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Gazing down at Uganda, God must be puzzled. The angels must be scratching their golden hair in utter confusion. Only two nations in Africa have God in their motto – Uganda (For God and My Country) and Morocco (God, the Homeland, the King). No nation has more national prayer events around these parts than Uganda.

Our rulers pray in public, address Gospel crusades and even read lengthy prayers of repentance as the television cameras roll. They host prayer breakfasts and every other kind of prayer event. But again, wonder of wonders, no government jails its opponents more or beats up those who oppose it better. Even fewer governments steal as much as ours, given the levels of corruption. And the zeal with which Uganda’s leaders pray is only matched by the zeal with which their opponents are arrested and jailed for years.

Others are tortured, with the public treated to bold updates by the powers that be, about how the torture is being generously meted out and how the victims are peeing in their pants. We have just witnessed yet another October 8 National Prayer Breakfast, that most holy convocation where the nation’s worthiest gather, high-sounding titles in high-end clothing, clasping hands in prayer as angels surely look on in polite confusion.

What a spectacle of devotion! The very hands that plunder the Treasury raised high in worship; the very lips that pronounce oppression mouthing ‘peace and reconciliation’. What an inspired theatre of righteousness! Here, democracy is extolled by those who strangle it daily; justice is celebrated by those who sell it at a price. Judges beam with piety while sowing injustice, and the mighty preach forgiveness even as their prisons overflow with the innocent.

And, of course – the timeless tradition continues: Dr Kizza Besigye once again takes his customary seat in the temple of detention, incarcerated in maximum security for coming to a year now. It would seem his very existence offends the gods of power – they cannot release him, yet dare not try him, lest truth embarrass them again, as it did two decades ago when their own lies collapsed in court. In the waning months of 2005, as Uganda braced for another heated election, Opposition leader Besigye was seized by security forces and charged with treason and rape.

The first charge – rape – dated back to 1997. I had a quiet coffee with one of the foremost ambassadors from Europe at the time. He had been a judge for years before joining the diplomatic corps. He, alongside several other Western ambassadors, attended every Besigye hearing. He assured me that, from his experience as a judge, he was able to read witnesses’ faces and determine if they were telling the truth or lying. And he asserted that he was sure Besigye had raped the girl, and he was finished.

But soon, the witnesses started contradicting each other, the complainant’s story shifted with each retelling, and the prosecution’s evidence quickly began to crumble. In a packed courtroom before Justice John Bosco Katutsi, the weaknesses were laid bare: Medical reports had been altered to fit the State’s narrative. Witness statements were contradictory or plainly false. One witness admitted being coached by security operatives.

Justice Katutsi’s ruling on March 7, 2006, was nothing short of devastating for the prosecution. He described the case as ‘a clear frame-up’ and ‘an abuse of the court process’. The evidence, he said, was ‘full of lies,’ and the complainant ‘wholly unreliable’. While the rape trial unfolded in the High Court, Besigye faced treason charges in a military court – a move later declared unconstitutional by both the Constitutional and Supreme Court. The State alleged he conspired with a shadowy rebel group, the People’s Redemption Army (PRA). But no credible evidence ever surfaced.

The dual trials – civilian and military – became a circus of delay, intimidation, and confusion. Eventually, the treason case, too, fell apart. The trials confirmed what we had already known: that the charges had little to do with justice and everything to do with silencing a political rival who had committed two related mistakes, one of which was daring to run for the highest office. That one is forgivable, if he relents and repents; but the other seems a tad too grievous. Still, the angels watching the prayer breakfast must have been left confused…

Striking local government workers in Uganda have called off their industrial action for three months, a move aimed at giving government dialogue a chance to resolve salary disparities and other grievances, the union said.

The decision was announced following a tense leadership meeting of the Uganda Local Government Workers Union (ULGWU) on Friday, according to the union’s General Secretary, Hassan Lwabayi.

‘On October 10, 2025, relevant organs of the union virtually consulted with the striking workers about the development of the Speaker’s appeal to call off the strike. Much as it was contentious; nevertheless, we agreed to stay the Industrial action for a period of 3 months with effect from Midnight Monday October 13, 2025 to give dialogue a chance,’ Lwabayi said.

The suspension follows a petition submitted on October 8 to Parliament Speaker Anita Among, urging her intervention to address salary enhancement and disparities among local government staff.

The union demanded ‘equal pay for equal work without discrimination.’

Speaker Among responded by calling on the striking workers, including teachers who have been on strike over similar issues, to resume work.

She promised swift parliamentary action on their grievances and directed relevant committees to engage with government to find solutions.

Local government workers, whose salaries fall under the unconditional grant wage category, argue that despite the government allocating Shs8.5 trillion for the 2025/2026 wage bill, their salaries have not been adjusted to reflect their contributions.

The strike, which began on October 1, lasted nearly two weeks and disrupted key public services. Implementation of the Parish Development Model, health and education service delivery, and facilitation of land transactions at city and local government levels were among the operations affected.

Few subjects have aroused suspicion, bitterness, and disgust over the last 20 years in Uganda’s politics as the question of ‘moles’. Moles, loosely defined, are senior members of Opposition parties whom the National Resistance Movement (NRM) state recruits and maintains in their parties to inform the State on Opposition plans and activities.

In the intelligence services, deploying moles in rival services is a standard operating procedure and even essential in how intelligence is gathered. In a multiparty democracy, it’s not necessary to have moles, at least in the clock-and-dagger sense of intelligence services. The State as the superstructure of the nation-state is expected to be neutral, serving all citizens and all sides in the political contestation. The police, intelligence services, Judiciary, and Electoral Commission, are examples of institutions of the State.

They exist to guarantee the safety and continuity of Uganda as an entity and are expected to serve whichever government is in power, as well as Opposition political parties. In the NRM state, as well as authoritarian states of the Soviet kind, all political power and the allocation of resources and contracts are fused with the ruling party. In the NRM state, all real power has been centred at State House or its related offshoots. That’s to say, the President’s Office and that office alone, is the major centre of power.

Even the national assembly that, on paper, is a second branch of State and has the primary role of allocating budgets, is in reality an extension of the President’s Office and subject to its directives. Over the past 39 or so years, the NRM has gone through the motions of democracy, but its actions show that it finds democracy in the Western liberal sense a great inconvenience and limit on its power. Lest we forget, President Museveni’s formative political years were forged in the sphere of Maoist China and the Marxist liberation groups in Mozambique and Tanzania.

This Uganda, that is, effectively, a one-party state, is the environment in which Opposition parties, the media, civil society, and the general population must live in.

Regardless of how they feel about the government of the day or the political system, human beings must live. They must feed their families, pay bills, and seek business opportunities. In a situation where all opportunity is tied to the President’s Office, those outside the NRM state or opposed to it find their way around it by making tactical choices.

During the 2011 election campaign, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) presidential candidate Kizza Besigye took to urging his supporters to take whatever money, T-shirts, or other handouts from the NRM they could but still vote for FDC. These resources were, after all, he would remind crowds at his rallies, Ugandans’ and so getting them was not a favour but a right. In this, Dr Besigye was acknowledging the situation: In a totalitarian or authoritarian system, where the ruling party or politburo is one and the same as the state, critics and opponents of the system are forced to exist under its hand.

So, if, for example, the State decides to hold up a dispatch of copies of Daily Monitor on their way to Gulu or Mbarara, this newspaper that has long been an irritant to the NRM state will seek information from sympathisers inside the President’s Office on how to retrieve the copies. Several times in the last 20 years, Daily Monitor and its sister brand, Monitor FM/KFM, have been shut down by the government for simply doing their job of reporting the news and holding the government to account.

Complex manoeuvres and behind-the-scenes discussions and engagements have had to be made, often including, discreetly, with some actors in the NRM state, in order for the shutdown to be lifted.

Direction the country is taking

This has never prevented Daily Monitor from persisting with the critical and questioning tone it started with in 1992. What is often forgotten by many is that inside the NRM state are thousands of senior or influential players who are as unhappy about the direction the country is taking as are the Opposition parties and independent media.

These NRM and President’s Office insiders have been a reliable and important source of information and tip-offs in some of the biggest and most influential front-page news stories Daily Monitor has published over the past three decades. Thus, the fact of moles cuts both ways. The NRM state will have its moles and informers in media newsrooms, but these same newsrooms also have their sources and moles inside the NRM system.

That’s why I, for one, I am hesitant to dismiss all Opposition politicians who either have been labelled moles or who have eventually crossed over to the ruling NRM.

All this question of moles would have been unnecessary had Uganda, since 1986, been a liberal democracy. Any true Ugandan at heart who has read or heard about the unapologetic corruption and waste of public resources by the NRM government and its leaders is bound to feel revolted or alarmed.

This holds much truer for older Ugandans who experienced the 1960s and 1970s where, their imperfections and excesses notwithstanding, had a basic respect for the formal Ugandan state.

So, who is a mole?

Opposition politicians recruited by NRM, often reluctantly and under duress, or people inside the NRM state who tip off the Opposition and media on the excesses of State House? In my view, the Opposition moles became so because they were preyed upon by the NRM state. Their financial stresses, ill health, private sexual indiscretions, and other vulnerabilities were manipulated and that’s how people known to be principled in their beliefs cross over to NRM.

Deep inside, I think after they realise their hopeless situation, they become even more bitter with the NRM state than they were at the height of their days in the Democratic Party (DP), FDC, Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), or National Unity Platform (NUP). The Biblical story in the Book of Genesis of Joseph and Moses in Egypt is instructive. Even after rising to high office as a result of his gift for interpreting dreams, Joseph knew at heart that he was a Hebrew, formerly a slave, and his innermost allegiance remained with his enslaved Hebrew people.

The incident in the Book of Exodus where Moses killed an Egyptian whom he came upon mistreating a Hebrew slave makes my point about Ugandan moles.

The general public had been traumatised by photos of Bobi Wine’s bodyguard and NUP activist Eddie Mutwe with bold and sweat on his face, or the many arrests and instances of rough justice meted out to Besigye.

Inside the NRM state, President’s Office, CMI, UPDF, ISO, and State House are human beings with feelings, pride, revulsion at injustice, and ethnic affiliations.

How do these blatant injustices make them feel? The former FDC, DP, and NUP members who are now NRM members are human beings too. They have memories and maintain friendships with former Opposition colleagues in their days of activism.

If I were to say who should be more worried about moles, the NRM state or the political Opposition, the NRM state has much more reason to worry.

The real moles are those in the NRM state, be it CMI, State House, the NRM Secretariat, or ISO, who leak information to the Opposition or the media.

They do this out of conviction and a sense of justice, since obviously the media and Opposition don’t have the resources with which to entice them.

There are many Josephs and Moses’ in the NRM state.

It was a day Lt Col Anthony Kyakabale said he would never forget. And, no, this was not from the Bush War in Luweero where his acts of valour would see him registered in the army as RO/00058. But it could have been. Kyakabale claimed May 13, 2001, saw him check into a clinic in Kabale Town after grappling with the debilitating effects of a bout of malaria. Another narrative, though, had him at the centre of the fracas that marred a rally in Muhanga. It went on to add that Kyakabale used his firearm in a reckless manner, firing a couple or so of bullets when tempers flared.

‘I wasn’t at the rally,’ Kyakabale told this publication in a 2015 interview, adding: ‘The then Chief of Military Intelligence sent a van full of soldiers to arrest me, basing himself on the rumours. My driver was later arrested, beaten, and he later died. Having received information about the death of my driver, I had to flee to Rwanda because I feared for my life.’

After initially staying in Rwanda, Kyakabale relocated to Sweden, where he spent a dozen years in exile. He always looked back on 2001 as something of a turbulent year. Way too many rumours that were flying targeted his person. If it was not that he was knees deep in illegal gold trade in the north eastern Democratic Republic of Congo city of Beni, it was his involvement with a shadowy rebel group-People’s Redemption Army (PRA)-then linked to Opposition leader and fellow Bush War hero Kizza Besigye.

When he returned to Uganda in 2015, Kyakabale disclosed that the process of returning home from exile got underway sometime in 2008. It followed a phone conversation he had with then Brig James Mugira. Kyakabale, who had raised eyebrows in 2001 when he fled the country while still a serving soldier, was doubtful that President Museveni would extend an olive branch that easily. So when Mugira sent a team to his residence in Sweden, an air of doubt hovered above the brief conversation. Kyakabale told the team matter-of-factly that he would only revert after consulting his friends and family.

They did not hear from him again. When then Brig Leopold Kyanda tried his luck in 2009, he too ran into a speed bump. So did then Brig Charles Bakahumura and then Brig Dr Musinguzi in 2014. It was Brig Bakahumura with whom Kyakabale worked closely in Gulu, where he was a battalion commander in the 1990s that eventually struck gold. Kyakabale agreed to return home and mend fences with President Museveni. After the reconciliation, Kyakabale was promoted from the rank of Lt Col to full Colonel and later appointed a senior presidential advisor.

After his promotion to the rank of Colonel in May 2016, Kyakabale was retired from the army. He then retreated to his home village of Rushebeya, Rwamucucu Sub-county, where he lived a quiet civilian life. This was in stark contrast to the publicity that he garnered in 2001 when, along with two other Bush War comrades-Colonels Samson Mande and Edison Muzoora (deceased)-he relocated to Rwanda where he made it clear that there was no love lost between him and President Museveni.

When news of Kyakabale’s passing in Sweden was announced two Sundays ago, a dark cloud hovered above Kigezi Sub-region. Herbert Turyagitura, a cousin of the deceased, who doubles as the Rushebeya Village chairperson, asked the government to repatriate his remains from Sweden to his ancestral home in Rukiga District for burial. ‘We also appeal to the government to financially support the children of the late Kyakabale as a way of appreciating his contribution during the NRA/NRM Bush War,’ Turyagitura said.

Kyakabale was aged 64 at the time of his death.

Road to exile:

“The then Chief of Military Intelligence sent a van full of soldiers to arrest me, basing himself on the rumours. My driver was later arrested, beaten, and he later died. Having received information about the death of my driver, I had to flee to Rwanda because I feared for my life,” Kyakabale told this publication in a 2015 interview.

While campaigning in Luuka District, on October 1, NUP presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, aka Bobi Wine, castigated the Parish Development Model (PDM), a policy of government targeting the over 33 percent Ugandans who are still outside the money economy. In fact, he vowed to freeze the fund if he is elected President. Instead, in his view, he would put that money into the health and education sectors.

His wayward political statement notwithstanding, it is totally inconceivable what exactly informed Mr Kyagulanyi to make such a statement. Is it because the programme has been so successful and, therefore, he thinks it will give President Museveni milage or was he less thoughtful in the heat of the moment?

Mr Kyagulanyi should know by now that even if the government were to commit half of its annual budget to education and the health sector to attain world-class standards, this alone would not shift our people out of poverty.

For the people to make an economic shift from a subsistence lifestyle, the government must pursue deliberate programmes of capitalising the citizens and offer proper guidance for them to engage in profitable ventures that generate regular income. The PDM policy is not set in stone. Countries all over the world have pursued similar programmes to shift their people to the wealth cluster, and the results are there for everyone to appreciate.

Indeed, President Museveni saw this much earlier. Even when he built schools, hospitals and modern roads, he knew so well that Ugandans needed to shift substantially from their subsistence lifestyles and move into the money economy. He, therefore, began socioeconomic programmes aimed at changing their economic outlook.

Even before PDM, there was Boona Bagagawale, Entandikwa. Operation Wealth Creation and now Emyoga, Youth Livelihood, among others. The usual naysayers are quick to say these programmes were all in vain. However, they forget that it is through such deliberate programmes that poverty in Uganda has been reduced to 16.1 percent, according to the National Household Survey 2023/2024.

They forget that it is through such interventions that we are currently the leading exporter of most cash crops in the region. Uganda is now the Number One coffee exporter in Africa. We feed the region and the rest of the world with maize, milk, beans, cocoa, vanilla, etc. For one to fully appreciate the value of PDM, one must study Muhammad Yunus and his microfinance support programmes that turned around the Indonesian poor masses.

Prof Yunus pioneered microfinance to give the unbanked rural poor, especially women, access to credit for self-employment and small businesses. The aim was to create bottom-up development where economic growth starts with the most marginalised. In 1976, Yunus took matters into his own hands, loaning very small sums of money, reportedly between $27, and $42 local women who needed to buy materials to produce their products.

In 1983, Yunus formally opened the Grameen (Village) Bank, which served as a way to offer microcredit to entry-level and subsistence entrepreneurs. By June 2020, Grameen Bank had given $30.48 billion worth of loans to some of the world’s poorest people. Similarly, introduced in 2022, PDM is Uganda’s flagship poverty eradication and wealth creation programme. It targets the 39 percent of Ugandans in the subsistence economy, aiming to transition them into the money economy using parish-level Saccos.

The President’s call that everyone must join the money economy with a clear calculation is being realised. Every one of the 10,594 parishes nationwide receives Shs100m annually, directly credited to parish Sacco accounts. PDM funding for Greater Kampala Metropolitan will rise to Shs300m per parish, with special grants for persons with disabilities, village leaders, and religious leaders.

Mr Kyagulanyi should pick a lesson from President Museveni and Yunus. PDM emphasises borrower responsibility and accountability, trains and supports local financial institutions (Saccos) in the way Grameen trained its staff.

The start of the new Uganda Premier League (UPL) season has been overshadowed not by exhilarating football, but by a dangerous administrative crisis.

A fierce power struggle between the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa) and several of the country’s biggest clubs has brought the game to a painful standstill, threatening to reverse years of hard-won progress and scare away critical investment.

At the core of the conflict is a deep rift in governance and a clash over financial control, triggered by Fufa’s unilateral introduction of a new, complex league structure and controversial revenue-sharing model.

The federation’s attempt to “modernize” the Uganda Premier League with a multi-phase, three-round format has ignited unprecedented fury among key stakeholders.

Clubs like reigning champions Vipers SC and giants SC Villa argue the reforms were imposed without consultation, a move they have branded “undemocratic” and a direct threat to their financial sustainability.

The most contentious part of the reforms is the new financial distribution system, which mandates that a significant percentage of match-day gate collections-traditionally the backbone of big clubs’ income-must be shared with the federation, UPL management, and the winning team.

For major clubs with large fan bases, this redistribution is viewed as financial penalization. SC Villa owner, Omar Mandela, captured the sentiment, stating the changes had “no justification… save for selfish financial gain by Fufa that is taking away even the little that the clubs have been collecting to keep them going.”

The resistance is powerfully led by Vipers SC President and former Fufa head, Dr. Lawrence Mulindwa. His club’s outright rejection of the new format, which included boycotting an opening fixture, has thrown the season into chaos.

In a scathing public statement, Mulindwa highlighted the unequal relationship between club investors and the governing body, famously declaring:”Me I don’t feed on football; it is football that feeds on me. But FUFA feeds on football; remove football and they will not exist. If you want to dismiss Vipers out of Ugandan football, I have no problem.”

Mulindwa’s ultimatum is significant. He represents the kind of “blank cheque” private investment-funding infrastructure like the state-of-the-art St. Mary’s Stadium-Kitende and youth pipelines-that Ugandan football desperately needs.

His potential withdrawal signals a massive loss of private capital, which the league’s fragile financial ecosystem can ill afford. Mulindwa also detailed other financial grievances, including Fufa’s alleged failure to pay his club prize money for winning the previous season’s trophies, further fueling the atmosphere of mistrust.

The standoff is already inflicting severe damage across the football ecosystem.

League Credibility and Integrity: Match boycotts and a confusing format-which many fans and even club officials struggle to understand-have created an atmosphere of instability. The UPL appears unpredictable and commercially risky, severely denting its integrity in the eyes of the public and potential partners.

Erosion of Commercial Deals: Corporate sponsors, who require stability and clear audience engagement metrics, are watching nervously.

StarTimes, the league’s broadcast partner, has reportedly failed to televise early matches under the new format due to the instability.

The ongoing conflict makes it difficult to market the league product, risking a long-term erosion of confidence that could see existing sponsors cut back and potential investors avoid the Ugandan market altogether.

The new revenue-sharing model directly cuts into the operational budgets of self-sustaining clubs, many of which rely on gate collections to pay player wages and cover costs. Combined with stricter, mandatory compliance rules (like submitting sophisticated data), the reforms impose new financial burdens that small clubs are ill-equipped to handle, potentially creating a two-tier system favoring only government-backed institutions.

The current turmoil is eerily familiar, echoing a cycle of governance and financial crises that have hampered the development of Ugandan football for decades: The infamous 22-0 win by SC Villa over Akol FC on the final day of the season to clinch the title on goal difference remains a low point. The resulting disillusionment caused fans to desert the stadiums, leading to a major financial downturn for clubs and a severe loss of public trust.

Before the current administration took charge, Ugandan football was marred by internal wrangles and administrative conflicts so severe that at one point, two parallel national leagues were being run by competing factions. This chaos severely damaged the sport’s image, led to sponsor flight, and stifled player development.

Historically, most Ugandan clubs have operated on a precarious foundation, relying heavily on single patrons or government subsidies, with little financial diversification. The swift collapse of previously successful clubs (like SC Victoria University) after the loss of a single major backer is a testament to the persistent lack of institutional and financial stability, a problem the current crisis only deepens.

The present Fufa-Vipers standoff is more than a dispute over rules; it is a battle for the soul and structure of Ugandan football.

While the federation insists the reforms are necessary for long-term professionalization, the manner of their imposition has undermined the very stakeholders whose support is essential for success.

Until dialogue replaces defiance, the silence at stadiums will continue to speak volumes, threatening to dismantle the foundations of a sport striving for stability.

Uganda faces significant gaps in access to palliative care, experts warned on Saturday, citing limited knowledge among stakeholders and a shortage of trained personnel as major obstacles.

Speaking at the World Hospice and Palliative Care Day Commemoration 2025 in Kampala, Mark Donald Mwesiga, Executive Director of the Palliative Care Association of Uganda (PCA), highlighted the country’s challenges despite its reputation as a continental leader in palliative care.

‘The country has yet to establish a national-level policy strategic framework to guide the programming and implementation of palliative care at all levels. The number of trained palliative care professionals is still limited to only 300 health facilities providing this form of care in 107 of the 146 districts, leaving out many places without a nearby health facility offering palliative care,’ Mwesiga said.

He explained that community and public health approaches have yet to fully embrace palliative care, leaving services ‘scanty and only implemented by a few charitable stand-alone hospices and a limited number of private hospitals in Uganda.’

Mwesiga also pointed to insufficient data and research as a barrier, noting that Uganda is experiencing ‘a rise in the incidence of non-communicable diseases and an aging population.’

An estimated 500,000 Ugandans currently require palliative care, yet only 11 percent have access to pain relief and related services, according to Ministry of Health statistics.

‘The global theme emphasising universal access to palliative care is therefore applicable to the real needs of Uganda. The World Health Organisation explains that the goal of Universal Health Coverage (UHC) is to ensure that everyone can obtain necessary health services without facing financial difficulties, thereby reducing the risk of poverty due to health-related expenses,’ he said.

Mwesiga stressed the holistic nature of palliative care, urging leaders to understand its role in addressing ‘physical, psychological, social, and spiritual needs, ensuring that patients and their families receive compassionate support throughout the course of illness from diagnosis to end of life and into bereavement care.’

Dr Charles Olaro, Director of Curative Services at the Ministry of Health, echoed the call for expanded services.

‘Strengthening palliative care requires skilled practitioners, public awareness, and health system integration. There is a need for intensified advocacy, deeper health integration, and public awareness, ensuring palliative care is recognized as a human right,’ he said.

Olaro added: ‘Every patient deserves to face illness with dignity, love, and compassionate support. Let us continue to strengthen human resource capacity and fund essential palliative and chronic care services, ensuring no one suffers in silence.’

Dr Kedrace Turyagyenda, Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Education and Sports, highlighted the role of schools in fostering empathy. ‘If I don’t teach the heart, I will leave the hands. True education goes beyond grades; it shapes compassionate, empathetic, and humane individuals. Palliative care in schools teaches students to care, to feel, and to act with love. Let’s build a generation that learns not just to excel, but to heal,’ she said.

The event was held under the theme: ‘Amplifying Palliative Care Awareness through Introducing Palliative Care in Primary and Secondary Schools in Uganda.’

Today’s fashion recommendation is one of those accessories that seem simple but can completely transform any outfit. The pillbox hat may be small, but it adds sophistication and elegance to any look it is paired with. Whether you are attending a wedding, red-carpet event, or simply looking to elevate a formal look, this little hat can instantly turn a basic ensemble into a statement of class and confidence.

This head accessory is a vintage piece that dates back to the 1960s, and the fact that it is something one can seamlessly rock in present times says a lot about how versatile and timeless this headwear is. The round, brimless hat is designed to sit neatly on top of the head, making it the perfect addition to any look.

While the hat may be regarded as a royal favourite, it has found its way back into modern fashion, becoming a favourite for street style. It would be great to see some of our Ugandan fashionistas embrace it with their own creative touch. Here is how you can incorporate this accessory into your style and turn heads.

For a wedding guest look

The pillbox hat is a perfect match for elegant wedding guest attire. It pairs well with midi or knee-length dresses or structured suits, if that is what your choice for the day is. Whether you’re going for a soft romantic look or a bold statement, it adds that polished touch that says you came to celebrate in style. And this hat isn’t just something that only the guests can wear. It can also be the perfect accessory for the modern bride, for a civil wedding attire. You can elevate this by adding a veil to it, for the bridal touch.

For a red-carpet affair

If you are looking for a new spin to your red carpet looks, then the pillbox hat is an accessory that will come in handy to execute this. You can style it over your well-tailored suit, and you have the option of keeping the hat in the same hue for a monotone look, or switch it up and give it some flair with a splash of colour or print for a more playful look. You can also pair it with your evening gown or with a jumpsuit.

Remember to keep the other details in your look elaborate, as that is the only way your hat also gets elevated and stands out. Choosing your pillbox hat is about creating balance with the look. You need to pick one that does not deviate from what your personal style would be, but also chic and sophisticated enough to create the fashion statement you are going for.

If your outfit is detailed or heavily embellished, go for a simpler pillbox hat to avoid clashing. On the other hand, if your outfit is minimalist, a bold hat with a bow, netting, or beadwork can add character to your outfit and elevate the look in the long run. Also, keep in mind that the Pillbox hat is meant to complement, not dominate, your look. So, if you have a petite frame or a small face, opt for a smaller design.

Whether styled with a tailored kitenge dress, a polished jumpsuit, or a simple sheath dress, the pillbox hat adds that final touch to your ensemble.

Next time you are planning your outfit for that wedding, high tea, or red-carpet moment, nail the pillbox hat. It may be a throwback, but it is proving that timeless style never really goes out of fashion.

Did you know?

A pill-hat is a small, low brimless female hat with a round or oval cylindrical crown. Its English name pillbox hat is dictated by the resemblance to the small boxes in which pills were once sold

While this may not be the time to say, ‘let us prepare for the final touches,’ schools across the country are helping Senior Four and Senior Six candidates stay focused through briefings, motivational talks, and dedication prayers. Similarly, at this stage, every candidate is standing at the doorstep of a defining moment, which is the national examinations. With an atmosphere filled with mixed emotions of excitement, anxiety, hope, and pressure, this season reminds learners that success is not only about what they know, but also about how prepared, disciplined, and composed they ought to be.

At Kitebi Secondary School, over 1,000 candidates were dedicated to the Lord through prayers. Unlike many other institutions, the school organised a multi-denominational service, engaging learners and leaders from all faiths, including Muslims, Pentecostals, Born-Agains, and Catholics, to seek divine guidance and blessings for the forthcoming examinations. During the engagement, religious leaders and teachers tipped the candidates on various ways they can stay focused, confident, and grounded, especially during the intense examination period.

Discipline

Today, discipline in any field remains the bedrock of every form of success. Without it, even the brightest students can easily lose focus. Discipline goes beyond simply following rules, it encompasses self-control, responsibility, respect for others, and consistency in doing the right thing, even when no one is watching.

According to Rt. Rev. George Ssenabulya, the guest of honor, he explained that true success is sustained not by grades alone, but by the character one builds along the way.

He said, ‘Good qualifications will take you anywhere, but discipline will keep you there.’ He explained that this can be achieved through students respecting examination rules, obeying school regulations, and maintaining humility, even when under pressure. ‘You cannot be successful if you are careless with your time, your words, or your habits,’ he noted. Many teachers at the school echoed his message, emphasising that discipline helps candidates manage distractions from social media, peer pressure, and exam tension. They reminded learners that success requires both mental focus and moral strength – qualities that can only thrive through discipline.

The right mindset: Believing you can

Having the right mindset is not just about thinking positively, it is also about believing in yourself, staying calm under pressure, and being ready to learn from both success and failure. It also means facing challenges with confidence rather than fear, and maintaining focus even when things do not go as planned. Pastor Samuel Lwandasa of Lebanon Pentecostal Church encouraged the candidates to carry a spirit of courage and optimism into their exams. He said, ‘You are blessed and should approach every paper knowing that God has already given you the strength to win.’

Pastor Lwandasa emphasised that a right mindset starts with self-belief. He explained that students who doubt themselves often lose before they even start.

He urged, ‘Go into that examination room with faith, not fear. When your heart is calm and confident, your brain will remember what it has read.’ Teachers also reminded the candidates that having a right mindset means being mentally prepared, emotionally stable, and open-minded. It involves avoiding comparisons with others, staying positive, and focusing on personal improvement.

One of the teachers noted, ‘Your thoughts shape your performance. If you keep saying you cannot, your mind will agree with you. But if you say you can, your body and mind will find a way to prove it.’ This mindset thus helps candidates balance confidence with humility, determination with patience, and faith with effort, a perfect mental space to perform at their best.

Time management: A hidden superpower

Time management may sound like an old lesson speakers often repeat, but it remains one of the most powerful tools for any learner preparing for examinations. It is the skill that allows you to balance your revision, rest, and daily routines without feeling overwhelmed. At the dedication service, Jeremiah Busulwa, a class teacher at the school emphasised that good time management is about using every moment wisely.

‘Be strong and keep the same spirit you have shown in your studies,’ he advised. ‘In the exam room, settle your mind, read every question carefully, and manage your time wisely.’ He reminded the students that even during holidays, time should be treated as a valuable resource. Candidates were encouraged to engage in helpful activities like assisting their parents or participating in community work while also ensuring they get enough rest. Teachers added that having a timetable or study plan helps students stay organised and prevents the panic that comes with last-minute cramming.

Faith: The anchor of confidence

At a time when exam pressure can easily steal one’s peace of mind, faith becomes the quiet strength that keeps candidates calm, hopeful, and confident. While faith is not only about prayer, it is akso about trusting that your effort will bear fruit and that every challenge has a purpose. Rev. Fr. Peter Mugenyi from Bunamwaya Parish reminded students that exams are as much a test of faith as they are of knowledge. ‘You are here for dedication because we need to take away all obstacles to your success,’ he said.

He encouraged the candidates to pray for wisdom and composure, explaining that a peaceful heart allows the mind to think clearly. ‘When you put your trust in God, you do not panic, you prepare,’ he added. On the otherhand, Sheikh Ali Sulaiman Walugembe also added that faith should be matched with discipline and effort. ‘Faith and discipline go hand in hand,’ he told the learners. ‘Trust God, but also do your part. Avoid shortcuts and work honestly, that is how you honor both your faith and your education.’

For Pastor Mulwandasa, he said, ‘Pray to have wisdom in the head, God in the heart, money in the pocket, and all to heaven.’ His words drew laughter, but they carried deep meaning – that success is not just about grades, but about living a balanced life that honors God, family, and self. Many students said the dedication helped ease their anxiety, reminding them that faith gives courage, calmness, and clarity. It is the inner anchor that keeps one steady when exams feel like a storm.

The hidden traps to avoid

In addition to success tips, the candidates were cautioned about behaviors that could ruin their efforts. Chief among them was examination malpractice, which was strongly condemned. Rev Ssenabulya warned, ‘Cheating is a bad vice that can only lead to failure.’ He explained that dishonesty not only discredits one’s hard work but also erodes moral values that take years to build.

Candidates were also advised to avoid peer influence, panic reading, laziness, and overreliance on leaked materials. These, the leaders said, create false confidence and eventual disappointment. He added, ‘Success is sweet when it is earned honestly.’ He also thanked parents for their sacrifices and urged learners to make them proud.

Former Principal Judge, James Ogoola, has appealed to leaders and politicians in Uganda to focus on uniting citizens and promoting harmony if their interest is to take the country forward.

He argues that luring Ugandans to adore party colours means those in authority are taking the country back to the colonial era.

Sharing his elderly wisdom with the leaders of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party in Busia District during a harmonisation meeting between the achievers and losers in the recent party primaries, Justice Ogoola reiterated that whether yellow, red or green colour, the most important aspect is working in harmony and unity that will take the country to the desired destination.

He challenged those in leadership at any moment to combine their strengths in demanding a share of natural resources in various geographical areas.

”Let us rise above party interest when it comes to the needs of our people. Let us be remembered as a generation of leaders who worked together but not those who worked to tear each other. Therefore, I urge you to champion peace, tolerance and unity at your respective areas of representation,” Justice Ogoola appealed.

He encouraged political aspirants, especially from Busia District, to redirect their focus in ensuring that the needs of the people are at the centre of their manifesto.

He said the needs of the ordinary person from Busia is to make sure that the proceeds of the natural resources, especially gold, reach every household because if the minerals in Busia are properly utilised, the district can be transformed.

”As elders, we implore you to engage constructively with opponents and partners alike. You should build bridges not walls,” he encouraged the leaders.

According to Busia NRM chairperson, Mr Isaac Muwanguzi, the engagement was meant to reconcile members who lost in the party primaries.

”We are not doing this for formality but following threats of our own party members who are planning to team up with members from the opposition to fight our party flag bearers. For that matter, we found it necessary to sit at home and iron out our differences. I am happy that the meeting has yielded fruit,” he said.

Ms Helen Nankya, who lost the party flag for the Busia District Woman MP seat, appealed to the party leadership to always consider losers in appointments.

”In any competition, there must be a loser and a winner, but how do you make all of them remain relevant also matters. Therefore, appeal to the party leadership not to abandon us,” she appealed.