, Kiyingi still begins his mornings with prayer and gratitude. ‘My entire life is a testimony. Placing my day in God’s hands helps me centre everything; my music, mood and purpose,’ he says. Although he never completed his degree in Performing Arts at Makerere University, he views that decision as a turning point. ‘It made me a better listener,’ he says.

‘I learnt by collaborating; by observing people I met on my journey. That shaped how I write and perform.’ A living museum of sound At any performance, Kiyingi’s stage looks like a living museum of Ugandan sound: endingidi, adungu, akogo, endere, embuutu, and djembe arranged like companions in conversation. ‘I do not choose the instruments for a song.

Often, the instrument itself determines the song’s direction. When it feels smooth or compelling, I know it is the right one,’ he narrates with a smile. His learning process has always been intuitive. Having mastered most instruments by ear, he reimagines traditional sounds through improvisation.

‘Listening and watching others play drives me,’ he adds. Among his favourites is the Janzi, a modern Ugandan string instrument invented by Ssewa Ssewa. ‘The Janzi is special. It carries two scales: pentatonic and diatonic, and it travels easily. Unlike the adungu, which some mistook for a weapon abroad, the Janzi was made to fly. It makes you proud to play your culture anywhere.’

Dancing away negativity

In 2021, Kiyingi entered NPR’s Tiny Desk Contest with Bukunja, a song that turned folklore into celebration. ‘Whenever I told people abroad about Uganda, the first thing they found online was atrocities,’ he says.

‘Yet Uganda bears so much beauty. Bukunja was my way of dancing away that negativity, turning fear into curiosity.’ The song, rooted in village myths from Kalagi in Mukono District, pulses with joy rather than sorrow.

‘It is an up-tempo song that brings people to dance. Through dancing, we shed the bad and embrace curiosity,’ he explains. His performances often carry that same healing energy.

‘After shows, people tell me my songs take them back to their youth. Others cry because the music reminds them of who they were before life hardened them,’ he says.

For Kiyingi, that emotional exchange is the essence of his calling.

The global stage

Over the years, Kiyingi’s music has carried him across continents and cultures. From performing for Pope Francis during his 2015 visit to Uganda, to massive yoga gatherings in India, each performance becomes an act of communion.

‘I research before every show. I want to know who has performed there before and what the audience values. That helps me honour the space and connect better. My energy comes from the audience; we feed off each other.’

He has shared the stage with some of East Africa’s brightest talents, including Mulatu Astatke, Suzan Kerunen, Herbert Kinobe, Ssewa Ssewa, and Joel Sebunjo. At the 2016 Blankets and Wine, he shared the spotlight with Tanzania’s Alikiba and at Pearl Rhythm Festival 2012, he brought Ugandan folk to life. ‘Every collaboration leaves an imprint,’ he says. ‘By the time I say yes, I know there is a story we can tell together.’

A new rhythm in the desert

Now based in Phoenix, Arizona, in the United States, Kiyingi has found a new rhythm in the desert. ‘Phoenix is still a virgin place creatively. It allows room to experiment and collaborate. Los Angeles and New York are saturated, but here, creativity still breathes fresh.’ He has immersed himself in studying American genres such as rock, blues, and hip-hop, weaving them into his African foundations. ‘This exchange has enhanced my song-writing and performance,’ he says. ‘It has expanded my creative horizon.’

His upcoming reggae album, Times, is the result of that exploration. ‘It took one year and six months, working between Uganda and the US. It is 100 percent live, full of real instruments and emotions. It has been a mix of highs and lows, but it is pure growth.’ Fourteen years into his professional journey, the Ugandan-born musician speaks with humility about growth and resilience. ‘I have seen ups and downs. Do I still fall and stand up? Yes. Because that is human,’ he admits.

Still, his spirit remains unwavering. ‘Music has given me a voice,’ he says quietly. ‘And through it, I try to give others a reason to dance, to dream, to heal.’

Decoding NUP’s move to rejoin IPOD

The Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party has backtracked on its earlier stance not to join the Interparty Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD), but now says it has been compelled by the law governing the mother organ, the National Consultative Forum, to which it actively belongs.

NUP Secretary General David Lewis Rubongoya told this newspaper that they have sought a constitutional remedy to the conundrum, but as they wait for the court pronouncement, they will have to go with what the current law provides by signing a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with IPOD.

Parliament recently amended the Political Parties and Organisations Act to make it mandatory for all political parties to belong either to IPOD or the Forum for Non-Represented Political Parties. The two organs were made departments under the National Consultative Forum, where the National Unity Platform is an active member and deputy chairperson.

‘As you may all know, the law was amended on participation in IPOD, and we also know that it was primarily targeting us as a party. We challenged the law in the Constitutional Court, but we also know that the decision may come after five or 10 years. We shall keep waiting, but in the meantime, we have no choice but to sign the MoU [with IPOD],’ Mr Rubongoya said in an interview.

Cash-strapped

Sources that spoke to Monitor on condition of anonymity indicated that many departments within the party are struggling to facilitate themselves, especially during this campaign period.

‘There are so many financial issues that need to be met, but there is no money. Most of these programmes have been pending even before the start of the campaigns, so there is a need for money,’ a source told Monitor in an interview. It was not clear whether this could have pressured NUP to make a U-turn to sign the MoU with IPOD.

In July, after asking party members to express interest in vying for various positions, NUP launched a fundraising drive, targeting at least Shs9b to facilitate their campaigns.

The NUP party leaders at the time said the funds were needed to finance a fully operational campaign secretariat and support the party’s candidates across the country. But at the start of the campaigns after nominations, Mr Ronald Balimwezo, who headed the fundraising campaign, indicated they had only managed to collect about Shs1.5b, which he said was meagre to finance most of their work.

Political parties that have received money from the EC based on the IPOD arrangement include the Democratic Party (DP) (Shs485m), Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) (Shs485m), Justice Forum (Jeema) (Shs53m), and People’s Progressive Party (PPP) (Shs53m). Section 14 of the Political Parties and other Organisations Act stipulates that the government has the mandate to fund political entities with representation in Parliament through EC to run activities and pay bills for their offices.

In May, Parliament passed the amendment of the Political Parties and Organisations law, which sought to revise Section 20 of the principal Act to recognise IPOD as a statutory organ of the National Consultative Forum, for parties holding parliamentary seats.

What the law says

Section 20 of the principal Act was amended by inserting immediately after subsection (1), to state: ‘(1a) The National Consultative Forum referred to in subsection (1) shall be comprised of two organs as follows- (a) the organ for political parties and political organisations with representation in Parliament which shall be known as the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue; and (b) the organ for political parties and political organisations without representation in Parliament which shall be known as the Forum for Non-Represented Political Parties and Political Organisations.’

Over the years, despite being the National Consultative Forum vice chairperson, the NUP and sister Opposition party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), had snubbed all IPOD summits, indicating they were not ready to engage with President Museveni without committing to releasing all political prisoners and prioritising a peaceful handover of power.

Mao’s criticism

Shortly before being named minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Mr Nobert Mao criticised the decision by NUP not to take part in IPOD activities and yet still take money that is provided for by the government to support political parties. Funding of political parties with representation in Parliament is a conversation that was held after the restoration of multi-party dispensation in the country by different political players and stakeholders in 2005.

After the 2021 elections, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) as the dominant party in Parliament, received Shs17b, NUP, which is the second dominant force, received Shs3.1b followed by FDC, which got Shs1.7b.

Attending summits

On whether they will finally attend the IPOD summits when they come up, Mr Rubongoya said: ‘We shall cross that river when we get there because for now, we are focused on changing the government. By the end of the elections, we hope that Ugandans will take us to State House.’

In July 2022, the government moved to increase the money by almost half, from Shs23b to Shs35b, as it started tightening nooses on the political parties that do not participate in the IPOD summit, including the discussions around the amendment of the law on the same.

At the IPOD summit that took place at Kololo a fortnight ago, which was attended by most of the political parties, the attendees’ speeches were dominated by the fact that they had agreed to dialogue with the government as a way to forge ahead to address issues of the rule of law, rampant abductions of Opposition political supporters.

Mr Rubongoya yesterday told this publication: ‘We are aware of the high-handedness in this whole move because people didn’t want us to get that money which is given to us by law. We know that other political parties had not been attending the IPOD. How come they only moved to amend the law when we came into the picture?’

In July this year, following the IPOD meeting that sat at State Lodge in Kampala, NUP party made it clear they would not be participating in the engagement, indicating they are not driven by funding but rather by the determination to end the NRM rule.

On September 25, NUP petitioned the Constitutional Court, challenging their exclusion from conversations and Parliament passing the Political Parties and Organisation (Amendment) Act, 2005, that barred political parties from getting government funding and sitting with the government, where the IPOD was made a constitutive organ of the National Consultative Forum (NCF).

EC speak out

In his response, Mr Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson, recommended the aggrieved parties should not run to EC to seek redress but IPOD, who are the implementers of the Political Parties and Organisations Act, 2005.

‘Any complaint needs to be submitted to the IPOD Summit. EC is not a member of IPOD; EC is simply a holder of the money to pass it onto those whom it is instructed to pass it to. It does not determine or decide who receives the money,’ said Mr Mucunguzi.

‘The last meeting of IPOD took decisions that if anybody has a complaint, may be advised to address to IPOD. EC is not an IPOD secretariat, and doesn’t handle correspondences for that purpose,’ he added.

Looking back

During the 2019 IPOD summit, which sat in Munyonyo, the biggest discussion was to increase the money channelled to political parties from Shs10b to Shs35b, and the method through which they are given, because giving money in accordance with representation in Parliament was unfair to the other parties.

For instance, during the meeting, members resolved that out of the money that is given to parties, 15 percent would be given to all political parties, another 15 percent goes to IPOD secretariat, while 70 percent is what should be given out in accordance with party numerical representation in Parliament.

In 2021, when another IPOD summit sat at Kololo Independence Grounds, attended by NRM, UPC, DP and Jeema, the matter of funding still came up, and President Museveni told the members that it would be handled immediately.

The hidden danger of worn-out wipers

Hello Paul, I have never cared much about my windscreen wipers until the rainy season started. Now they leave streaks and do not clear the water properly, making it hard to see. How often should wipers be replaced, and are there better types for heavy rains in Uganda? Can bad wipers cause accidents? David

Hello David, windscreen wipers play a crucial role in ensuring your road safety, especially during the current rainy season. When wiper blades are old or of poor quality, they can leave streaks or smears of water, dirt, or grime on your windscreen as they move across it. These streaks can reduce visibility while driving in the rain, increasing the risk of accidents. Wiper blades are rubber components attached to the wiper arms, and they help clean precipitation and debris from your windscreen through a backward and forward motion. It is essential to remember that wiper blades should be replaced every six to 12 months, depending on how often you use them and the weather conditions.

In Uganda, with our tropical rains, it is wise to check the condition of your wipers more frequently. When inspecting your wiper blades, pay close attention to any cracks or signs of wear and tear. Cleaning the wiper blades with a soft, non-fluffy cloth is important, and if necessary, consider replacing them.

When you decide to buy new wiper blades, focus on the quality and performance of the products available. Many motorists fall victim to roadside hawkers selling counterfeit or substandard wipers, which can cause streaking and have poor wiping performance. Instead, look for reputable brands sold in established parts shops. These quality wipers are often made from good rubber materials and feature durable designs. Some wiper brands incorporate a blend of silicone, making them more durable and resistant to cracking compared to pure rubber blades.

These silicone blades tend to perform better during heavy rainfall. Additionally, beam blade wipers possess a flexible design that adapts to the shape of your windscreen, ensuring consistent contact and improved performance in removing water, dirt, or grime, thus minimising streaking. On the market, you will also find latitude wipers that repel water better during heavy storms, helping you maintain visibility and stay safe. Bad wipers can lead to accidents by reducing visibility due to streaks and failing to clear water from the windscreen.

This may prevent you from seeing oncoming traffic or obstacles ahead, resulting in delayed reactions to corners, approaching vehicles, or sudden changes on the road, significantly increasing the likelihood of an accident.