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The family, friends, and well-wishers of Geoffrey Kazinda, the jailed former principal accountant in the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), have petitioned Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo over a five-year delay in delivering a Supreme Court ruling related to his continued incarceration at Luzira Prison.

In a letter dated September 29, and received by the Chief Justice’s office the same day, the family expressed frustration that no judgment has been issued in Kazinda’s Supreme Court appeal, which was lodged by the Attorney General in 2020.

‘As his community of support, we speak on his behalf before you as the head of the panel that heard the appeal. We respectfully plead that you engage the other justices to conclude the matter so it is not left in endless pendency,’ the letter reads in part.

The family said their petition is not intended to influence the outcome but to request a decision, any decision, so they may pursue further legal avenues to secure Kazinda’s release. The case stems from an August 7, 2020, ruling by the Constitutional Court, which halted further criminal proceedings against Kazinda that were based on the same or similar facts related to his role in the OPM.

The court held that continued prosecution amounted to double jeopardy, violating Article 28(9) of the Constitution, and ordered his immediate release from Luzira Prison, where he has been detained for over a decade.

However, dissatisfied with the ruling, the Attorney General appealed to the Supreme Court and sought a stay of the Constitutional Court’s orders, including the release directive.

Kazinda had been convicted of several offences, including abuse of office, forgery, embezzlement, illicit enrichment, and causing financial loss. In their petition, the family described the personal toll of the prolonged detention, particularly on Kazinda’s 81-year-old mother, Teopista Nanfuka, who is no longer able to physically visit him at Luzira Prison.

They also spoke of the emotional impact on Kazinda’s children, a son who was two years old when Kazinda was jailed and is now 15, and a daughter who was 18 at the time and is now 31.

With Chief Justice Owiny-Dollo set to retire on January 18, 2026, upon reaching the mandatory retirement age of 70, the family has urged the court to deliver its decision before his departure, since he chaired the panel that heard the appeal.

Represented by lawyer Richard Omongole, the family accused the State of using the legal system to frustrate justice and insisted that the Supreme Court has a duty to end this prolonged legal limbo.

Attempts to reach the Judiciary spokesperson, Mr James Ereemye Mawanda, for comment on the delay were unsuccessful, as he did not respond to calls by press time.

After deliberating for nearly two years, history was made on October 8, 1995, when the 1995 Constitution of Uganda was promulgated, coinciding almost exactly with the 33rd anniversary of Uganda’s independence from Britain.

Three weeks prior, on September 22, 1995, the Constitution had been formally adopted by the Constituent Assembly.

The 1995 Constitution introduced term and age limits for the presidency, alongside a robust bill of rights emphasising citizens’ ability to determine their own governance. It was heralded as a framework that would guarantee a safe future for Uganda and provide avenues for meaningful participation in governance.

At the time, President Museveni had himself acknowledged that one of Africa’s challenges was leaders staying too long in power. Yet in August 2005, the term limit provision was removed, clearing the path for Museveni to rule without restriction.

Many Ugandans had assumed age limits might serve as a natural barrier. That assumption proved incorrect when, around 2017, the remaining age limit was removed amid a dramatic parliamentary showdown. Opposition members attempting to block the amendment were forcibly removed by the Special Forces Command, soldiers, enshrining what critics call a ‘life presidency’ into the Constitution once celebrated as progressive.

Perspectives from makers

Mr Kintu Musoke, a former prime minister of Uganda, recalled the tense debates during the Constituent Assembly sessions. ‘I was the chairperson of the Buganda caucus, and one of the demands of Buganda was granting it federal status. However, I had a difficult task convincing my colleagues that this would not be possible, and eventually, we settled for a unitary government,’ he said.

Mr Musoke reflected that past political experiences-from independence through successive regimes to Mr Museveni’s ascension with his Bush War colleagues-shaped the deliberations.

‘We had seen what happened during past regimes. When we set to debate this Constitution, we made sure it would stand the test of time. We made it the most progressive Constitution the world had ever witnessed. When you see later amendments, it is because our Constitution is dynamic and progressive,’ he added.

Yet Mr Musoke acknowledged the regrets arising from later events, particularly the removal of term and age limits. ‘While making this Constitution, we didn’t envision that we would have a family rule as it is today. We never thought it would be the father, the wife, the son, and relatives dominating the affairs,’ he said.

Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny Dollo, a participant in the 1995 Constitution framing, said Articles 102 and 105 were designed to ensure power rested with institutions rather than individuals.

‘People believe leaders should come, serve, and go, not peg the country on the strength of one individual, however good the person is, because we are only human,’ he said.

‘We should be the system, not the person. It is good to have strong and devoted leaders who love their country,’ he added.

Justice Owiny Dollo explained that strong institutions were meant to guarantee Ugandans the ability to participate in governance.

‘The strength of the Constitution is our respect for the Constitution. We put term and age limits to ensure people serve a specific period of time and not beyond certain age limits,’ he said. Recalling the original intent, Justice Owiny Dollo noted the nationwide consultations and community engagements led by the Odoki Commission during the drafting process.

Wide consultations

‘The 1967 Republican Constitution was debated by academia and fora, but in 1995, nothing beats it in terms of consultation. The Odoki Commission went to all sub-counties, including war-affected areas, and came up with that document. It shaped the army’s role, participation of citizens, and the type of institutions we wanted,’ he said. Despite the rigorous process, Justice Dollo expressed regret that Articles 102 and 105 were not entrenched to require a referendum for amendments.

‘How could we, especially lawyers, be so foolish? How could we be lulled into not strengthening provisions for term limits? We left it as any other provision, which is why it was easy for Parliament to remove term and age limits. We did not secure it properly. That is a mistake we made in the past,’ he said.

Critiques from political veterans

Mr Peter Walubiri, a Uganda Peoples Congress stalwart and Constitution maker, argued that the 1995 Constitution was designed to entrench Museveni’s rule. ‘They largely ignored the fact that this Constitution was built on quicksand. When you see this Constitution faltering and being reduced to a mere piece of paper, the foundation was shaken. When President Museveni overthrew the Okello Junta by force of arms, he set out never to build a democratic society but to entrench himself in office,’ he said.

Mr Walubiri criticised the Constituent Assembly itself as a partisan body.

‘The rules for the election of the Constituent Assembly barred political parties from fielding delegates, claiming we were in a no-party democracy.

Inside the Assembly, there was an NRM caucus. Those opposed formed their own caucus, but because the elections were managed by the NRM, the majority of delegates served its interests,’ he said.

He said the Assembly’s skewed structure laid the groundwork for long-term dominance. ‘The seed for Museveni to entrench himself was planted in the rules for the election to the Constituent Assembly.

Article 69 barred political parties from participating in subsequent elections. Museveni got artificial majorities and continued building them up,’ he explained. By the time multi-party democracy was reinstated, Mr Walubiri said, it was too late to establish a truly pluralistic society.

‘Museveni manipulated the process, entrenched the NRA, which he calls NRM, as the dominant political force. This is by design, not coincidence,’ he said.

Concentration of power

Mr Walubiri argued that the biggest flaw in the Constitution was the concentration of power in the presidency. ‘The Constitution made good provisions: a strong bill of rights and many democratic institutions. But as long as power was concentrated in one man and his party, the Constitution could not be implemented or grow. It remained a stunted caricature,’ he said.

He cited how Mr Museveni has ignored the Bill of Rights, detained individuals beyond 48 hours without court access, appointed compliant judges, and exercised parliamentary control through the NRM majority.’

NRM is Mr Museveni. There is no real party structure. He has stifled democratic growth since 1986, banned political parties, and institutionalised corruption,’ Mr Walubiri said.

Reflections and lessons

The framers, including Justice Owinty Dollo and Mr Musoke, expressed that the Constitution’s failure to prevent long-term rule reflects a gap between intent and legal entrenchment. While the Constitution remains a model of citizen consultation and progressive rights, subsequent amendments have undermined its ability to safeguard Uganda’s democratic processes.

‘Read my judgment on the age limit petition,’ Justice Owiny Dollo said.

‘Uganda needed to test the Constitution. Discussions could have addressed deficiencies or limitations within the vision of the framers. That did not happen, and we see the consequences today,’ he added.

Mr Musoke added: ‘We made the Constitution with the intention that it would endure. The amendments show its dynamism, but they also reveal the risks of not fully securing critical provisions.’

Mr Walubiri concluded that while the Constitution offered a legal framework, it was designed and implemented under partisan conditions favouring long-term incumbency.

‘By concentrating power in the hands of one man and his party, the Constitution was vulnerable from the start,’ he said.

Thirty years on, the 1995 Constitution is celebrated for its extensive public participation, progressive bill of rights, and clear intent to balance governance and citizen participation. Yet, the removal of term and age limits has altered the trajectory foreseen by its framers, highlighting the tension between constitutional design and political practice.

As Uganda approaches future elections, the legacy of the 1995 Constitution continues to influence debates on governance, democracy, and institutional integrity.

Key Provisions of the 1995 Constitution

Bill of Rights: Guaranteed citizens’ fundamental freedoms and participation in governance.

Term Limits: Originally limited the president to two terms (removed in 2005).

Age Limits: Set an age ceiling for presidential candidates (removed in 2017).

Unitary Government: Rejected federalism after Buganda caucus negotiations.

Democratic Institutions: Established structures for Parliament, Judiciary, and independent commissions

Pregnancy is a time of joy and change, but it is also a critical period to prioritise oral health. Pregnancy hormones, particularly estrogen and progesterone, can make gums more sensitive to plaque, leading to gingivitis, a condition marked by red, swollen, or bleeding gums.

If untreated, gingivitis may progress to periodontitis, a more severe gum disease linked to complications such as preterm birth or low birth weight. Poor oral health can also allow bacteria to enter the bloodstream, potentially affecting the baby’s development. Keeping your mouth healthy protects both you and your little one.

Common concerns

During pregnancy, up to 75 percent of women experience gum inflammation due to hormonal changes. Gingivitis can progress to periodontitis, which may eventually cause mobile teeth or even tooth loss. Tooth decay is also a concern, as morning sickness, sugary cravings, and dry mouth can increase the risk of cavities.

After vomiting, it is important to rinse the mouth with water to neutralise acids and avoid brushing immediately to protect enamel. Some women may develop pregnancy tumours, also known as pregnancy epulis. These are harmless, non-cancerous gum growths that usually resolve after delivery, but a dentist should be consulted if they cause discomfort.

Tips

Brushing twice daily with a medium-bristle toothbrush and fluoride toothpaste ensures all tooth surfaces are cleaned gently. Warm saline rinses can help maintain gum health and reduce inflammation, serving as a safer alternative to commercial mouthwashes.

Flossing every day removes plaque and food particles between teeth, reducing the risk of gum disease. A balanced diet rich in fruits, vegetables, and dairy supports strong teeth, while limiting sugary snacks and drinks helps prevent cavities.

Staying hydrated is also important, as water helps combat dry mouth, which can increase cavity risk. Routine dental check-ups are safe during pregnancy, ideally in the second trimester, and it is essential to inform your dentist about your pregnancy and any medications you are taking.

Is dental treatment safe?

Most dental procedures, including cleanings and fillings, are safe during pregnancy. The second trimester is generally the best time for non-emergency treatments.

X-rays with proper shielding are usually safe, but any concerns should be discussed with your dentist.

Local anaesthetics are typically safe as well, though confirmation with a healthcare provider is recommended. Good oral health during pregnancy is simple: brush, floss, eat well, and see your dentist regularly.

Uganda’s political class has a love affair with titles. ‘Honourable’, ‘Right Honourable’, the prefixes roll off tongues as though dignity itself were being manufactured in bulk.

Yet the bearers of these lofty labels are often the very names listed in corruption reports, procurement scandals, and betrayals of public trust. At what point do we stop clapping for this colonial theatre and admit that the show is more farce than honour?

Britain’s medieval relics

The titles we so freely distribute are not Ugandan inventions. ‘Honourable’ and ‘Right Honourable’ trace back to an aristocratic and parliamentary order rooted in medieval hierarchy. They once carried weight because they were embedded in rigid class systems. But even in Britain today, they feel increasingly outdated. What exactly does ‘Right Honourable’ mean in a modern democracy?

Why should a 21st-Century MP in Westminster sound like a courtier from the 1600s? Britain, clinging to monarchy and pageantry, keeps these relics partly out of nostalgia. But Uganda did something stranger: we adopted them wholesale without ever asking if they were still relevant, even to their mother country. We embraced the vocabulary of medieval hierarchy while promising ourselves that we were building a modern republic.

From ‘honourable’ to ‘dishonourable’

In Uganda, ‘honourable’ has become the slipperiest word in the dictionary. It sticks automatically to Members of Parliament, regardless of their record. Even those caught red-handed in corruption scandals continue to be addressed with reverence in chambers, on airwaves, and at public functions.

The Luganda equivalent, ow’ekitiibwa, once evoked respect. Today, it has been twisted by sarcasm into a synonym for ‘thief.’ The satire has become so entrenched that when a non-Luganda-speaking MP recently discovered the translation, Parliament itself burst into laughter.

That moment of collective humour revealed something deeper: the people no longer see honour in those who wear the title. From inflated allowances to vanishing billions, the so-called honourables have transformed what was meant to dignify into a running national joke. It is no accident that young Ugandans, scrolling through memes, no longer treat ‘honourable’ as a mark of respect. It is shorthand for privilege, arrogance, and scandal.

The titles we abandoned

What makes the satire sharper is that Uganda once had titles that truly carried both honour and responsibility. In Buganda, katikkiro (prime minister), omuwanika (treasurer), and Ssabalangira (chief prince) were not empty badges. They were functions tied to duty, reputation, and accountability to the community. To be called by one of these names was to be measured daily against the values it represented. In discarding our indigenous titles for borrowed prefixes, we swapped responsibility for costume jewellery. The imported terms sound grand but carry no teeth. The indigenous terms sounded ordinary but carried weight.

Time for a Ugandan reset

Uganda must stop pretending. If we want leaders who command respect, let the honour be earned, not conferred by colonial grammar. Call our MPs Representatives. Call them Legislators. Let them introduce themselves by the work they do, not by the dust of an imported hierarchy. Until then, every corruption scandal involving an ‘honourable’ will remind us of this national irony: we imported the titles, we exported the scandals, and we left the honour behind.

The principle that bail is a constitutional right, not a privilege, must be more than rhetorical. It must be lived in every courtroom.

Last week’s decision by the Kawempe Magistrate’s Court to deny bail to 10 members of the major Opposition party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), accused of ‘unlawful drilling,’ tests that principle under the weight of political tension and public scrutiny, leaving a lot of questions than answers.

Chief Magistrate Damalie Agumansiimwe, ruling via Zoom, acknowledged that while bail is constitutionally guaranteed, it is not automatic. She held that the applicants had failed to satisfy key legal thresholds.

The court also accepted prosecutorial concerns such as the flight risk of some of the applicants, witness tampering, and questionable sureties, issues the State argued with urgency and detail.

From the defence side, lawyers insisted that none of the accused faced a life sentence or capital charge, stressing the importance of the presumption of innocence and the right to liberty until proven guilty. They argued that the accused offered fixed residences and solid sureties, and they dismissed the fears of interference as speculative.

Yet the court, prioritising the severity of the allegations and the possible risks, found the defence not persuasive. But this case cannot be divorced from its political context.

Among the accused are prominent NUP figures, including the party’s deputy spokesperson, Alex Waiswa Mufumbiro, and others tied closely to the leadership of Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine.

The impression, whether fact or perception, is that the machinery of justice has too often intersected with the machinery of political control.

When State allegations accuse Opposition actors of organising ‘military-style training’ activities without authorisation, the question is: Do the charges rest on legal merit or political calculus? The big question is whether the ruling of the court is legally defensible or is politically influenced.

The denial of bail extends the pre-trial detention of these individuals, already held since February, into indefinite limbo. In doing so, it places heavy constraints on their ability to mount a defence, maintain personal life, or engage freely in public discourse.

Even if the court remains within its legal discretion, the optics are perilous. The law must not be used to silence or intimidate the political opposition. At stake is more than this particular case. It is the integrity of judicial independence and public confidence in justice on trial.

In politically charged trials, the Judiciary carries a solemn duty to act transparently and impartially to hold the State to its burden, and resist becoming subordinate to political imperatives.

Let the courts demonstrate, not just in rhetoric but in practice, that bail is not a barrier but a bridge, one that enables innocent individuals to remain free until their guilt is proven beyond reasonable doubt. Until then, every denial must be firmly grounded in evidence, not inference, especially when democracy itself is the subject.

Uganda’s Electoral Commission (EC) has defended its decision to uphold local tribunals’ recommendations to block three women seeking to unseat Bukedea Woman MP, Annet Anita Among, who also acts as the Speaker of the country’s 11th Parliament.

In an affidavit filed before the High Court in Kampala, the commission headed by Justice Simon Byabakama, through its Acting Secretary, Mr Richard Kamugisha Baabo, said it had reviewed complaints against Ms Norma Susan Otai of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Marion Alupo Mercy of National Unity Platform (NUP), and Hellen Akol Odeke (Independent) and verified that parish tribunals acted within the law when recommending their deletion from the EC’s register following a petition by one of the residents who claimed they were not registered voters of the area they sought to represent in the 12th Parliament.

The case was filed by one of Bukedea District residents, Zipporah Akol, who sought to block the nomination of the three women challenging Ms Among of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) headed by President Museveni, 81, who has been in power for four decades and seeking re-election in the 2026 polls.

Justice Simon Peter Kinobe, who was assigned to hear the case set October 27, 2025, when he will deliver his ruling.

Uganda’s electoral body said it rolled out its 2025/26 General Election roadmap earlier this year, including guidelines on updating and verifying the National Voters Register.

‘The Commission rolled out its election roadmap to the country detailing all segments of the 2025/26 general elections processes through electronic and print media,’ Mr Baabo stated.

Mr Baabo further stated that between January 20 and February 17, 2025, the Commission conducted a nationwide update exercise to allow voters to register, verify, or transfer their voting particulars.

‘During this period, any person who wished to vote in a parish other than where they were previously registered could apply to transfer their registration,’ the affidavit reads.

The updated register was later displayed for public scrutiny, with a 21-day window for objections from stakeholders.

‘A period of 21 days was appointed in which copies of the voters roll for each parish were displayed to afford an opportunity to raise objections on the registration status of any voter,’ the affidavit notes.

Following the display exercise, parish tribunals in Bukedea recommended deleting Otai, Alupo, and Odeke on grounds of origin and residence.

‘The Commission, upon receiving returns from the Returning Officer of Bukedea, established that the parish tribunal recommended the deletion of the three respondents on account of origin and residence,’ Mr Baabo said.

Tribunal forms show the objections were filed during the May 2025 display period and confirmed by parish council chairpersons.

‘The EC invited the three aspirants to a review meeting on October 2, 2025. The Commission invited the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd respondents to a meeting at its boardroom to attend review proceedings arising out of the decisions of the parish tribunals recommending their deletion,’ Mr Baabo stated.

Adding..’The Commission heard all the parties during the review proceedings, and each was given an opportunity to challenge the recommendations of the parish tribunals. Hellen Odeke formally withdrew from the review, saying she did not wish to challenge the tribunal’s decision’ the affidavit continues.

Mr Baabo states that after review, the EC concluded no contrary evidence had been presented and noted that the respondents were given 10 days of natural justice under the law to challenge the recommendations to the tribunal and therefore the right to a fair hearing was available but not utilized.

‘Upon review, the Commission established that no evidence was lodged with the tribunals to challenge their decisions recommending deletion of the respondents. The Commission, therefore, upheld the decisions of the parish tribunals based on the evidence adduced by the parties,’ he added.

Copies of the aspirants’ registration details attached to the affidavit confirm that their names have been removed from the rolls.

Akol’s petition argues that the Commission failed to implement the tribunal decisions and that the three aspirants were still allowed to campaign.

The EC maintains it acted within its constitutional and statutory mandate. ‘The Commission exercised its powers under Section 20 and 26 of the Electoral Commission Act to manage the voters register and address all complaints raised during the display exercise,’ Baabo affirmed.

Justice Kinobe has directed all parties to complete submissions ahead of the October 27 ruling, which will determine whether the three women can proceed to nomination for the Bukedea District Woman MP seat.

The Acholi Paramount Chief, Rwot David Onen Acana II, has raised concerns that escalating land conflicts in the formerly war-affected sub-region are undermining efforts to restore its degraded forest cover.

Earlier this month, the Acholi Cultural Institution partnered with the Uganda National Oil Company (Unoc) to plant 40 million trees across the region, aiming to replace those lost to commercial timber and charcoal activities.

However, Rwot Acana warns that the initiative is at risk due to ongoing land disputes. He attributed the tensions to post-war trauma, land fragmentation, and unresolved ownership issues following the decades-long Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgency.

‘All 57 chiefdoms will receive free tree seedlings to help replenish our forests,’ he said.

Rwot Acana added: ‘But for years, people have cut down trees for timber and charcoal without replanting. Now the land is bare, and restoring it won’t be easy.’ He emphasised that land disputes, particularly those stemming from communal ownership, remain a major barrier. ‘Only about four percent of men are willing to share land with their wives,’ he noted.

‘This poses a challenge for women who want to plant trees but lack control over land use.’

He also cited reluctance from clan leaders to allow communal land to be used for agroforestry, especially by women and youth.

‘The communal land tenure system makes it difficult for younger generations to engage in tree planting, often leading to more conflict,’ he said.

Mr Michael Tebere, director of Kijani Agroforestry, said the mindset of clan elders can be shifted through sensitisation. ‘Trees provide food and income. Within five years, fruit trees can begin generating income for families and help fight poverty,’ said Mr Tebere.

‘Once elders see these benefits, they may be more willing to support agroforestry.’

According to local authorities, over 100,000 hectares of forest have been cleared in the Acholi sub-region over the past six years for timber and charcoal production.

In May, President Museveni imposed a nationwide ban on commercial charcoal production in the north, east, and West Nile regions, his second executive order in two years aimed at protecting natural forests from destruction.

The Mutesa II Stadium at Wankulukuku thrummed with anticipation, the air electric, the stands a sea of red.

A teenage Phillip Obwin, then a Kibuli SS student in 1993, was about to become theirs – a Red Eagle of Express, little knowing he’d one day don Villa’s blue, igniting passions and defying norms.

His boots, barely worn, carried the dreams of a boy from Buganda Road Flats.

This was no ordinary arrival. It marked the start of a career that wove through Express, SC Villa, URA, Nalubaale, and the Uganda Cranes, leaving a legacy of triumphs, controversies, and quiet resilience.

Decades later in a Kampala studio, Obwin sat across from me, Villa badge on his chest, voice steady but heavy with nostalgia.

This was The Game of Life – and ‘Phillo’, ‘Capi’, ‘Bollie’ unraveled a story of sacrifice, duty, and the dignity of work.

A rivalry’s reluctant renegade

Kampala, 1996: the city teetered on the edge of a football ‘world war.’ Obwin, Express’ most dependable defender, had chosen to cross to SC Villa, his boyhood love.

From then on, the Red Eagles faithful, scarves aloft, branded him a traitor, their chants of ‘Judas!’ echoing through Wankulukuku, Nakivubo and the Masaka Recreational Ground stands.

The blue end, in contrast, sang his name, hailing their returning son. ‘Villa was home, where my heart lay,’ Obwin told me, clad in Villa’s blue, voice steady.

But the move was a saga of defiance and division. Express officials, citing local football rules, blocked the transfer after Obwin’s starring role in their 1995 league and cup double.

For six months, he trained with Villa, refusing to play for Express, his resolve as unyielding as his tackles.

‘It never crossed my mind to leave Express,’ he convinced, ‘until Hajji Omar Ahmed Mandela said, ‘You boy, I want you. Are you ready to come and play for us?’ I said yes.’

Negotiations faltered, Express clinging to their star man, Villa demanding their prize.

Pubs from Wankulukuku to the city centre buzzed with heated arguments. Some called Obwin a mercenary, others a dreamer chasing his roots.

As a Cranes mainstay, his absence risked national team harmony, forcing Fufa to intervene.

After tense talks, Express relented, accepting Villa’s Shs6m offer – a decent fee then, given the circumstances.

Obwin was free, but the city’s divide deepened, Villa Park’s blue flags clashing with Express’s red fury.

In the derby matches between the two sides, every Obwin tackle drew the Red Eagles roar of fury, but once in a while a fan’s cry – ‘You were ours, Bollie!’- cut through the noise, a reminder of the bridges burned.

‘I’d served Express well,’ he said, unapologetic. ‘I won titles. It was time to experience Villa.’

As a child in Buganda Road Flats, Obwin had sneaked into Nakivubo to worship Villa’s giants – Ronald Vvubya, Magid Musisi, Paul Hasule.

‘I supported Villa from primary school,’ he said, eyes alight. In S1 at Old Kampala, coach Stephen ‘Jesus’ Mulinde spotted his talent.

‘He said, ‘You’re coming to Villa,” Obwin recalled. ‘I was terrified – a barefoot kid, playing with those legends? I refused.’

Fate pivoted in S5 at Kibuli SS. Mulinde asked why he’d shunned Villa. ‘I was afraid,’ Obwin admitted. ‘He said, ‘Now I’m taking you to Express FC’. I said yes.’

In 1993, under David Otti, Obwin joined Express, arriving about the same time as Edward Kalungi and Joseph Mutyaba.

He joined stars like Isaac Nkaada and George Ssimwogerere, who embraced him.

Obwin recalls with pride facing and containing KCCA’s Sam Simba in his early days at Express. ‘I was a kid, but I remember we won that game 1-0.”

By 1995, he’d won the league in his first season with Express, a Uganda Cup, and then a League and Cup double, reaching the Caf Champions League semi-finals, only to fall to Orlando Pirates.

‘We lost 1-0 in South Africa, drew 1-1 at home,’ he recalled. ‘Nakivubo was packed and we were winning with just a few minutes left.

‘But Gavin Lane’s header slipped through Abu Kigenyi’s legs. We thought he had handled the ball, but the ball was in the net.’

In 1998 after two years away, Express lured him back from Villa thanks to the Red Eagles rather controversial and influential manager Kassim Buyondo.

‘They wanted me,’ Obwin said. ‘Buyondo laid out the offer, and I returned.’ The Red Eagles faithful forgave him, but in 2001, Villa called again, under Milutin ‘Micho’ Sredojevic.

‘Hajji Mandela came back,’ he laughed. ‘I didn’t negotiate much. I decided.’ These back-to-back switches – Express to Villa, back to Express, then Villa again – set Kampala’s football culture alight.

As Villa launched Micho’s four-in-a-row title winning reign, the love-hate relationship between the two clubs only intensified, always sparking wild cheers from the blue stands and jeers from Express’s red wall.

Roots and resilience

Obwin grew up in Buganda Road Flats, where the ground where Kisozi House sits was his playground.

With three brothers and a sister, football was life. ‘We played barefoot, for fun,’ said the Shimoni Demonstration School pupil at the time, conjuring dusty pitches and laughter.

His father, a civil servant, and mother, a housewife, kept the family grounded, but tragedy struck early.

Obwin’s mother passed away when he was young, followed by his father during his A-levels at Kibuli SS.

‘I was in Sudan with Express, my first trip abroad, when dad died,’ he said, voice softening. ‘It was my first flight. I came back to the burial.’

Orphaned, Obwin became a father figure to his sister. The family had to leave the flats after his father’s death.

Express chairman at the time, Hassan Bulwadda, had offered him a house in Muyenga, but his siblings scattered – his sister going back to Kayunga, their parents’ village home, his brothers to friends’ homes.

‘I had to bring her back,’ he said. ‘A fan, a married man I trusted, housed her. I paid her fees while playing.’

His sister, now married with a family, calls him ‘Dad,’ a testament to his sacrifice. ‘She knows what I did,’ he said, pride in his eyes.

This duty shaped his choices. In 1995, a Nairobi-based football agent arranged trials at Portsmouth in the UK for Obwin and Fred Tamale.

‘Express was playing the Hedex Cup, and officials didn’t want us to go,’ he recalled.

‘The agent said, ‘They won’t wait. You’re not a known player.’ So I disappeared.’

Obwin stayed a week in Nairobi, then flew to England – with Tamale arriving way later, only for both to miss Portsmouth’s pre-season.

‘We trained for three days,’ he said. ‘They said, ‘We’ll contact you’ – a polite way of saying they wouldn’t take us. It was a punishment for arriving late.’

A later offer from a Turkish club faltered over Express’s high transfer fee. ‘If they’d asked for less, maybe I’d have made the move,’ he mused.

A former teammate urged him to remain in the UK, but he returned for his sister. ‘I promised to be there for her, to pay her fees,’ he said. Duty trumped ambition.

Glory days and controversies

At Express, Obwin won a league in his first season (1993), Uganda Cup (1994), and the league and cup double (1995).

They even reached the Caf Champions League semi-finals, falling narrowly to eventual winners Orlando Pirates.

At Villa under Milutin ‘Micho’ Sredojevic, he won a Uganda Cup and four consecutive league titles from 2001 to 2004. ‘Micho brought systems,’ Obwin said. ‘He taught us formations, how to think faster.’

But his name is also tied to the infamous 22-1 demolition of Akol FC in 2003. Allegations of match-fixing have never gone away.

‘Akol was weak,’ Obwin said, guarded. ‘They barely fielded 11 players. We were flying.’ He himself scored in that rout.

Although the result was later nullified, it was still in Villa’s favour as some of only nine Akol players that turned up for the beating were unregistered.

Cranes highs and unfulfilled promise

A versatile defender, Obwin captained every club he played for – and the Cranes.

‘I was never a substitute unless injured or carded,’ he said. His finest moment came in 2002, scoring the winner against Ghana at Namboole in a 2004 Afcon qualifier.

‘Beating a team of stars like Stephen Appiah and Sammy Kuffour felt good.’

Yet Nations Cup qualification eluded him. ‘We had talent,’ he said, ‘but the organisation was awful.’

From sleeping on carpets before losing 6-0 to Tunisia to the chaotic 2003 ‘juju’ clash with Rwanda, Uganda repeatedly fell short. Cecafa titles in 1996 and 2000 offered some consolation.

The final chapters

At URA, Obwin won the Uganda Cup (2005) and two league titles (2006, 2007). In 2008, Nalubaale offered a life-changing sign-on fee.

‘That money bought six acres in Bombo, built my house, started rentals,’ he said. But the club collapsed soon after.

He returned to Express for the last dance in 2010, but unpaid wages and family responsibilities pushed him into retirement that same year.

Life after football

Obwin invested wisely but insists he must keep working. Today, he is a distribution assistant at Nation Media Group (NMG).

‘Some say it’s not a job for a Cranes captain,’ he shrugged. ‘But no job is less. The maid, the driver, the digger – they’re all important.’

His children are his drive. Two attend King’s College Budo and Nabisunsa, others are in primary school. ‘That’s why I continue working,’ he said.

The quiet gentleman

For all his achievements, Obwin wears humility like a second skin. At NMG, some colleagues were shocked to discover the driver among them was the former Cranes captain.

On the streets, fans call out his name. ‘It’s awkward,’ he admitted. ‘They know your name, but you don’t know theirs. You smile, pretend you do.’

His lesson to the next generation? ‘Tell your truth. Your story might inspire someone.’

Phillip Obwin’s story is not just about football, but resilience, duty, and the dignity of work. Catch Obwin’s full story on The Game Of Life with this writer on YouTube.

Fact file

Full name: Phillip Obwin

Nicknames: Phillo, Capi, Bollie

Age: 49

Express FC: 1993-1996; 1998-2000; 2010

– Titles: League (1993); Uganda Cup (1994); League and Cup double (1995)

– Caf Champions League semi-finalist (1995, lost to Orlando Pirates).

SC Villa: 1996-1998; 2001-2004

– Titles: Multiple league titles (four-in-a-row 2001-2004 under Milutin ‘Micho’ Sredojevic); Uganda Cup

URA FC: 2005-2008

– Titles: Uganda Cup (2005); League (2006, 2007).

Nalubaale FC: 2008-2009

– Notes: Life-changing sign-on fee funded Bombo investments; left after owner vanished, player strike

International Career: Uganda Cranes (1994-2004)

– Key Highlights: Scored winner in 1-0 victory over Ghana in 2002 (2004 Afcon qualifier, Namboole)

– Won Cecafa titles (1996, 2000)

In the 1980s and 1990s, Ugandan primary schools buzzed with creativity. Art corners brimmed with colourful paintings, children moulded clay pots with muddy hands, and walls were proudly plastered with woven mats and drawings.

Today, these once vibrant spaces have all but disappeared, replaced by chalk-filled drills and rote memorisation. Arts and crafts, once a cornerstone of the primary school curriculum, is slowly fading from Uganda’s education landscape.

At Kamonkoli Mixed Primary School in Budaka District, what was once an art room is now an empty corner. ‘We don’t have the materials, and most of the time is spent on subjects that will be examined,’ said Mr Fred Muduka, the head teacher.

‘These subjects are still in existence, but not much effort is put into them because they are not examinable. Teachers tend not to concentrate on these activities,’ he added.

Mr Muduka further explained that many of the raw materials previously used for these activities are now hard to come by.

‘The materials are too scarce. This makes the activity more complicated due to lack of materials,’ he said.

‘Dry banana fibres are no longer available, because even banana plantations have disappeared. The same goes for sisal, it is just history now, and reeds are quite scarce and expensive.’ Mr Dickson Njaye, a primary teacher, said arts and crafts is now viewed as a luxury. ‘Unlike before, most of the schools are slowly abandoning art and crafts,’ he said.

Exams first, everything else later

Teachers, educationists, and parents alike point to Uganda’s exam-oriented system as the main culprit. The Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) assess only Mathematics, Social Studies, Science, and English. Arts, crafts, music, and drama, though technically part of the curriculum, carry no examination weight.

‘When something is not in PLE, schools treat it as less important,’ said Mr Eriya Poli, head teacher of Budaka Helper Project Primary School. ‘Parents also pressure schools to prioritise what will bring results in exams, so teachers quietly push art and crafts aside.’

Even passionate teachers are hindered by tight budgets. Universal Primary Education (UPE) grants come with stringent conditions, and funding often falls short for non-core activities. ‘Materials such as clay, beads, or weaving reeds cost money,’ said Mr Njaye of Kamonkoli Mixed Primary School. ‘When the UPE capitation grant is released, there are so many competing needs. Buying art materials is the last thing on the list.’

Cultural shift and parental pressure

In today’s economy, where formal employment is highly sought after, creative skills are undervalued. Many parents discourage children from spending time on art-related activities.

‘My father used to beat me for sketching cartoons in my books,’ recalls 30-year-old Moses Wabwire, who struggled to pursue Fine Art in secondary school.

‘Parents don’t treat art as a career. It’s just play.’ ‘This perception has trickled down into classrooms, where children themselves view art and crafts as ‘less serious’,’ he added.

Lack of training, overcrowded classes

Experts also point to inadequate teacher training in creative subjects. ‘We were only taught the basics during teacher training,’ said a teacher from Budaka Primary School.

‘Without passion, most teachers just ignore it.’ Large class sizes also make it difficult to carry out art and crafts, which require hands-on supervision. The decline of creative subjects, educators warn, is a threat to innovation. ‘Creativity is not just for artists, it is essential for doctors and leaders,’ one expert noted.

‘By sidelining arts, we are raising children who may pass exams but struggle to innovate.’

Still, some students continue to hold on to their creative dreams. ‘I love drawing flowers,’ a student said.

‘One day, I want to be an artist.’ The competence-based curriculum for secondary schools has sparked calls to apply a similar model at the primary level, giving weight to creativity and life skills.

In Kibuku District, the inspector of schools, Ms Leticia Nabirye, confirmed that art and crafts is still on the timetable, usually between 3pm and 4pm but poorly implemented.

‘These activities are meant to be done, but our teachers have developed a negative attitude. They think learners should be in class all the time,’ Ms Nabirye said.

‘The innovations by the Education ministry often have good intentions. We need to re-awaken the system. Thanks to some schools such as Nabiswa that are still practising them.’

She urged schools to use locally available materials to teach skills. ‘We should not build that negative attitude that there are no raw materials.

As a district, we intend to hold showcase competitions to identify talents,’ she said. She also challenged head teachers to embrace these activities, as they build practical future life skills.

The fallout from Umeme’s exit continues to unravel with simmering fights between the country’s electricity sub-sector regulator, Electricity Regulatory Authority (ERA), and the distributor, Uganda Electricity Company Limited (UEDCL). The tussle centres on the recurring power outages.

ERA faults UEDCL for what they call inefficiency, starting with the questionable absorbing of former Umeme staff, during which experienced network operators were reportedly sidelined in favour of inexperienced new employers.

The regulator, according to insiders, also argues that Umeme usually received annual investment approvals between Shs137b and Shs172b, while UEDCL upon taking over the network in April was allocated Shs251b for their first year operations but are fumbling.

In addition, ERA also raises queries over the Shs10b UEDCL received annually from the Umeme concession for asset management, which they argue should have been used partly for network rehabilitation.

On the other hand, multiple accounts indicate UEDCL accuses ERA of ‘either covering up’ the derelictions or ‘sleeping’ on its inspector function, including failing to meticulously diagnose the network at least during the last three years, which technical derelictions have had a burgeon effect on the system load. Amid the several planned investments and reforms, some power industry players say ‘unless the regulator evolves into a more strategic, transparent, and accountable body’ the country risks repeating the same cycle of crisis and repair. ‘The lights may be on, but without real regulatory accountability, public trust remains dim,’ one official argued. A case in point is the Namugongo substation in Kira Town Council mooted in 2015 to serve the then growing hamlets of Kira, Namugongo, Kyaliwajala, Buwate, Sonde, Kasangati, among others.

At least Shs14b was reportedly spent on the 200MW Namugongo-Nakwero 11 kiloVolt feeder line with capacity to serve at least 50,000 customers. However, officials learnt only recently that the substation has a capacity of 100MW. With the extensiveness of developments in Kira Town Council, power has to be rationed across emerging areas of Mulawa, Nabusugwe, Nakwero, Bulindo. ERA argued that 200MW ‘could have been a general projection’ of demand in the area but not necessarily the capacity that was installed. Last Thursday, ERA officials launched a nationwide inspection of electricity infrastructure following complaints about unreliable power supply. The officials started at the Entebbe substation with installed capacity of 80 mega volt-amperes (MVA).

It then emerged the substation is idle as there is no accompanying evacuation line supposed to be constructed by UEDCL.

However, UEDCL argues that the investment for the evacuation line by Umeme was reportedly disallowed by ERA. Other substations said to be under overstrained include Namugoona, installed in 1994 and serves areas including Namungoona, Nansana, Kigobe, Lubya Hill, Natalia Stage, Lugala, Kosovo, Masanafu, Kaye Zone, Namungoona; Mutundwe substation, installed in 1993, and serves Rubaga Division and Kibuye; and, the Waligo substation, installed in 2012, and serves areas such as Luteete, Kyanja, Kitetikka, Mpererwe and Kanyanya.

The UEDCL’s Head of Corporate and Stakeholder Affairs, Mr Jonan Kizza, last evening declined to publicly discuss internal disagreements, but underlined that the Umeme-UEDCL transition is not a single-day event as is assumed. ERA’s Director for Corporate and Consumer Affairs, Mr Julius Wandera, said: ‘The sector must synergise, pick up the lessons and work towards consumer satisfaction.’

In a July 2024 report on the state of the distribution network, UEDCL flagged defects within the distribution network, fleet and land-related facilities amounting to $85m (Shs292.4b), aggravated by non-compliance and delayed identification of deficiencies which hindered timely remediation efforts.

‘It is recommended that an equivalent amount be provided for to address these gaps before the retransfer date,’ the report read in part.

It remains unclear on who was supposed to act on the findings. UEDCL, as the network owners, point to ERA, while ERA say their intervention was limited by concession and contractual provisions. In simple terms, following the enactment of the Landlord and Tenancy Act in 2022, many landlords lately require a security deposit from new tenants, which is a refundable sum of money, intended to cover potential damages to the property beyond normal wear and tear. Would the $85m (about Shs293.8b) be lessened from Umeme’s buyout amount?

Officials say it is complicated as the odds on the buyout clause, for which government negotiators of the concession even waived the country’s sovereign immunity and jurisdictions over its current and future assets in any part of the world save for its aircraft, naval vessels and other defence-related assets or assets protected by the Diplomatic and Consular privileges, were against Uganda.

At departure Umeme even had a Shs500b debt to Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL), which insiders say the company is playing hard ball to pay.

Umeme initially claimed 234.7m (Shs856b) as the buyout subject to the Lease and Assignment Agreement (LAA) first entered with the government and on May 17, 2004 (and amended in 2005). A final audit put the buyout amount at $201m (Shs736b), exclusive of applicable taxes. This has since increased to Shs1 trillion.

The Attorney General’s office has since taken over negotiations of the buyout. However, there are key concerns that some government officials are majority individual shareholders in Umeme, which could impair their judgement in the divorce settlement.

The disdain among power sector executives is mutual. This, amid reports of some officials already capitalising on the prevailing mess in distribution to shop around for a private company for coupling with UEDCL in the interim. The finger pointing has sucked in the Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL) for non-investment in key infrastructure to alleviate the system overload.

However, UETCL’s Manager for PR, Mr Muhammad Lubogo, distanced the company from the UEDCL-ERA entanglement saying their ‘only unavailability is mainly due to planned system shutdowns required for ongoing projects such as the Kampala Metropolitan System Improvement Project scheduled for completion in 2026.

‘In the recent days, there have been very few isolated UETCL-related outages incidents reported, like when the Kawaala mobile substation transformer protection was unstable.

But this has since been stabilised,’ Mr Lubogo said last evening. Officially, according to multiple sources, there is consensus among the power sector players-from the parent Ministry of Energy to UEDCL to UETCL, the bulk power transmitter, and ERA-that the crisis, since mid-April, is a result of system overload worsened by Umeme’s non-investment in the key infrastructure since late 2022 when they were officially notified about non-renewal of their concession when it expired on March 31, 2025.

Upon inheriting the network, comprising 60 distribution substations, 15 switching stations, 18,756.03km of medium voltage lines, 32,794.08km of low voltage lines and 19,319 distribution transformers, on April 1, UEDCL went on a connection spree, bringing the rickety system to a grinding halt.

The UEDCL Managing Director, Mr Paul Mwesigwa, told the State House Investors’ Protection Unit weekly meeting on September 16 that they had grown connections from 1.7 million in April to 2.4 million currently, while energy losses had been cut down from 19.1 percent to a low of 16.8 percent.

While the notification of Umeme to cease investment in line with the LAA was meant to keep the buyout amount in check, according to accounts, it appears as though UEDCL ‘sleep walked’ into taking over an unstable system.

Sources said during a Ministry of Energy top management meeting, attended by all the power sector players, a fortnight ago, the Energy Minister Ruth Nakanbirwa expressed disbelief about the messy state of affairs. The ministry’s Permanent Secretary, Ms Irene Bateebe, last evening said a number of internal discussions have been held to the effect.

‘We are supporting UEDCL in its urgent procurements to address the overloaded transformers and substations. We are doing this jointly with ERA and UEDCL,’ she said.

Meanwhile, UEDCL’s cocktail of challenges include managing some 2,400 former Umeme employees, some of whom, according to insiders, have been accused of sabotage owing to embitterment from the movement from the private sector to the public sector.

UEDCL’s Kizza said they don’t have a clear reason to instigate an audit into the claims of sabotage.

‘We keep hearing those things from the public, but naturally one has to understand and appreciate the dynamics of a transition. You are talking of 2,400 employees we absorbed. Initially, there was the fight for jobs, but that is no longer the case as they were absorbed. Now you have to deal with managing expectations,’ he said.

He added: ‘On the other hand you have to appreciate that the network doesn’t break down at once; it is a gradual process, and coupled with non-investment for almost three years, which symptoms are manifesting now. For instance 75 percent of transformers across the country don’t have protectors, and as soon as we started scaling up connections they started blowing up. It is an issue that is blamed on us now, and yet it has been there. ‘