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As Uganda gears up for the 2026 General Election, voters have been urged to keep away from politics of excitement and focus on leaders who can address critical issues affecting them.

The call was made by several speakers during a thanksgiving prayer service for Mbarara District National Resistance Movement (NRM) party chairperson, Mr Prosper Tuheise Kururagire at his home in Bukiro town Council in Mbarara District on Saturday.

The Minister for Trade, Industry and Cooperatives, Mr Francis Mwebesa who represented the Vice President, Maj (Rtd) Jessica Alupo at this function, told the gathering that politics of excitement will compromise them to make wrong choices of leaders.

‘You need to be careful; that music, drinks and simple handouts that some of the candidates normally use during elections will lead you to elect leaders who will not help in addressing the challenges being faced. Look at the critical issues affecting you and interrogate those who want to get elected if they are offering solutions to address them,’ Mr Mwebesa said.

He cautioned the youth, whom he said are usually used by politicians during the electioneering period for selfish interests.

‘It is mostly the young people who get excited and forget the issues that affect them, where they have come from and what the future holds for them,’ Mr Mwebesa added.

The Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Mbarara, Rev Fr Severinus Ndugwa, who presided over the ceremony, challenged Ugandans to keep away from the politics of sectarianism.

‘Whether your colour is brown or black, the tribe or religion you belong to is just an accident. We are all children of God. So, avoid any sectarian tendencies that normally surface during this election period. What is important are the services for the good of humankind,’ Fr Ndugwa said.

He also cautioned leaders to avoid segregating people because they never supported them or were of opposing political parties.

‘When elected as a leader, do not look at only those people who supported you or the political party that brought you in a position of leadership. Render services to all people equally without discrimination,’ Fr. Ndugwa appealed.

Mr Sedrack Nzeire Kaguta, the former Kiruhura District NRM party Chairperson, also brother to President Museveni, said people should not get excited about being in power or being associated with those in power to discriminate against others.

‘That clan, tribe or connections you have today will one time wane. So, do not get excited and start discriminating against one another. For some of us who have travelled around the world, you get to a situation where you can’t reach that one person you were born with, your village mate, a friend and you find someone willing to help is a foreigner. So, why do you become sectarian? You never know who will help you in future,’ Mr Nzeire said.

According to Mr Benjamin Cadet, the NRM flagbearer for Bunyaruguru Constituency in Rubirizi District, voters at times gamble when choosing leaders because of being misled.

‘Leadership is not about gambling. We need to have leaders who can move this country forward but in politics, there can be a temptation where voters may get excited and end up voting for incapable leaders. As the NRM party, we need to educate our people to make rightful decisions during elections,’ he said.

Mr Tuheise, whose party has been in power for four decades, said they have since launched a sensitisation campaign targeting, especially the youth, on how to make the right decisions during elections.

‘The challenge we have been having is with the youth who are easily taken up by excitement during elections. We are sensitising them on the choice of leaders they should vote for but also trying to address some of the issues they face, especially unemployment,’ he said.

After a nasty divorce with his former party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), Nyendo-Mukungwe legislator Mathias Mpuuga went on to form his own party, the Democratic Front (DF). Many thought this would be his platform to contest for president in 2026, but this week, he announced his intention to contest for a fourth term as MP. Monitor’s Arthur Arnold Wadero had a wide-ranging interview with him.

Mid this year, you launched the Democratic Front. As party president, many expected you to be in the presidential race. What happened?

First of all, political parties by their nature are meant to provide leadership and leaders to the nation. They are supposed to be the midwives of political leaders. And when those leaders are produced by political parties, it is up to those parties to make a choice as to what they want to do with those leaders. The decision to stand for the presidency of the country was never supposed to be a personal decision, as long as l am subjected to the whims of the party.

Whereas I harboured and still have the ambitions, at some stage probably they will come to fruition. But in the meantime, the party outed what they called the party’s minimum political agenda to cover the period of the ongoing political season and discounted the presidency as one of its minimum programmes. And they gave reasons. The DF, from the onset, intended that for an election and the presidency to be consequential, we needed reforms, electoral and political reforms, to even give credence to this argument.

What is the update on the reforms you submitted to Parliament?

We had the two constitutional amendment Bills. We had an Election Commission Amendment Bill, we had the Presidential Election Amendment Bill, the Parliamentary Election Amendment Bill, Referendum Amendment Bill, Local Government Amendment Bill, and the Political Parties Amendment Bill. All these Bills were meant to try and crack what is a state of political inertia in the country. And while we tabled all of them before Parliament, and they were received by the Speaker’s Office and the Clerk, only the Political Parties’ (Amendment) Bill was given leave. But even when it was given leave, it has never been given a Certificate of Financial Implication to be able to proceed to the next stage.

The presidential campaigns have started. We have seven Opposition candidates. Is this the group that will finally uproot President Museveni? Unfortunately, the spirit is willing, but the bodies and action speak differently. Of course, I’ve seen even some of them pressing self-defeating buttons. I’m wondering whether they are actually committed to the campaign of defeating Gen Museveni. I have seen some of them spending their little energy fighting colleagues in the Opposition, and then I wondered whether they are committed or actually hired.

But also, I don’t want to speak like a political novice. The political Opposition failed to organise prior to the election. Probably, you people in the media need to put these questions to the various leaders of the political parties in the contest: Why didn’t they organise? Why are they pretending to be organising during elections when they had four years to prepare?

We have a presidential race in which two contestants got more than 90 percent of the vote in 2021. What do you say to those calling for a single Opposition candidate?

I think there are two layers to this argument. First of all, it’s not simply a single candidate to the Opposition that is an issue because that’s a no-brainer. That matter has been discussed over several electoral cycles we have gone over. To recollect, the TDA [The Democratic Alliance], which became a debacle eventually, there are several attempts to a single candidate which have not given us any outcome. But then you say if that has failed, what are the other possibilities that can help the Opposition to have a chance at power? That’s why some of us talk about clawback legislation. Clawback legislation is the kind of legal regime that can give the Opposition a chance to compete. Which is why we were debating and proposing a departure from the current winner-takes-all system.

Because if we are going to have an opportunity as the Opposition to really make a demand to the population to give us power, we must have some opportunity at entry clawback legislation, which will mean we have more MPs in Parliament, and it will mean you have more representation in Local Government. It’s a form of power-sharing that the Opposition can take advantage of if you did that.

DP president general Norbert Mao, while taking over the leadership of IPOD [Inter-party Organisation for Dialogue] recently, said the transition is already taking place behind closed doors. Do Ugandans deserve to have a say in what happens to them after President Museveni’s 40 years in power?

Well, even the wrong clock at some time counts, right? I have spoken variously before that our political DNA is a civil-military relationship. The time Gen Museveni changed the Uganda People’s Deence Forces (UPDF) structure, it was part of managing the transition, albeit in a manner I call fraudulent because it was done without the knowledge of Parliament and other stakeholders. The process of changing the UPDF structure was not consulted upon.

And as long as our politics remains a civil-military relationship, one part of the relationship has migrated; only the civil side has not yet migrated. If it goes on without the participation of the population through their institutions, people, institutions, the political parties, civil society groups, cultural institutions, and religious institutions, it is a fraudulent transition.

What should a transition process for Uganda look like?

The transition conversation must be an honest conversation between those in power and those without power. Between those who intend to keep power and those who aspire to take power, there must be an honest conversation preceded by an agreeable framework of issues to be discussed, the mode of implementation of those issues, including the nature of legislation that must be undertaken to midwives.

That is the nature of transition that I think we need to engage in, not a transition where people seek positions in government. I’m talking about an honest conversation about governance of this country, including a debate on a new national consensus, which is the new Constitution. Your former party, NUP, recently announced its parliamentary flagbearers, and some MPs who were previously thought to be close to you lost the party card.

Are you going to woo them as DF?

First of all, I left the NUP a long time ago and, therefore, whatever they do with themselves is their business. Secondly, for those members who were denied tickets, they should have known better because NUP works without a constitution. So, there’s no premise for them to explain to you why you have no ticket. Thirdly, the DF is a political party. We are open to receiving every citizen who believes that the DF could be a vehicle worth working with to the end. Then fourth, if any member of the NUP denied a ticket on account of their closings, to me, that kind of inductiveness is unacceptable. I think it’s very dangerous for our parties.

Parties should never mirror the expressions of individual characters. They should only mirror the expressions of the people and the membership.

Mr Medard Sseggona is one of those who were denied the NUP party ticket. Have you talked to him about joining DF?

The Honourable Sseggona and I are not involved in politics as the first issue. We are brothers. We actually speak every day on several matters. If they are not about our practice as lawyers, they are about our families, they’re about our kingdom, they’re about our country, and they are about Parliament. We talk about so many things. We even spoke when he was denied a NUP ticket. The decision of where he goes is a personal decision. I cannot compel him even when we share so much in common.

Kampala Central MP Muhammad Nsereko recently went hard on you with the allegation that you rescinded your support for him as he sought to contest for the presidency. What do you make of his claims?

I was not around, I was not in the country, but I heard what he said. I have not spoken to him, but reading what he said, I can only advise him as my brother. I want to ask him to do a self-evaluation; where he wants to go, if he wants to still keep the confidence of the people.

Your parting shots?

My parting issue, especially to the Opposition, is to continue speaking to each other even when there are so many issues over which we disagree, including issues of candidates. Yes, we disagree on who is standing where, for what position. But the one door which should never close is the door over which we speak.

I always feared saunas. They seemed like anterooms to hell. The heat therein was suffocating and searing. I came to this dual conclusion because, in the mid-1990s, there were not so many saunas in Kampala. So, when a friend told me his hair caught fire in one of them, I unblinkingly believed him.

Mbazira, the friend who inconveniently found his hair aflame, had a jerry curl.

A Jerry curl (or Jheri curl) is a chemical hair treatment from the 1980s that creates a glossy, loose, and permanently waved, or wet-looking, curl on black hair.

Popularised by stars such as Michael Jackson and Lionel Richie, it was a cultural staple that offered a “wash and wear” alternative to chemical relaxers, but required a greasy, oil-based activator product that could reportedly explode into flames.

That’s what happened to Michael Jackson during a Pepsi commercial in 1984, causing him to suffer second- and third-degree burns to his scalp. Ugandans only got the memo on jerry curls in the 1990s, when box haircuts were ‘in’. In a previous life, the CDF sported one, too (Mic testing, testing). Mbazira also had the dubious distinction of boozing himself silly before taking an HIV test. So, if he was positive, he’d blame the drink. If negative, he would guzzle even more alcohol to celebrate. It was a win-win situation.

He was on my mind when I visited a sauna recently. Initially, I was the only person in the health spa. I went for a short call and returned to find it repopulated by four nubile ladies. Ruthlessly seductive, the four transmogrified the heated room, typically made of wood, into something of a peepshow. Their towels, wrapped scantily around them, accentuated their curves with a shared body language whose vocabulary consisted of the words ‘red hot’. They were joined by a young man who seemed to have been brother-zoned by them to the extent that he seemed like their pastor.

One of the ladies, Olivia, broached the subject of satisfaction. My attention suddenly peaked. She told her friends that foreplay didn’t factor in the definition of some ladies’ idea of pleasure. Thereupon, a debate ensued. As words took wing, the ladies would cross and uncross their legs. I decided it was time to get involved in what became a heated discussion. And not because of the heat in the sauna. After all, we had four red-hot ladies and an inferno raging in my belly.

After introducing myself, they introduced themselves as health professionals with a bias in sexual reproduction. To them, procreation was as essential as recreation. Suddenly, I felt myself dripping with sweat as I observed these red-hot ladies who should’ve come with a ‘Parental Advisory’ label. I couldn’t stand up. It seemed these ladies were turning up the heat, like a Fire Base crew.

Seeing my pointed interest, Olivia took me aside to ask which ‘one’ I wanted. Delighted, I declared I could ‘take on’ all four as the lightbulb in my head carried a yellow hue. If I left out anybody, I might leave out the one who found me attractive, too. I was thus willing to ‘attack’ all at once. Olivia, looking me deep in the eye, said they were all taken. Did I want to continue? she asked. No, I replied. Knowing where I stood with these ladies changed the game. It defused the tension. We all relaxed.

And became bosom buddies, not only because my buddies had bosoms. Once the masks were off in a presumed battle of the sexes, the guards dropped too. Yellow sunrises of new friendships implied the ruddy sunsets of old passions in a day we all seized. My libido evaporated. I can honestly say I made four new female friends and one brother, the pastor. I had misunderstood them. Their talk and posture caused this, not the environment. The environment was what we made happen, and that made all the difference.

For years, Kololo maintained a status as one of the best residential areas in our lovely city, Kampala. Most diplomats have their residences in Kololo, which is actually zoned as residential. For many of us who have invested in Kololo to improve our homes and provide diplomatic missions with accommodation, we are appalled at the contradictory practices of officials at Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) who brazenly continue to breach their own rules and regulations by allowing noisy bars and nightclubs which play loud music up to 5.30am.

For the past few years, there has been an increase in the number of nightclubs/bars within the area of Kololo as more residential properties are being illegally converted into commercial properties. It is alleged that the city, though there is no documentary evidence as such, was rezoned for light commercial purposes. In any case, light commercial purposes would include dentist clinics, pharmacies, law firms or a doctor’s clinic and not loud noisy bars that play music until 5.30am!

The illegal mushrooming of these nightclubs/bars, many of them without a license and or permits, has caused great disruption not only for the residents, many of whom are diplomats and ambassadors, but also for hotels, apartments and hospitals that have patients and guests.

The Landlord and Tenant Act Cap 238 stipulates that a tenant shall not use their premises in a manner that causes a nuisance or interferes with the reasonable peace, comfort or privacy of the occupier of the neighbouring premises. The National Environment (Noise Standards and Control) Regulations, 2003, define noise as any unwanted or annoying sound that is intrinsically objectionable to human beings, or likely to have an adverse effect on human health or the environment. The activities of these nightclubs/bars undoubtedly fall within the scope of noise and noise pollution as defined by the regulations.

Majority of the residents, some of whom have been residing in Kololo for about 50 years, have a right to enjoy quiet possession of their homes, which is a covenant in their leases and freehold titles and also a stipulation in KCCA by-laws. Unfortunately, the same government institutions tasked with enforcing them are breaching their duty and their own covenants. As you may be aware, deprivation of sleep is serious as it leads to increase in levels of blood pressure and subsequently can lead to stroke or heart conditions.

It is in light of the above humble submissions the residents of Kololo are humbly requesting for your intervention to resolve this problem, which continues to become worse every day. They are allowed to operate despite assurances from KCCA that many of these are actually operating without the appropriate license or permits and also that they would halt the issuance of any further licenses and permits to new nightclubs/bars in Kololo, and close down the ones illegally operating in breach of the noise nuisance regulations.

KCCA and Nema both have enforcement regulations but they have been reluctant to implement, with some officials claiming that when they try to enforce the regulations, they get ‘calls from above’ ordering them not to interfere. A new church gathers at Naguru Hill and has very loud open air music and sermons during their services, some of which end late at night. The residents of Kololo, therefore, humbly request the government to urgently close these bars and those that are willing to comply with shutting down noise at midnight, to completely sound proof their premises. Our humble request to His Excellency the President of Uganda is to give an executive order shutting these places down as the level of noise is now at an unbearable level.

The ongoing political contests, including the heated Bukedea Woman MP race involving Speaker Anita Among, have once again thrust the Electoral Commission (EC) into the public spotlight – and not for the right reasons. Several contestants have expressed frustration and loss of faith in the electoral body, accusing it of bias, corruption, and failure to ensure a fair playing field.

This week, aspirants challenging Speaker of Parliament Anita Among for her Bukedea District Woman MP seat claimed they no longer believe the EC can deliver credible elections. This was after the electoral body upheld an earlier decision to delete their names from the voters’ register. In an affidavit filed before the High Court in Kampala on Monday, the EC, through acting secretary Richard Kamugisha Baabo, stated that it had reviewed the complaints and confirmed that parish tribunals acted within the law when recommending the deletion of the names of Ms Norma Susan Otai (Forum for Democratic Change), Ms Marion Mercy Alupo (National Unity Platform), and Ms Hellen Akol Odeke (Independent).

‘The EC is not for us; it is for the wrong few individuals. They have exposed themselves as an entity that has been compromised,’ Ms Alupo said. Her concerns echo a broader pattern that has emerged across the country, where many political actors feel the institution has strayed from its constitutional mandate of organising free and fair polls. The discontent is not limited to parliamentary races. Aspirants who were blocked from the recent presidential nominations also criticise the Commission.

Former presidential candidate Nancy Kalembe, according to media reports, accused EC officials of soliciting bribes to provide nomination signatures. ‘Certain officials asked me for Shs20 million to get nomination signatures. They later reduced it to Shs14 million. When I submitted my own signatures without bribing them, one shoved me and called them ‘rubbish,” The Nile Post quoted her as having said.

EC faulted

Her frustration mirrors sentiments raised in several election petitions over the years, where courts have faulted the EC for failing to enforce electoral laws and for presiding over flawed processes. In cancelling Erias Nalukoola’s win in the Kawempe North by-election earlier this year, the High Court in Kampala ruled that the EC failed in its constitutional duty to protect the right to vote, leading to the disenfranchisement of more than 16,000 voters at 14 polling stations. Justice Bernard Namanya ruled that the EC should have suspended the voting process after violence broke out in the 14 polling stations where materials were destroyed.

These criticisms have previously been repeated by different groups such as international observers and human rights organisations. Afrobarometer’s latest study shows that despite several changes being introduced in 2015 and 2020, including changes to the EC’s appointment process and campaign financing rules, the public’s confidence in the electoral body remains low. Following President Museveni’s win in the 2016 polls, European Union observers accused the EC of lacking independence.

While “voting was conducted in a calm and peaceful environment in the vast majority of the country”, the EU observers noted a “lack of transparency and independence of the Electoral Commission”.

Loss in trust

While the High Court is set to make a ruling on the Bukedea Woman MP race in the coming weeks, the EC’s position has reopened old wounds as the country prepares for the 2026 General Election. ‘I am not going to follow up on anything, because the actions of the other powerful persons are undisputable in the courts, because I will be wasting my time and money,’ Ms Odeke says. But some political players think EC should have handled the matter better. FDC spokesperson John Kikonyogo questions the Commission’s handling of voter transfers, saying if someone wishes to move from one area to another, there is no reason for the EC to reject the transfer.

‘The best approach is to register that person,’ Kikonyogo says. Mr Steven Masiga, the spokesperson of the Bamasaba Cultural Institution, says removing some aspirants from the voters’ register is wrong. ‘Why would someone be deleted from the register? Every eligible citizen has the right to participate in elections, and such actions undermine the democratic process.’ EC spokesperson Julius Mucunguzi declined to comment on the matter, saying: ‘You have already done a report on this issue and featured the affidavit of the Commission’s Secretary in court. I am not in a position to say anything further about it.’

Uneven playing field

Addressing a press conference in Hoima City on October 8, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) presidential candidate Nathan Nandala Mafabi accused security personnel of blocking his campaign activities without any clear reason. The remarks follow an incident in Kagadi District, where security operatives reportedly blocked FDC from canvassing support, a move the party described as evidence of State bias and interference in the electoral process.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, also accuses security agencies of preventing him from holding a campaign rally in Iganga Municipality on October 3. In a post on his social media platforms, Mr Kyagulanyi claims security forces barred him from accessing the municipality, despite other presidential candidates having campaigned there earlier.

‘Although two other presidential candidates have so far campaigned in Iganga Municipality, the RDC, RPC, and DPC have insisted that we must not campaign there. They intimidated venue owners until we secured the Oxford High School playground. This morning, they insisted we must not campaign anywhere in the municipality,’ Kyagulanyi posted.

However, police dispute Mr Kyagulanyi’s claims. They say the NUP candidate had been cleared to hold rallies in Mayuge and Iganga districts. While the rally in Mayuge reportedly went ahead without incident, police say Mr Kyagulanyi’s team declined to use the designated route to Iganga Municipality.

But some commentators say police’s role in the campaigns is a direct attack on democracy.

‘When citizens are jailed for participating in politics, it sends a chilling message that dissent will not be tolerated. This not only undermines the credibility of our electoral process but also erodes public trust in the State institutions that are supposed to protect citizens’ rights,’ says Ms Judith Akiding, a political analyst.

‘Suppressing Opposition voices does not solve political disagreements; it only fosters resentment and deepens divisions within society. True stability comes from allowing all citizens to participate freely in the political process,’ she adds.

Ensuring fair playing field

Last month, the EC warned police against blocking presidential candidates from reaching approved venues, saying such actions had fuelled clashes between security officers, candidates and supporters during the 2021 campaign period. While meeting campaign agents of presidential candidates and senior police officials this week, the electoral body said their role is to promote harmony, compliance with electoral laws, and respect for the agreed campaign programme.

‘Our objective is to ensure the process is peaceful, follows electoral laws, abides by the campaign programme that was harmonised, and ensures the entire exercise is conducted in a tranquil atmosphere,’ EC spokesperson Mucunguzi said.

But Opposition leader Proscovia Salaam Musumba from the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF) says democracy in Uganda is dead. She claims, without producing evidence, that some politicians have ‘pocketed’ Commissioners in the EC, giving them undue influence over the electoral process. ‘When those in charge manipulate the system, you cannot accept anything good,’ she says.

Restoring public trust

Mr Timothy Chemongesi, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), says the starting point for restoring public trust in elections is transparency. ‘The EC must open its processes to independent scrutiny, from updating the register to tallying, to handling complaints. It also needs proactive communication and consistent engagement with all political actors, not just the ruling party. Without visible impartiality, no amount of procedural correctness will rebuild trust,’ Mr Chemonges says.

‘When people perceive the system as closed or manipulated, apathy and frustration grow. The Commission must ensure the right to contest and to vote is protected by law and practice, through an auditable voters’ register, clear appeal mechanisms, and punitive action against officials who abuse the process,’ he says. Previously, NUP secretary general David Lewis Rubongoya has argued that the EC’s credibility can only be restored through constitutional amendment.

‘Ugandans have lost confidence in the Commission because it appears to take instructions from the State House,’ Rubongoya said. ‘We need an EC that is answerable to the people, not the regime in power.’

However, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) senior manager in charge of communications, Mr Rogers Mulindwa, says the Opposition is crying foul to win public sympathy. “This is the scenario they are trying to create to win sympathy because, on the ground, they know they don’t have the support,’ Mr Mulindwa says. “They have more time; let them go and campaign. The only situation was in Iganga, where police were directing them where to pass. But because they are troublesome and think that defying police directives wins them sympathy, they created issues for themselves.’

Analysts say restoring public trust will not be easy. It will require institutional reforms, transparent operations, and inclusive leadership. Without these, the EC risks further eroding confidence among Ugandans. ‘The Commission needs to demonstrate neutrality through its actions, ensure fairness in handling nominations, and communicate decisions openly to all stakeholders. The EC should prioritise transparency and accountability,’ Ms Akiding says. But the problem begins with how commissioners are appointed, says Mr Peter Wegulo, who supports FDC.

‘As long as the President alone appoints the EC leadership, Ugandans will see it as a partisan institution. We need an independent, transparent appointment process involving Parliament and civil society,’ he says. However, EC chairperson Simon Byabakama has previously criticised those who claim the Commission is biased.

Addressing stakeholders during a national workshop on Special Interest Groups elections in Kampala in June, Justice Byabakama dismissed long-standing accusations of bias and lack of independence, saying such claims, by mostly Opposition politicians, must be substantiated.

‘The business of saying that as long as you are appointed by someone, you cannot conduct a free and fair election. the law says he who asserts must prove,’ he said. ‘You show us evidence, but when you talk generally without specifics, then I also cannot give you clear answers.’

One of the shocks of the 2021 General Election came from the newly constituted Jinja South West, where the National Resistance Movement (NRM) candidate Moses Grace Balyeku lost to Timothy Batuwa from the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). The difference in the number of votes was 1,699. Formerly known as Jinja West, Balyeku had represented this constituency from 2011 when he wrestled it from FDC’s Harry Kasigwa. To become a political force in Jinja, Kasigwa had wrestled it from the NRM’s Henry Kyemba (deceased) in 2001. By the 2006 elections, Kasigwa had buttressed himself in the politics of Jinja so much so that he ensured all the Local Council divisions were under FDC’s control.

In the runup to the 2011 elections, in an effort to wrestle Jinja West from the firm grip of Kasigwa, Balyeku dug into his deep pockets and constructed 120 market stalls in Mpumudde market. He also extended water stand pipes to Kimaka B Village. His success came as no surprise. In 2016, Balyeku easily defended his seat, beating FDC’s Paul Kawanguzi with a difference of 2,742 votes. But Balyeku couldn’t repeat the same feat in 2021 because by that time, he had been involved in some land wrangles.

Land wrangles

Balyeku’s footprints in Busoga land wrangles were exposed in 2018 during the Land Commission inquiry led by Justice Catherine Bamugemereire. The NRM politician was summoned after accusations emerged that he influenced the issuance of a freehold title over plot 24 B Kyabazinga Way in Nalufenya to businessman Thummar Jay Magnalal Patel. This was over a running lease of Jinja Municipal Council and a sub-lease to Tirupati Development. Justice Bamugemereire moved to issue criminal summons after Balyeku snubbed repeated summons by the Commission to provide evidence on the transfer of the land. Justice Bamugemereire also warned Balyeku of attempting to compromise members of the Commission through unnecessary phone calls. As if that wasn’t enough, Balyeku would get entangled in a standoff with then Jinja Resident District Commissioner (RDC) Eric Sakwa, still over land wrangles.

Sakwa, who had appeared before Justice Bamugemereire to pin Balyeku, was thereafter charged with manslaughter. The DPP claimed that between March 22 and April 17, 2020, while in Lwanda Village in Jinja, Sakwa and his co-accused, Bazimbyewa Bumali, alias Chris Umar Dindodi, a resident of Mafubira Zone C in Mafubira Sub-county, Jinja District and businessman Mohammed Simba, alias Meddie, also from the same place, caused the death of Charles Isanga when they stormed his kiosk and tortured him.

The charges were later dismissed by the High Court, but Sakwa said they were cooked by the DPP at the behest of Balyeku. ‘Balyeku is the one who engineered everything; of course, he denies he is the one who does all of that,’ Sakwa said, prompting Balyeku, who owns Baba Television and Baba Radio, to offer a rebuttal.

Balyeku said: ‘I have no problem with Sakwa that necessitates me to go to that level of arresting him. I’m not a police officer, minister in government or army officer, but an ordinary backbencher in Parliament. I don’t have those powers to make the court sit at 4pm.’

When Sakwa was temporarily jailed, there were protests outside the court premises by some civilians who had no kind words for Balyeku. Once the legislator lost to Batuwa, observers familiar with Jinja West politics attributed Balyeku’s loss to the way he handled the Sakwa standoff. Another contributing factor in Balyeku’s downfall was his open support for the removal of presidential age limits from the Constitution. Balyeku had teamed up with Kyaka South MP Jackson Kafuuzi to second the Bill that was tabled by Raphael Magyezi, allowing Museveni’s continued presidency. ‘Age shouldn’t be a factor that hinders the rights and freedom of any Ugandan to vie for the post of President,’ Balyeku said.

A cold shoulder

In the aftermath of amending the Constitution, Museveni rewarded Kafuuzi with the post of Deputy Attorney General. Balyeku was, however, ignored. Even when he lost his parliamentary seat, Museveni didn’t award him with any ministerial job like he did with his NRM cadres who lost in Buganda such as Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo and Ruth Nankabirwa. Still, Balyeku didn’t abandon the NRM; he stood in its primaries and defeated his closest rival, Daniel Kanu, with 9,020 votes against his 2,240 to win the NRM flag for next year’s elections. Other contestants in the race were David Talenga, who placed third with 78 votes. Sakwa trailed in fourth position with 71 votes.

Once he was declared the winner, Balyeku rallied all NRM supporters in Jinja South West to unite and rally behind him. Yet Balyeku’s NRM rivals weren’t contended with his victory, accusing him of importing rowdy youth from other areas, who allegedly threatened voters from participating in the electoral process. Kanu’s petition to an NRM tribunal that handled the disputes that arose from the ruling party’s primaries was thrown out for want of evidence, giving Balyeku a sigh of relief.

This means Balyeku is once again going to face Batuwa, who changed his political home from the FDC to the National Unity Platform (NUP). When he joined NUP, Batuwa insisted that he wasn’t just interested in retaining his seat but rather to see that the NRM is kicked out of power.

‘They have been promising Ugandans things they can’t deliver. They are the reason why Busoga [Sub-region] has really lagged in terms of development. We need to get them out of power,’ Batuwa said.

Growing up, I used to hear and constantly was told – you need to value time, don’t waste time! At school the same notion prevailed, workspace – time management; today everyone and everything is about time! And yet, we seem to take time for granted and maybe misuse/abuse it. I have come to learn that indeed, time is the one force/commodity in life that moves ceaselessly forward, indifferent to human desires yet intimately woven into our existence. It tells stories without words, marking triumphs, failures, transformations, and destinies. Whether measured by ticking clocks, shifting seasons, or the quiet erosion of mountains, time speaks-revealing truth, wisdom, and consequence.

Time has a mysterious way of revealing what is real and what is fleeting. In relationships, it uncovers true intentions-separating sincerity from pretence. A bond that withstands the test of time is built on trust, while shallow connections dissolve with the slightest gust of change. Similarly, time exposes character; patience, resilience, and authenticity endure, while deceit and impulsiveness eventually unravel.

In the professional world, time distinguishes mastery from mediocrity. A skill practiced over years of dedication cannot be faked, just as an institution built on integrity will stand tall while shortcuts lead to inevitable collapse. The saying ‘time will tell’ is not just an idle phrase-it is a certainty. Time does not just tell-it heals. Wounds, both emotional and physical, become scars that no longer ache with the same intensity. Grief transforms, not into forgetting, but into a softer memory that no longer paralyzes. Those who endure hardships often find that time gives them strength and perspective, turning pain into wisdom.

As a historian, time records the past, teaching humanity lessons through experience. Civilizations have risen and fallen, and through their stories, time warns us against repeating mistakes. It also highlights the beauty of human resilience, reminding us that even after destruction, rebirth is possible. How one spends their time is the clearest reflection of their values. The pursuits we dedicate ourselves to whether relationships, service, business, philanthropy, careers, passions, money, fun, social capital or distraction, define our legacy. Time is an equal resource for all, yet its use differs vastly from person to person. It is a silent judge, showing who invests in growth and who squanders their moments in fleeting trivialities.

Time’s greatest gift is the wisdom it imparts in us. It teaches patience, reminding us that worthwhile achievements take time. It cultivates humility, showing that change is inevitable, and control is an illusion. It instils gratitude, urging us to cherish fleeting moments before they become memories. To live in harmony with time is to respect its lessons, learning from the past, making the most of the present, and preparing wisely for the future. Because in the end, time will tell the story of who we were, what we valued, and how we lived.

Value your time! Value other people’s time! Let it tell a story worth remembering!

The National Water and Sewerage Corporation in Mbale extracts water from rivers Nabijo, Namatala, and Nabuyonga. However, these upstream catchments are undergoing degradation due to human activity and a general increase in the population, writesDavid Wandeka.

As the country gears up for the rainy season, officials at the Moni Water Treatment Plant in Mbale are starting to count the cost of treating and supplying water to residents. Porolofilio Tebandeke, the officer-in-charge of Water Quality at the plant, says the heavy rains cause challenges with the quality of water.

‘During heavy rains, the water turbidity – which is the clarity of the water – is high. In normal circumstances, the water’s turbidity lies between 30 and 50, but when it rains, the turbidity spikes to 350 because of the runoff soil and other material that rushes in with the water from the hills,’ he says.

Turbidity is the measure of the cloudiness or haziness of water caused by suspended particles like sediment, clay, algae, and organic matter. Tebandeke explains that turbidity makes it difficult and costly to treat the water.

‘When the turbidity is not high, we use about 10mg of aluminum sulphate to treat one litre of water. When turbidity is high during the heavy rains, we use between 30 and 50mg of aluminum sulphate per litre. The production capacity of this plant is 9,000 cubic metres of water per day, using 250kg of aluminum sulphate,’ he notes.

The expenses

The gravity of the matter is that by the time the water achieves the national standard, so much money has gone into treating it. For instance, in the dry season, the plant’s water filters are washed every 24 hours. However, during the rainy season, they become clogged with sand and have to be washed every three to four hours.

‘When the chemical quantity is high, we usually adopt other more expensive chemicals such as polymers, to ensure that we can till supply water,’ Tebandeke adds.

According to Innocent Twesigye, the principle engineer at NWSC, the corporation extracts water from River Nabijo, River Namatala, and River Nabuyonga in Mbale District. However, these upstream catchments are undergoing degradation due to human activity and a general increase in the population.

‘In the dry season, we have less water because it is diverted to people’s gardens upstream. During the wet season, the water is contaminated. Twenty years ago, we could pump 50 million liters of water per day, but overtime, the capacity of production is reducing due to environmental degradation,’ he says.

Twesigye adds that nowadays, in the dry season, it takes an whole day to collect and pump out 10,000 liters. Badiru Wandwasi, the former area NWSC manager, concurs that the corporation started registering discrepancies in water quality after the year 2000.

‘In Mbale City, accessing piped water in the dry season has become big challenge. Between February 20 and March 10 this year, we experienced a terrible situation where people would call, asking for water. They blamed NWSC but the reason was not inefficiency; the water sources had dried up overnight,’ he says.

Wandwasi reveals that NWSC used to extract five million liters a day from River Nabijo, three million liters from River Nabuyonga, and seven million liters from River Manafwa, to make the 15 million liters of water required to supply Mbale town per day.

‘In the dry season, River Nabijo gives less than two million liters and River Nabuyonga dropped to less than 1.5 liters per day. Now we rely on River Manafwa. To balance our supply, we rationed water supply between February and March this year. Downstream, people were struggling to get water for domestic use, while upstream, people were diverting water for there gardens,’ he says.

Solutions

To mitigate the problem, the Ministry of Water and Environment (MWE) and the National Water and Sewerage Corporation (NWSC) are jointly implementing the Integrated Water Management and Development Project (IWMDP).

The project is a World Bank-funded initiative aimed at improving water supply, sanitation services, and integrated water resource management in the catchment areas of River Nabijo, River Namatala, and River Nabuyonga in Mbale District.

The upstream buffer zones of the three rivers have been degraded due to human activity, with some farmers establishing gardens on the river banks. This has been blamed on the high population growth in the area, which has led to land fragmentation.

‘We are looking at environmental conservation, especially micro catchment restoration. We have done studies to understand what is happening upstream and the sources of pollution that are impacting our operational activities. We are spending a lot on chemicals and replacing our pumps because of siltation from the mountain,’ Twesigye says.

In 2022, a consultant carried out situational analyses and came up with a source protection plan to improve the situation upstream. The project that started in January this year is expected to end in January 2026 at a cost of Shs2.2billion.

‘We are looking at awareness and capacity building of stakeholders, carrying out civil works such as the construction of gabions on collapsed sections of the catchment area to control soil erosion from the mountain areas. We also intend to improve the livelihood of the residents. If people are benefiting from the buffer zones, they should be given an alternative source of living,’ Twesigye explains.

The plan also includes restoration activities such as planting trees within the buffer zones of the rivers, to minimise runoff during flash floods.

‘We are looking at 400 households to benefit from the 500 species of tree seedlings that we are going to supply. We hope to restore the 50 million liters we were extracting per day, and increase it to probably 100 million liters per day. If we do not do anything towards environmental conservation, within the next 15 to 20 years we will have no drop of water to supply to our customers,’ Twesigye adds.

Three development partners, including the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), are implementing the project for MWE and NWSC.

How floods affect water quality

Floods increase water treatment costs by damaging treatment plant equipment, requiring costly repairs and replacements of electrical components, pumps, and filters.

They also introduce high levels of contaminants like silt, bacteria, and chemicals, necessitating the use of more chemicals, increased labour for testing, and longer treatment processes to ensure water safety, all of which drive up operational expenses.

Infrastructure damage and repair

Equipment failure: Floodwaters can inundate and damage critical equipment like electrical switch gear, motor control centers, pumps, and valves, leading to corrosion and short circuits that render them inoperable.

Structural repairs: Prolonged exposure to floodwaters can weaken the foundations and walls of treatment plants, potentially requiring expensive structural repairs.

Replacement costs: Damaged or destroyed equipment must be replaced, which is a significant expense for municipalities.

Increased contamination and treatment needs

Higher contaminant levels: Floodwaters carry pollutants, debris, and sediments from sewage systems, agricultural fields, and waste sites into water sources.

Increased disinfection: The higher levels of harmful bacteria, viruses, and chemicals in the water require increased use of disinfectants, such as chlorine, to ensure the water is safe to drink.

Filter clogging: Elevated turbidity from silt and other contaminants can clog filters, pumps, and lines, requiring them to be cleaned or replaced more frequently.

Operational and labour costs

Extended treatment time: Water that bypasses or overwhelms the system requires more intensive and longer treatment processes to remove contaminants, increasing operational costs.

Labor for testing: After a flood, extensive testing of the water is required to meet regulatory standards and ensure it is safe for public use, which adds to labor costs.

Reliance on backup systems: Damage may force a plant to rely on backup facilities, which can strain resources and further increase costs.

Emergency response: Communities may have to rely on bottled water and emergency supplies, and fund emergency response efforts, increasing overall costs.

On a humid afternoon in Nabilatik, the sun hangs high over the semi-arid plains of Karamoja. Inside her homestead, the scent of simmering goat stew mingles with the earthy aroma of freshly harvested vegetables.

As she carefully arranges a plate of millet bread, Anne Risa Maniman Akol speaks with the urgency of someone carrying a heavy vision: ‘Educate a girl, educate a nation,’ she says, her voice firm yet tender.

At 52, Akol has worn many hats; teacher, district education officer, politician, and now farmer, but her deepest identity is that of an advocate for the Karamojong girl child.

Her life’s mission is clear: to break the chains of poverty and cultural norms that have kept generations of girls out of classrooms and trapped in cycles of early marriage and exploitation.

‘Whenever I see a girl pulled out of school to be married off, I see a wasted future,’ she says.

‘If we can keep them in school, we will transform Karamoja.’

Between two worlds

Akol’s story begins in Lotome Sub-county, Napak District, where she was born as the first child of Joshua William Lokiru Akol, a trailblazer who became the first Karamojong graduate and later served as a Member of Parliament for Moroto North during the Obote II era.

But her childhood straddled two very different worlds. Her father worked in Nairobi as the chief traffic manager for the East African Railways and Harbours, which meant that, for much of her early life, she lived in Nairobi’s relative comfort while her mother remained in Lotome. ‘We grew up in luxury in Nairobi,’ she recalls.

‘We would return home on first-class trains loaded with essentials like sugar, salt, soap, and cooking oil, things our neighbours had never seen.’

Back in Karamoja, the contrast was clear as day. While her family valued education, many around them saw schooling for girls as pointless or even dangerous.

‘At the time, people believed taking a girl to school was like breeding her for prostitution,’ Akol explains.

‘Most girls were married off as soon as they reached adolescence.’

Her father’s own story was a rebellion against such norms. Denied education by his parents, he was hidden for two years at a missionary school before emerging as a pioneer for Karamojong education.

Determined to give his children the opportunities he never had, he enrolled all of them in school. Today, the family boasts eight degrees, five master’s, and two PhDs.

‘My father showed me the power of education,’ Akol says.

‘My mother, though uneducated, supported him through her generosity and strong Christian faith. Together, they shaped my belief that education, especially for girls, is the key to development.’

Forging her own path

Akol’s educational journey reflects both privilege and resilience. She attended Lotome Girls Primary School before joining Tororo Girls School, where she studied from 1984 to 1990.

She later earned a Diploma in Secondary Education from NTC Kaliro and a Bachelor’s in Education from Kyambogo University, where she was part of the institution’s pioneer class.

Her thirst for knowledge didn’t stop there. While raising young twins, she enrolled for a Postgraduate Diploma in Public Administration and Management at Uganda Management Institute (UMI), followed by two master’s degrees, one in Public Administration and Management, and another in Educational Planning and Management from Uganda Christian University.

‘There were days I would leave my children crying to attend evening classes, or stay up late preparing for exams after a full day of work,’ she recalls.

‘It was exhausting, but I knew education was my ticket to making a difference.’ That personal struggle became the foundation of her later advocacy.

‘If I could overcome those challenges, then these girls who face even greater barriers deserve every chance to succeed,’ she says.

Akol began her career as a teacher, drawn to the profession partly because it allowed her to stay close to her children.

‘Teaching was the only ‘breathing profession,’ with weekends and holidays that gave me time for my family,’ she says.

But her leadership potential soon pushed her beyond the classroom. In 2003, she was promoted to District Education Officer (DEO) for Napak.

At the time, the district ranked among the lowest in the country for academic performance.

‘When I took office, we were always at the bottom of the Quality Education Index,’ she recalls. ‘By the time I retired, we had risen to 57th nationally. That was one of my proudest achievements.’

The challenges were immense. Cultural attitudes still prioritised bride wealth over books, leading to rampant early marriages and poor school attendance, especially during the planting and harvesting seasons.

‘In some families, girls were seen purely as a source of wealth through marriage. Convincing parents to keep their daughters in school felt like waging a daily battle,’ Akol says.

Systemic problems compounded the situation. Teachers were poorly paid, and delays in salaries often sparked strikes, further disrupting education in an already fragile region.

Joshua Akol School Support Initiative

Determined to create lasting change, Akol launched the Joshua Akol School Support Initiative (JASSI), named after her father. The programme’s goal is simple but ambitious: to produce food to support boarding schools, giving girls a haven where they can complete their studies without being forced into marriage.

‘Boarding schools are essential for Karamoja,’ she insists. ‘They protect girls from parents who might marry them off and ensure they have consistent meals and study time.’

Through JASSI, she hopes to cultivate 2,000 acres of land to supply food to schools. While the Ministry of Education praised the idea, funding has yet to materialise.

‘The Ministry of Karamoja Affairs told me the budget had already been cleared by the outgoing ministers,’ she says with visible frustration.

‘So for now, we’re relying on well-wishers and local support.’ Despite the setbacks, her dream remains alive. If implemented, JASSI could dramatically increase enrollment, reduce dropout rates, and improve literacy across the region.

Reluctant politician

Akol’s advocacy eventually drew her into the political arena. Inspired by her father’s legacy, she believed that serving as a lawmaker would allow her to influence policy directly. In 2015, she made history as the first woman to contest a constituency seat in her county.

Her bold step was met with fierce resistance.

‘My opponents told voters that women couldn’t lead because they squat to urinate,’ she says bitterly.

‘They even claimed that women on their menstrual cycle weren’t fit to sit in Parliament.’

Tribal divisions further complicated her campaigns. Rival groups exploited tensions between the Bokora and Pian communities, spreading fear that her leadership would disrupt the balance of power.

In her most recent election bid, she says, voters were warned that electing her would bring ‘permanent peace’ that would prevent them from reclaiming stolen cattle, a twisted narrative that cost her crucial support.

‘I have been a serious victim of tribalism,’ she says. ‘Politics here isn’t just about ideas, it’s about manipulating people’s fears.’

After three unsuccessful campaigns, Akol remains philosophical. ‘Politics is a dirty game,’ she says. ‘But my fight was never just about me. It was about giving voice to girls and communities who have been silenced for too long.’

Reinventing herself

After retiring from public service, Akol turned her focus to farming, seeing it as both a personal livelihood and a community development tool.

‘Farming keeps me busy and provides immediate returns, unlike a monthly salary,’ she explains.

On her two-acre model farm, she grows vegetables while planning to expand into commercial agriculture next year. Her goal is to create jobs and generate income to support her education initiatives.

‘Uganda is an agricultural country,’ she says.

‘Through commercial farming, families can educate their children and break free from poverty.’

When asked about her hopes for Karamoja, Akol’s eyes light up. She envisions a region transformed by education, peace, and economic opportunity. ‘In 10 years, I want to see a Karamoja that is peaceful, self-reliant, and united,’ she says.

‘With our mineral wealth and fertile land, this region can become Uganda’s economic basket.’ But she is quick to point out the obstacles: illiteracy, resource exploitation by outsiders, unemployment, and divisions among local leaders.

‘Unity among leaders is the stem of peace-building,’ she says. ‘When leaders are divided, communities suffer.’

Her top policy priority? Boarding schools for all Karamojong children. ‘Without boarding schools, we will keep losing our girls to early marriage,’ she warns. ‘If the government adjusted its policy, we would see a dramatic rise in literacy and economic development.’

Lunch, laughter, legacy

As we finish our meal, Akol shares a lighter side of her life. A typical day begins with writing down her ideas for Karamoja’s future, followed by tending to her garden and reading novels, her favourite pastime.

She draws inspiration from leaders like Nelson Mandela and Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, as well as from Maya Angelou’s book I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings.

When asked how she wants to be remembered, her answer is simple yet profound: ‘I want people to remember me as the woman who dared to contest a constituency seat against men, and as someone who never gave up on the dream of educating Karamoja’s girls.’

She pauses, then adds softly, ‘My legacy will be in the girls who finish school, rise to leadership, and transform this region.’

As the sun dips behind the hills, Akol walks us through her vegetable garden, pointing out rows of green shoots that promise future harvests.

It is a fitting metaphor for her life’s work: planting seeds of hope in a region long defined by hardship. Her journey from a privileged girl in Lotome to a relentless advocate for education is a testament to resilience and vision.

And while the road ahead is fraught with cultural, political, and economic challenges, she remains undeterred.

‘These girls are the future of Karamoja,’ she says, her voice resolute. ‘If we educate them, we will end the cycles of violence and poverty. We will build a Karamoja where every child, especially every girl, can dream and achieve.’

‘Mia eats only bread and tea. This bothers me. She does not enjoy family meals like other children. I feel she is also missing out on a whole lot of nutrients necessary for her growth,’ says Susan, a mother of a 12-year-old. Susan is not alone in this predicament. Some parents who face similar challenges with their children have described picky eating in a variety of ways: not liking a few foods, limited intake of food, resisting texture or appearance of foods, and resistance to new foods.

Parents have also responded to this picky eating by: requiring the child to try the food, making separate meals, and allowing the child not to eat.

Picky eaters consume an inadequate variety of food through rejection of a substantial amount of foodstuffs that are familiar and unfamiliar. What could cause extreme picky eating among children?

Sensory sensitivities: Some children have intense aversions to certain food textures, smells or flavours. Picky eating, as a medical condition, can sometimes be a symptom of underlying medical issues such as anxiety, ADHD, or gastrointestinal problems. In some cases, persistent picky eating can be linked to developmental difficulties. Also, picky eating could be a result of early feeding difficulties, late introduction of lumpy foods at weaning or pressure to eat.

Consequences of picky eating

Limited food choices can result in low intake of essential vitamins, minerals, and fibre, leading to conditions such as scurvy or constipation. Poor growth and weight issues: Children may fail to maintain expected growth curves, leading to poor weight gain, weight loss, or even stunted growth. Delayed development: Significant nutritional deficiencies can impact overall development. Increased health risks: A compromised immune system from lack of vitamins can lead to more frequent infections and respiratory issues.

Social isolation: Fear or anxiety surrounding food can lead individuals to avoid social events such as birthday parties or school mealtimes, impacting their ability to form relationships and participation in group activities. Family stress: The feeding disorder can create distress and difficulties during mealtimes. Anxiety and psychological impact: For some, there is an underlying anxiety related to food, texture, taste, or past traumatic experiences (such as choking or vomiting), leading to heightened stress around eating.

How to deal with picky eaters

Stay calm, it is a developmental stage: Some studies show that from age two to four years, children can be picky in what they eat. This is attributed to nature’s way of protecting them from eating everything they find, so they become picky. Avoid punishing your child to eat. This can create negative association with food, but rather encourage them through positive reinforcement and allow them to make small choices.

Patrick Muhesi, a paediatric nutritionist, says: ‘Avoid becoming a short-order cook and making a completely different meal for your picky eater. Remain neutral and do not force, scold, or punish them for not eating, as this can create a negative association with food.’ Don’t blame the habit on yourself: It has nothing to do with you, especially when their siblings are eating just fine. Doreen says: ‘I used to blame myself due to my son’s picky eating habits. But, then I noticed that his older siblings were not picky, so I decided to work with him to improve his eating than blaming myself.’

Be patient: Research says it takes eight to 15 times to introduce a new food before your child accepts it. Yet, parents typically offer a food three to five times before deciding their child is never going to like it. It can take many exposures before a child accepts a new food. Be a good role model: Eat with your child as often as possible to model good eating habits and show them how you enjoy a variety of foods. Busy as you may be, spare some family time to enjoy meal times with the children.

Be creative: Pair new or disliked foods with a “safe” food you know your child likes. Avoid snacks too close to mealtimes to prevent them from filling up.

Give small portions to start, and then offer more if they finish. Get your child involved in meal planning, grocery shopping, and cooking to increase their comfort and interest in the food. Let your child choose between two different healthy options to give them a sense of control over their meal.

Ask for help: Severe picky eaters may need extra help from professionals. Prior to age 15, children often are not motivated to change. Picky eating is just a developmental stage that most children go through, but if it persists, seek help from a trained paediatrician.