Asianet Pakistan Private Limited

Sir: On a single trip transporting agricultural products from Taraba to Kano, I paid over N170,000 in multiple levies and illegal collections. Nearly 20 revenue collection points stood between my goods and their destination, excluding the routine security checkpoints that also demanded ‘compensation.’ By the time I reached Kano, the cost of simply moving food had become a burden too heavy to ignore.

This is not just my story; it is the story of every trader, farmer, and transporter who struggles to move goods across Nigeria. It is also the hidden story behind every inflated price you see at the market, every household budget stretched to breaking point, and every young Nigerian who wonders if farming or trading is still worth the sacrifice.

For decades, we have spoken of Nigeria’s rising food prices. We often blame oil price fluctuations, poor infrastructure, insecurity, or low productivity. While all these are true, the less visible culprit is the endless chain of local levies, multiple taxes, and roadside extortion that weigh heavily on the journey of food from farm to table.

Think of this: the farmer who harvests in Taraba may sell his produce at a fair price. However, by the time the goods reach Kano, Kaduna, or Lagos, the cost has tripled, not due to greed, but because the road is littered with tolls, each demanding a payment in the name of ‘revenue.’ Nigerians believe merchants exploit farmers, but in reality, these hidden charges are quietly passed down to the final consumer.

It is frustrating to collect receipt after receipt, sometimes with the same charges under different names. In one journey, a transporter could be forced to carry multiple state revenue receipts, each one required just to pass through another state. This does not build trust or accountability; it breeds anger, corruption, and inefficiency.

The tragedy is that this long chain of collectors achieves the opposite of what Nigeria needs. Instead of encouraging agricultural productivity and food distribution, it discourages traders, weakens farmers’ earnings, and makes food less affordable. It is a silent attack on our food security.

As a young entrepreneur with less than three decades of life and a decade of business experience, I cannot stay silent. Patriotism is not only about flags, anthems, or election-day promises; it is also about advocating for the ordinary farmer, the driver on the road, and the consumer struggling to afford garri, rice, or beans.

Every Nigerian has felt the pain of rising prices, whether in the market, at the filling station, or on the road. When I speak of 20 checkpoints on one journey, I am speaking of a system that holds us all back. The dream of a prosperous Nigeria cannot exist when hidden levies choke the very lifeline of our economy, food.

We must do better. Nigeria urgently needs a unified revenue system that allows traders to move goods across states with a single receipt, digitally integrated and recognised nationwide. One charge, clearly accounted for, and transparent to both government and citizens.

This reform would not only eliminate duplication and extortion but also make it easier for businesses to plan costs, partner with logistics providers, and stabilise food prices. Most importantly, it would give Nigerians confidence that the government stands with them, not against them, on the road to economic recovery.

We have a long way to go, but every reform, every checkpoint removed, and every levy harmonised brings us closer to a fairer Nigeria. The future of our nation depends not only on oil or infrastructure but on the dignity of labour; on the ability of farmers and traders to move food freely, and for families to afford it without despair.

Twenty checkpoints should not stand between Nigeria and its future. The cost is too heavy, and the burden is one we can no longer ignore.

The Senate will begin a busy legislative quarter after an eight-week annual vacation tomorrow.

Top of the agenda are the 2026 budget, constitution amendment and the Electoral Act.

Among such legislation is the ongoing alteration process of the 1999 Constitution.

The House of Representatives, last week, held its National Public Hearing on about 86 constitutional amendment bills.

The Senate is expected to conduct a similar process ahead of the presentation of the report of its Ad Hoc Committee on Constitution Review for consideration and passage.

All bills passed by both chambers after due voting would be sent to the state Houses of Assembly for further consideration and passage.

Two-thirds of the Houses of Assembly must concur with the National Assembly before any bill can stand.

Thereafter, all the bills passed by the Senate and the House of Representatives would be compiled by the National Assembly and transmitted to the President for assent.

Also, another critical legislation is the 2022 Electoral Act Amendment Bill.

Both chambers have promised to prioritise the passage of some of the amendments being sought ahead of the 2027 general election.

While receiving the Head of European Union Election Observation Mission (EOM) to the 2023 general election, Mr Barry Andrews, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Abbas Tajudeen, said the House would fast-track the passage of the amendments upon resumption.

‘Senate to avoid Akpoti-Uduaghan’s distraction’

The suspended Kogi Central Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s office was unsealed on September 23 by the Sergeant-At-Arms.

She was accompanied to her office by a crowd of supporters.

Sources said the Senate has resolved to put the issue behind it and allow the matter to end.

According to a source, the Senate has decided to leave the issue and allow Akpoti-Uduaghan to return in order not to stir further controversy that may distract it from focusing on crucial tasks before it.

The Eko Tourism Foundation (ETF) has been formally launched with a bold mandate-to transform Lagos into Africa’s leading tourism hub and usher in a new era for Nigeria’s tourism industry.

Speaking at the unveiling ceremony in Lagos, Chairman of the ETF Board of Trustees and Governing Board, Lai Mohammed, described the Foundation as ‘a forward-looking initiative designed to position Lagos as Africa’s foremost tourism destination.’

Mohammed, who served as Nigeria’s Minister of Information, Culture and Tourism between 2015 and 2023, said the ETF-an initiative of the 137-year-old Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI)-will serve as a unifying platform for government, private sector players, and other stakeholders.

Its core objectives include policy advocacy, marketing Lagos as the partner of choice for global tour operators, and promoting ‘Destination Lagos’ and ‘Destination Nigeria’ on the world stage.

‘Tourism is one of the most powerful engines of growth anywhere in the world. The Eko Tourism Foundation will harness that power to boost Nigeria’s economy and create millions of jobs,’ Mohammed said.

He added that Lagos is already gaining global attention through ‘Detty December,’ its concerts, nightlife, Owambe parties, fashion, food, and culture. The Foundation, he noted, will build on this momentum by turning the city into a year-round global attraction.

Highlighting the sector’s impact, Mohammed revealed that Nigeria’s tourism industry currently supports between 10 and 15 million jobs and contributed 3.6 percent (about US$17.3 billion) to the country’s GDP in 2022. Lagos alone, he said, hosts over 2,000 hotels with more than 70,000 rooms-boasting some of the highest occupancy rates on the continent.

Citing projections from the World Travel and Tourism Council, he disclosed that Nigeria’s tourism is expected to grow by 5.4 percent annually from 2023 to 2030, generating 2.6 million new jobs and US$5.58 billion in revenues.

The ETF, he explained, envisions tourism as a sustainable alternative to Nigeria’s oil-dependent economy. Its mission is to attract the world to Lagos through its rich history, landmarks, food, music, film, fashion, arts, and culture.

To achieve this, Mohammed unveiled key strategic programmes: ETF Trust Fund – to mobilise tourism investments, ETF Academy – for human capital development, Annual International Conference and Exhibition – to showcase Lagos globally, Experience Lagos project – offering immersive and virtual tours, ETF Quarterly Publication – for data and industry insights, ETF Club and Annual Festival – to nurture young talent and future tourism leaders.

He also announced membership categories with tailored benefits for stakeholders, ranging from Grand Patrons and Ambassadors to Industry Heroes and Custodians.

Mohammed commended LCCI President and ETF Founding Father, Gabriel Idahosa, for his vision, and praised other Board of Trustees members-including Erelu Abiola Dosunmu (Erelu Kuti IV of Lagos), Nike Okundaye, Prince Yemisi Shyllon, Karl Hala, Iyadunni Gbadebo, and Tunde Lawrenson-for their dedication.

Calling for broad national support, he stressed the need for unity in the sector: ‘The tourism industry has suffered for too long from fragmented efforts and incoherent voices. The Eko Tourism Foundation is here to harmonise the industry, attract investments, and create millions of jobs. But we cannot do it alone.

We need YOU-industry players, policymakers, investors, the media, and every Lagosian-to partner with us. Together, let us make Lagos not just Nigeria’s commercial hub, but the tourism capital of Africa.’

Family of the late Chief Ugochukwu Chikezie of Ofeiyi, Ogbodiukwu, Umuahia, Abia State, has announced his burial plans.

In a statement, it said Chikezie, who died at 76, will be buried November 7.

A Service of Songs held at his Ijaiye Medium Housing Estate, Agege, Lagos, home weekend.

Another will hold at Ofeiyi, Ogbodiukwu, Umuahia South, Abia on November 6.

Chikezie was eulogised for his love, wisdom, and the legacy he left behind.

‘Chikezie was born on May 2, 1949, in Ogbodi-Ukwu Umudike Ofeiyi, Umuopara, Umuahia South Local Government, to Okezie Ogbuji and Mrs. Nwanyi-Ocha Okezie.

‘He began his education at Seventh-Day Adventist Primary School in Umuahia North, and later Evangel High School. He was in University of Nigeria, Nsukka, to study Sociology/Anthropology, and had a Master’s in International Relations from UNILAG, ‘ it said.

He left a wife, Victoria, children, and grandchildren.

Equipment Leasing Association of Nigeria (ELAN) has urged lessors and leasing companies to register all lease agreements with the Equipment Leasing Registration Authority (ELRA) to strengthen the economy.

Executive Secretary, Equipment Leasing Association of Nigeria (ELAN), Andrew Emonuwa, said this during a capacity-building programme for ELRA staff with the theme ‘Equipment Leasing: From Principle to Practice.’

Emonuwa said leasing remained a key financing option for businesses, especially in sectors such as agriculture, construction, transportation, healthcare and manufacturing, where access to equipment was critical for growth.

In a statement signed by Adebola Sunday, Head, Media and Corporate Communication (ELRA) Emonuwa explained that proper registration of lease agreements would enhance transparency, provide accurate industry data, strengthen investor confidence and support policy formulation for the sector’s expansion.

He said: ‘By registering lease agreements with ELRA, lessors will not only fulfill regulatory obligations but also contribute directly to building a stronger financial ecosystem.’

Emonuwa noted that compliance with registration requirements would stimulate capital formation, create jobs, and improve access to essential equipment for small and medium enterprises (SMEs), which are vital to Nigeria’s economic development.

He commended ELRA’s innovation in the leasing industry, noting that the Authority had improved regulation, compliance and stakeholder engagement, thereby positioning the industry for a more significant role in Nigeria’s economic diversification efforts.

Chief Executive Officer of ELRA, Donald Wokoma, welcomed the collaboration between ELAN and ELRA, describing it as a ‘win-win for all stakeholders.’

Wokoma said the partnership would enhance regulatory oversight, promote industry cooperation, and reinforce leasing as a driver of sustainable economic growth.

He reaffirmed ELRA’s commitment, under the supervision of the Federal Ministry of Finance, to fostering transparency, innovation and accountability in the leasing sector.

He said the agency would continue to provide an enabling environment that ensures the leasing industry contributes meaningfully to national development.

The training programme, he added, aimed to equip ELRA staff with the knowledge and tools needed to effectively implement policies, strengthen collaboration and promote best practices to advance the leasing profession nationwide.

Today, 6 October 2025, the Honourable Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dr.Henry Dele Alake clocks 69. For many in Nigeria, the name conjures memories of his decades as a journalist and public communicator. These days, it represents a new hope for sustainable reform in Nigeria’s solid minerals sector and Africa’s mining industry.

To understand the minister, you must know his father, Pa Michael Ojo Alake. He graduated in Philosophy from Fourah Bay College, then West Africa’s most prestigious university. He later founded and ran the Benevolent High School in Lagos, where indigenes of his home town Ikoro-Ekiti, as well as indigent students, attended free of charge. His sacrifice was not ignored. The Ikoro people gave him the title, Eleyinmi of Ikoro-Ekiti to appreciate his benevolence.

Between 1979 and 1983, Alake Senior was one of the trusted advisers of Governor Lateef Jakande on the formulation and implementation of the free education programme, a scheme which scrapped the classroom shift system and built over 500 new schools to accommodate the pupils in one single shift within four years.

Being an educationist, Alake Senior knew the impact of good schools in forming the character of a civilized, confident and progressive child. He put his son in the best schools of the times -Surulere Baptist Primary School, Surulere, Lagos; Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti, Igbobi College, Yaba- and topped it with university education at the University of Lagos, where the minister studied Political Science and later earned a Master’s in Mass Communication. But his exposure was not only academic. His inter-campus, extra-curricular engagements brought him under the influence of Professor Wole Soyinka, further raising his social consciousness and commitment to public good.

This pedigree set a high standard in morality, elocution, and public service for the minister. He is still determined to surpass it. His father excelled in education, but he chose communications. As soon as he enrolled in the National Youth Service Corps and was deployed to Ogun State Radio, his hard work and creativity were noticed. The organization entrusted him with tasks of confirmed staffers. His work led to his engagement with Lagos State Radio and a quick elevation to Senior Sub-Editor-one of the fastest advancements in the organization’s history.

The Crusader

As columnist, news manager, and editor, Alake made crusading for good governance the raison d’être of his career. His choice of stories and writings was deliberately crafted to conscientize the readers in the fashion of Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed. This required immense courage under military rule, and he was often the guest of the secret service. At such times, they would find him ready with his toilet bag. At one point, Concord Press of Nigeria, where he worked, was put under lock and key by the junta. But this didn’t deter the crusader, whose conviction that journalism must have social relevance made him even more determined to mobilise the people to resist bad governance. To Dele, the words of Frantz Fannon, that ‘ the future will have no pity for those men, who, possessing the exceptional privilege of being able to speak words of truth to their oppressors but have, instead, taken refuge in an attitude of passivity, of mute indifference, and sometimes, of cold complicity’ was a call to be an agent of change.

The annulment of the June 12, 1993 election won freely by the publisher of Concord Press, Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Abiola thrust him into the epicentre of the struggle for the actualization of this historic exercise of popular sovereignty by the Nigerian people. In that titanic struggle, he met and worked alongside Senator Bola Tinubu, who had given up his plan to be president of the Third Republic Senate to facilitate Abiola’s emergence. A comradeship that endures to date was forged in the furnace of that struggle, in Nigeria and exile. Indeed, Tinubu’s plan to return to the Senate in 1998 was diverted to governorship by advisers such as Alake, who believed he had established the progressive profile and financial wizardry to execute Abiola’s manifesto, Farewell to Poverty, in Lagos State at a micro-level and later escalate to the national level. When Bola Tinubu became Governor of Lagos State in 1999, Alake became the Lagos State Commissioner for Information and Strategy, a position he held till 2007. In that capacity, he was instrumental in shaping the communications strategy and public image of the Tinubu administration in Lagos. Beyond Lagos, Alake’s involvement in national politics deepened. In December 2014, he was appointed Director of Media and Communication for the Buhari Campaign Organisation during the 2015 presidential election. Over the years, he cultivated a reputation as a strategist, tactician, and loyal political confidant of PresidentTinubu.

The Mining Reformer

Only a man like Alake, who has established the mental agility for cracking difficult tasks and a record of standing up to the status quo, could have been assigned the herculean task of cleaning the Augean stable of the solid minerals sector. The risks were real: weak institutions, vested interests in illicit mining, and security challenges-all posed serious headwinds. Without strong follow-through, even well-intended policies can stall. Since his appointment as the Minister of Solid Minerals Development in August 2023, he has led efforts to reform a sector long considered underutilized, fragmented, and rife with regulatory inefficiencies.

Alake hit the ground running by applying the agenda-setting theory of journalism. He developed the Seven-Point Agenda for international competitiveness and local industrialization of Nigeria’s mining sector through critical research and review of the literature and interviews with stakeholders. He identified the challenges such as insecurity caused by illegal miners and bandits, speculation in licence administration, violations of the Minerals and Mining Act 2007, corporate void caused by the winding down of the Nigerian Mining Corporation, low rates of royalties and administrative fees despite multi-million dollar technological investment and the failure to establish statutory and regulatory bodies such as the Environmental Rehabilitation Fund.. He was very passionate on reversing the export of raw minerals and ensuring that minerals were processed locally to provide jobs and attract higher prices in the international markets.

In 25 months, Alake put no one in doubt that a new sheriff is in charge in the solid minerals sector. He took many steps. He set up the Mining Marshals to combat illegal mining and banditry, revoked 3,974 titles for failure to pay annual service fee or refusal to mine after obtaining licences, established the private sector-oriented Nigerian Solid Minerals Company and the Environmental Rehabilitation Fund,increased rates of administrative fees and royalties, and revolutionised mining communications. To top it all, advocacy for value addition that he espoused for the first time at the Future Minerals Forum in Riyadh in January 2024, won the hearts of ministers of mining in Africa. To maintain the momentum across the continent, they formed the Africa Minerals Strategy Group and made him the pioneer chairman. A year after, at the 2025 Future Minerals Forum, they poured encomiums on Alake for branding the one-year old AMSG into a continental colossus!

The results of Alake’s reforms in the solid minerals sector form a major component of the achievements of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. These include an increase in revenue of the Nigerian Mining Cadastral Office from N6billion in 2023 to N12.5 billion in 2024. It has reported N10 billion between January and April, this year. Similarly, for the first time, royalties collected by the Mines Inspectorate department of the Ministry peaked at N6.4 billion as at December, last year.

The advocacy for value addition has stimulated mineral processing and manufacturing projects such as Hasetins $400 million Rare Earth plant,$60 million ASBA lithium processing plant, $200 million Canmax Lithium plant, $200 million New Energy Materials Company Lithium plant and new processing projects are in the pipeline. It has encouraged existing plants such as Segilola/Thor, Kursi, Africa Industries Group to scale up operations. The Ministry, through SMDF, its funding agency, is also planning to invest in the $1.3billiom alumina and $96.8million silica processing projects in collaboration with the Africa Finance Corporation.

The establishment of the Mining Marshals has led to the prosecution of over 300 suspected illegal miners by the Mining Marshals, dislodgement of illegal miners from 90 licenced areas and monitoring of 450 locations occupied by illegal miners. With more logistical resources, the enforcement of the mining laws will surely be intensified.

Transparency and accountability in licence administration have been achieved with the upgrade of the Electronic Mining Cadastre system, launch of mining decisions website and the improvement of content on the websites of the Nigerian Geological Survey Agency and the ministry. Today, research for and applications for licences can be initiated 24 hours every day from anywhere on the earth.

Alake has also intervened in human capacity development. His deal with the Australian government, negotiated during the Africa Down Under in September 2023 was executed this year with the training of the first batch of Nigerian geologists in modern exploration practices at the Murdoch university. Locally, over 250 youths have benefitted from workshops on gemology and jewellery making and the Institute of Geosciences continues to produce fresh mining professionals yearly.

What no serious witness of the solid minerals sector won’t contest is Alake’s sterling achievement in ensuring better compliance with the law. Operators are now more alert to their responsibilities and religious in observing deadlines and the rules of engagement.

With these records, Alake continues the family tradition by devotiny his life to the service of his fatherland. It is a daily grind of hardwork, creativity and persistence that may make him forget that another year has passed and today is his birthday. This article is a gentle reminder for him to take a day off and celebrate God’s grace. Happy birthday, sir!

Bamigbetan, former Commissioner for Information and Strategy in Lagos State, is the Special Adviser to Dr. Dele Alake, the Honourable Minister of Solid Minerals Development

The appointment of Sarah Mullaly as the new archbishop of Canterbury has touched off not a little controversy in Christendom.

The contention is that a woman is not permitted by scripture to lead the people of God. Those who make such claims often cite passages of the Bible.

For instance, Paul roared to Timothy, ‘I suffer not a woman to teach or usurp authority over the man.’ To the Corinthians, he urged that the woman should ‘learn in silence.’

Other points are that Jesus Christ did not pick a woman among the 12 apostles and 70 disciples. Paul’s assertion ‘Let a bishop be blameless, a husband of one wife,’ presumes that a bishop must be a man. Yet in Old and New Testaments, we have women who, with the blessings of God, could be described as called by God. The word prophet means ‘to call.’

We have Mariam, Deborah, wife of Isaiah, Jezebel, Huldah, Noadiah and Anna.

Mariam fell out of favour for rebellion. But the most distinguished of them all was Deborah, who the Bible announces glowingly: ‘Deborah, the prophetess, the wife of Lappidoth, judged Israel at that time.’ Huldah affirmed the book of the law to Josiah.

Anna was called a prophetess at the time of Christ’s birth. Jezebel was a false prophet. She was never anointed. Just like male impostors. You can be anointed and God can take it away, as God did to Saul. Hence David begged God not to take the holy spirit from him.

Paul is known to have mixed his opinion with revelations. It takes discerning to distinguish them. After all, he himself wrote, ‘the spirit of the prophet is subject to the prophet.’

It may well be that Men are God’s preferences but it may also be because, in Bible times, God was working through, not necessarily affirming, a patriarchal world, a world that placed women in a leash. That may explain why Jesus chose only men.

Yet, Mary Magdalene played great role in Jesus’ life. And can we forget that the first evangelist of Christianity were women who saw an empty grave and proclaimed that He has risen? Is that not all the essence of Christianity. The 11 apostles hid their tails behind their legs. Even Paul asserted that if Christ did not rise from the grave, then the faith is in vain.

Men always bit the woman’s neck like a hunting cat throughout history.

A woman in charge challenges the hubris of the ages. Men often underplay the power of women. Great men from Sisera to Sheba died by a woman’s cunning.

And General Namaan regained his limbs by a maid’s counsel. Scriptures show men do not monopolise strategy. Some say God allows women to reign only when men fail. But when have men not failed in history? Just like when God backed the Zelophehad daughters on inheritance rights. Or when Esther led her fellow Jews to freedom.

Maybe women don’t want to remain under the bushel anymore. Neither does the Almighty. It is time for them to take charge and the holy spirit may be behind them. The problem with religion is that we superimpose culture on it. Church is not a man’s world. It is Christ’s.

An irony: a king wed and divorced a woman for England to divorce the Catholic Church and start the Anglican Church. If King Henry VIII shed Ann Boleyn to beget the Church of England, Archbishop Mullaly may be enjoying history’s revenge.

It’s a fragile truce holding between the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and Dangote Refinery and Petrochemicals over alleged anti-labour practices by the refinery, regarding which the labour body had called down industry Armageddon. PENGASSAN suspended its nationwide strike mid- last week, but warned the backdown was only temporary. It vowed speedy return to the trenches at the slightest indication of bad faith by Dangote.

The labour association had, on Sunday, called an industrial action that momentarily crippled Nigeria’s oil and gas sectors, all in avowed bid to bring Dangote into line. Government had to mediate and, on Wednesday, PENGASSAN announced it was pulling back on ‘moral high ground’ by bowing to government persuasion despite strong doubts about the sincerity of Dangote Group. ‘We are only suspending, not calling off this strike. If any part of this agreement is broken, we will not give any warning. We will immediately resume our suspended industrial action,’ said PENGASSAN President Festus Osifo, who is also the president of Nigeria’s alternate labour centre, the Trade Union Congress (TUC).

Dangote refinery is a $20billion private venture commissioned in 2023, and its rift with PENGASSAN centred on claims that the management sacked some 800 workers because they chose to join the labour association, allegedly against the policy of the organisation to not have its employees unionise. The association further alleged that the sacked workers were replaced with more than 2,000 Indians, which it described as an affront to Nigerian workers and a violation of the country’s Constitution, labour laws and International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions. It thus directed its members to paralyse operations at the refinery by cutting off crude and gas supplies to it.

In case you wonder how that works, PENGASSAN has members in organisations that supply Dangote with basic operational feedstocks like the Nigeria National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL), and their compliance with the union’s directive meant the refinery got starved of those inputs. But PENGASSAN’s war was not restricted to Dangote, and it wasn’t like the association wanted it to be; it spilled over to national terrain as the association ordered its members nationwide to pull their services, thereby hobbling Nigeria’s entire energy sector and not just the 650,000 barrel-per-day output Dangote refinery.

On Sunday, 28th September, that the association directed its members in various field locations to down tools from 6:00a.m., there were severe gas shortages that resulted in a reduction of national power generation by more than 1,100megawatts. The Nigerian Independent System Operator (NISO) made known that available generation on the national grid dipped from over 4,300mw in the early hours of the day in reference to about 3,200mw at the lowest point – a development that heightened pressure on the grid and necessitated emergency measures to stabilise supply and avert nationwide blackout. Measures applied include ‘demand-side management’ that involved selective load shedding, which in practical terms for the average electricity consumer meant there was no public power supply for much of that day. There were as well snaps in supply lines of petrol and cooking gas to the market for much of last week. Up till the weekend, there were few petrol stations selling fuel in Lagos, and so at exploitative rates, while there were cooking gas shortages that inflated cost where available. The public bore the brunt.

It was not that Dangote Group took the labour challenge laying back. The refinery management denied that it victimised workers for unionising, but rather that it undertook a restructuring from security and efficiency concerns within the organisation. It argued there were of recent incidents of sabotage by some employees at its plant that brought up issues of grave health concern and safety of human lives. Besides, it further argued, only a small portion of its 3,000 Nigerian workforce was affected, and that PENGASSAN’s recourse to disrupting its operations was brigandage writ large. ‘No law grants PENGASSAN the right to cut off our supplies,’ the refinery said in a statement, as it accused the labour body of criminal conduct. It warned that disruption of its operations could significantly harm national fuel supply and revenues, urging government to stop the ‘reckless conduct.’ Well, the public’s experience proved much of its statement true.

Dangote Group also approached the National Industrial Court, from which it secured an interim order restraining PENGASSAN from disrupting the refinery’s operations. Justice Emmanuel Subilim granted the ex parte injunction after Dangote refinery argued that the disruption would cause irreparable economic harm. The judge ruled that preserving industrial peace outweighed the union’s actions, and scheduled further hearing in the suit for 13th October, 2025.

Dangote management and PENGASSAN locked horns even over that court ruling. The association spurned the injunction, arguing that it had not been formally served and could not go by mere media reports. The company, for its part, accused the labour body of evading being served and at some point published the verdict in national newspapers. While the gridlock lasted, the country’s alternate labour centre, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), directed all its affiliate unions to immediately begin mobilisation for industrial action against Dangote Group – a threat that, if carried through, would have had further devastating consequences on the public.

Reprieve came only by way of government mediation – first at closed-door talks moderated by Labour and Employment Minister Mohammed Dingyadi, and Minister of State Nkiruka Onyejeocha at the ministry’s headquarters in Abuja that were deadlocked, and later moved to the Office of National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu. Reports said the parties eventually agreed that unionisation is a right of workers in accordance with Nigerian laws, and that the right should be respected. The meeting also agreed that the management of Dangote Group shall immediately begin the process of reabsorbing the disengaged workers and move them to other companies within the group, with no loss of pay and with no worker victimised for their role in the labour crisis. PENGASSAN, for its part, agreed to begin the process of calling off the strike. The communique at the end of the meeting added that both parties ‘agreed to this understanding in good faith.’

The labour association had accused Dangote management of peddling misinformation with the claim that the sacked workers were suspected of sabotage, whereas the real issue was about their right to unionise. Indications were that it was right, otherwise Dangote would not have agreed to reabsorb those workers and redeploy them within the group. The conglomerate, obviously, has issues with unionisation and the effects on its investment interests. Reports at the weekend said the refinery management lately wrote the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), with which it also had recently squared off, to notify the union of its tanker drivers’ voluntary withdrawal from the body’s membership. It reportedly provided evidence of that voluntary decision and made a pledge to defray attendant financial commitments. So, there’s no question that the conglomerate has union phobia and would rather not have its employees partake.

But can you blame Dangote? The labour wars with which the business venture has had contend by themselves make unionisation unattractive for a private investor who staked his capital to create job opportunities and hopes for reasonable returns on that investment. Besides, it stands to reason that there is no employer who would be comfortable outsourcing control over employees – including the power to hire, fire or retain – to a supra authority called unions. Perhaps what the refinery management did wrong was the stock disengagement of workers on suspicion of unionisation, since the power for individual staff appraisal rests invariably with the management and decisions based on those appraisals inalienably that of the management.

There is indeed a sense in which PENGASSAN’s bid to cripple Dangote’s operations was impetuously short-sighted. Refinery operation is of a kind where the pipes must stay wet or they could rust and develop blockages that could ruin the entire business. The labour association could have pressed its grouse through procedural channels like the industrial court or arbitration panel, or proactively invite government mediation; because if the refinery gets grounded, PENGASSAN’s members would be among those sent out of job.

Two final posers should drive home the point. Labour unions naturally must desire more employment opportunities for their prospective members; but do they consider that the bring-down disposition of labour conversations could scare off investors who would create those jobs? Besides, what will PENGASSAN do if Dangote replaces human workforce at its refinery with Artificial Intelligence?

The Minister of Solid Minerals Development and Chairman of the African Minerals Strategy Group (AMSG), Dr. Dele Alake, has called for the transformation of Africa from a raw mineral supplier to a global hub for mineral processing, innovation, and green industrialisation.

He said the continent should play a strategic role in powering the 21st-century economy through its vast mineral wealth.

Alake said this in a keynote address he delivered at the African Mining Week in Cape Town, South Africa, with the theme: Vision and Strategy – Setting the Stage for Minerals Industrialisation.

In a statement yesterday in Abuja by his Special Assistant on Media, Segun Tomori, the minister noted that Africa is home to some of the richest mineral deposits in the world, stressing that the resources are critical to clean energy, digital technologies, advanced manufacturing, and global security.

Alake said: ‘Africa’s minerals have powered industrialisation elsewhere while our own economies remain under-industrialised. This paradox must end. Our vision must be clear: to move from extractive dependence to transformative industrialisation.

‘Our youth should no longer seek jobs abroad while opportunities lie buried beneath their feet. The time to industrialise is now. Let us set the stage for an Africa that is not just a participant in the global minerals economy, but a driver of its future.’

Highlighting the ongoing reforms in Nigeria’s mining sector, the minister, who was represented by the ministry’s Permanent Secretary, Farouk Yabo, stated that the nation was incentivising local beneficiation from gold refining to Lithium processing; revoking dormant licences to promote serious investment; strengthening governance and transparency to attract credible global partners, and building a national critical minerals strategy.

Also, the minister addressed the ministerial roundtable of the African Minerals Strategy Group (AMSG) on the sidelines of the mining week, highlighting Nigeria’s efforts to create a $1 trillion economy by 2030.

Alake said: ‘We are investing in digitising mining processes from data accessibility to mineral traceability. We are also focusing on bequeathing strong institutions and the right policies to drive reforms, hence the ongoing efforts to amend the 2007 Minerals and Mining Act to provide a more robust legislative framework that will propel investments in the mining sector.’

The minister emphasised Nigeria’s commitment to ensure traceability from mining to monetisation, affirming that the nation’s minerals are set to come from two sources: licensed holders or a seller and supplier buying from Artisanal and Small-Scale Miners (ASM) who are registered and formalised.

Echoing the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Alake stressed that African countries must prioritise mapping their mineral resources to better understand the location and scale of deposits.

‘After national mapping, it is the duty of countries to ensure only licensed operators are mining. We must also build adequate capacity for effective supervision,’ he said.

Sir: So, Goodluck Jonathan is said to be eyeing a return to Aso Rock – again. The man who presided over one of the most rudderless, corrupt, and visionless administrations in Nigeria’s democratic history now thinks he deserves a second bite of the apple. It’s almost comical, if it weren’t tragic.

Let’s be clear: there was a reason Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was booted out of office in 2015. He didn’t lose because Nigerians suddenly fell in love with Muhammadu Buhari. He lost because his government had become a byword for chaos, corruption, and crippling indecision. His reign was a tragic experiment in what happens when a man with neither backbone nor boldness is handed the keys to a volatile, complex nation like Nigeria.

Jonathan governed like a man afraid of his own shadow. He was perpetually ‘consulting,’ constantly ‘studying the situation,’ and forever ‘setting up committees.’ Meanwhile, Nigeria burned. Under his watch, Boko Haram morphed from a ragtag group of extremists into a full-blown terrorist army, capturing territories, overrunning military bases, and hoisting their black flags over Nigerian towns.

The Chibok incident occurred under Jonathan, and his initial reaction was one of denial, dithering, and deafening silence. While young girls were being kidnapped and the world screamed #BringBackOurGirls, Jonathan and his kitchen cabinet were busy politicking and accusing opposition voices of exaggeration. Leadership failure doesn’t come more glaringly.

But it wasn’t just security. The Jonathan years were a festival of corruption. Billions of dollars vanished into thin air – oil revenue unaccounted for, subsidy scams that would make Hollywood blush, and a central bank governor (Sanusi Lamido Sanusi) who blew the whistle and got the boot for daring to speak the truth. The fuel subsidy racket under Jonathan was legendary – a gravy train for cronies and cartels who laughed all the way to foreign banks while ordinary Nigerians queued for petrol.

The 2012 fuel subsidy fiasco, which triggered mass protests across the country, was a symbol of everything wrong with Jonathan’s government – tone-deaf policy, confused communication, and total detachment from the realities of ordinary Nigerians. And when the dust settled, the same subsidy regime he sought to reform became even fatter, darker, and leakier.

And who can forget the farce of the Transformation Agenda? It was all slogans, no substance. Ministers and special advisers and assistants turned their portfolios into private estates. Contracts were inflated, accountability evaporated, and governance was reduced to a ‘share-the-money’ circus. It was chop-I-chop governance, pure and simple – a cash-and-carry carnival masquerading as democracy. The barn door was wide open, and the hyenas had a feast.

The Jonathan era was the golden age of impunity. Everyone dipped their hands into the till – from fuel marketers to politically connected businessmen, from civil servants to security chiefs. When whistle-blowers tried to raise an alarm, they were hounded, suspended, or smeared. Under Jonathan, corruption wasn’t an aberration – it was the operating system.

Jonathan’s biggest sin, however, wasn’t just corruption – it was weakness. He wasn’t in charge. Everyone knew it. His ministers ran rings around him. His political godfathers pulled the strings. The cabals called the shots. Jonathan wasn’t leading Nigeria; he was watching from the side-lines. A president who cannot say ‘No’ to his friends will always say ‘Sorry’ to his people. And Jonathan’s Nigeria was one long apology – a helpless shrug from a man clearly overwhelmed by the magnitude of the office he held.

But perhaps Jonathan’s most glaring flaw was his chronic lack of judgment – his inability to read the room or recognize when the tide has turned. If he truly believes that Nigeria in 2025 is the same as Nigeria in 2015, then he has learned nothing. The political landscape has shifted dramatically. The era of the ‘Otuoke boy with no shoe’ playing the role of accidental messiah is over. Today’s Nigerians are not seduced by humble origins but by honest governance.

We need leaders with vision, courage, and clarity – not those who float through office like startled tourists, clutching prayer books while their lieutenants loot the treasury. Jonathan had his chance. He squandered it. History gave him the opportunity to be great, but he chose to settle for comfort instead.

Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency was a cautionary tale – a lesson in what happens when luck replaces leadership. Nigeria must not make the same mistake twice.