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Segilola Resources Operations Ltd. (SROL), Nigeria’s leading gold mining firm, is pushing for stronger bilateral collaboration between Nigeria and South Africa to unlock Africa’s vast mineral wealth and deepen trade relations between both countries.

Speaking at the Nigerian-South African Chamber of Commerce breakfast forum in Lagos, themed ‘Unlocking Africa’s Hidden Wealth: Mining as a Catalyst for Bilateral Movement,’Austin Menegbo, SROL’s country manager said mining can serve as a critical bridge for cross-border investment and sustainable development across the continent.

The event brought together senior executives, policymakers, and industry leaders from both countries to explore opportunities for shared prosperity through mining and related value chains.

Menegbo, who delivered the keynote address and joined a panel discussion, praised the vision and leadership of Segun Lawson, chief executive officer of Thor Explorations Ltd., SROL’s parent company. Lawson, he said, has been instrumental in positioning Segilola as a model for responsible gold mining in Nigeria’s emerging extractive sector.

‘When communities thrive, investors are protected. When investors are protected, capital flows,’ Menegbo said during the panel session. ‘That is the essence of bilateral investment. Without structures, institutions, and partnerships that sustain operations, growth becomes impossible.’

He outlined SROL’s four-pillar community agenda – gender inclusion and skills training, infrastructure development, capacity-building for local expertise, and long-term empowerment programs – as evidence of the company’s approach to sustainable mining.

The firm’s initiatives, he added, are designed to ensure host communities benefit from mining activities beyond resource extraction, creating an environment that supports both social progress and investor confidence.

SROL’s model, observers at the forum noted, offers a template for how responsible mining can catalyze broader economic cooperation between Nigeria and South Africa, Africa’s two largest economies.

By aligning investment with community wellbeing, SROL aims to demonstrate that mining can be a driver of inclusive growth and a foundation for deeper regional partnerships.

In a historic transition at Nigeria’s top electoral body, May Agbamuche-Mbu has become the first woman to chair the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) – even if only in an acting capacity.

Her appointment follows the handover by Mahmood Yakubu, who stepped aside on Tuesday after nearly a decade at the position. The announcement, made during a meeting with Resident Electoral Commissioners in Abuja, marked the end of an era defined by digital reforms, institutional restructuring, and major electoral milestones.

Citing Section 306 of the 1999 Constitution, Yakubu said his decision was to ensure a smooth transition as INEC prepares for another busy election cycle. By consensus of the National Commissioners, Agbamuche-Mbu – the commission’s most senior member – was chosen to act as chairman pending the confirmation of a substantive head.

Announcing the transition, Yakubu said: ‘I have today handed over to Mrs. May Agbamuche-Mbu, who will serve as Acting Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission until a substantive replacement is appointed.’

He also urged INEC management staff and commissioners to extend their full cooperation and support to Agbamuche-Mbu as she takes charge of the Commission’s affairs.

Born in Kano but originally from Delta State, Agbamuche-Mbu’s upbringing in northern Nigeria gave her a broad national outlook and a deep appreciation for the country’s diversity. Her early life reflects a blend of northern and southern influences.

She attended St. Louis Secondary School, Kano, before proceeding to the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), where she obtained her Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree in 1984. She was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1985, and later qualified as a Solicitor of the Supreme Court of England and Wales after completing studies at the College of Law, London.

Agbamuche-Mbu further earned a Master’s degree in Commercial and Corporate Law from Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London, alongside postgraduate qualifications in International Dispute Resolution and International Business Law.

Before joining INEC, Agbamuche-Mbu built a distinguished career as Managing Partner at Norfolk Partners, a Lagos-based commercial law firm providing legal advisory services to clients in energy, finance, and corporate sectors. Her sharp intellect and reputation for integrity made her a trusted voice in both private and public circles.

Her first major role in public service came in 2010 when she was appointed the sole solicitor on the Presidential Projects Assessment Committee (PPAC) – a federal task force that audited incomplete public projects nationwide. In 2016, she served on the Ministerial Committee that drafted the Road Map for the Solid Minerals Sector, contributing to policy reforms aimed at diversifying Nigeria’s economy.

Alongside her legal practice, Agbamuche-Mbu carved a name for herself in legal journalism. As Editor of THISDAY LAWYER, the legal supplement of THISDAY newspaper, she wrote more than 120 editions of her column Legal Eagle between 2014 and 2016. Her incisive commentaries – often tackling issues of governance, justice, and institutional reform – influenced public discourse and earned her respect within the legal community.

Her writing reflected her belief that democracy and justice thrive only when laws are transparent and accessible to citizens. It also established her as a measured yet courageous voice for reform – a quality that would later define her role within INEC.

Since her appointment as National Commissioner in 2016, Agbamuche-Mbu has played a central role in the commission’s legal and administrative evolution. She has contributed to policy development, institutional strengthening, and the modernisation of electoral processes through technology.

Agbamuche-Mbu is also a member of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (UK), Nigeria Branch, where she once served as Secretary. Her expertise in arbitration and mediation highlights her commitment to fairness and constructive dialogue.

Beyond the public eye, Agbamuche-Mbu is married to Patrick Mbu, and together they share a quiet family life.

As she assumes the leadership of INEC, even if temporarily, Agbamuche-Mbu brings with her more than 30 years of experience and a steady record of professionalism. Her appointment represents a symbolic milestone for women in public service.

British microcomputers and other foreign-made components have been found in Russian missiles and drones used in recent deadly strikes on Ukraine, President Volodymyr Zelensky has claimed, renewing calls for tougher international sanctions on Moscow.

In a post on social media on Monday, Zelensky said investigators identified parts from allied countries – including the United Kingdom, United States, Germany, Japan, and South Korea – in weapons fired during Sunday’s massive assault, which killed several civilians in western Ukraine.

‘Nearly 100,688 foreign-made parts were in the launched attack drones, about 1,500 in Iskanders, 192 in Kinzhal missiles, and 405 in Kalibrs,’ he said. ‘Microcomputers for drone flight control are produced in the United Kingdom.’

The Ukrainian president described the discovery as evidence that Russia continues to access Western technology despite two years of sweeping trade restrictions and export bans. He urged allies to ‘shut down every scheme that circumvents sanctions’, warning that companies and countries that allow loopholes to persist were indirectly enabling Moscow’s war machine.

Ukraine has shared detailed information on each identified company and product with its partners, Zelensky added.

British and American components identified

According to Zelensky, US companies supply converters for Russia’s Kh-101 cruise missiles and Shahed-type drones, sensors for unmanned aerial vehicles, and microelectronics used in missiles. British firms, he said, have been linked to the production of microcomputers used to guide drones.

The revelation is significant given the leading role both Washington and London have played in supporting Ukraine’s defence effort, providing weapons, intelligence, and billions in financial aid since the start of the full-scale invasion in February 2022.

The United Kingdom’s Department for Business and Trade (DBT) said it was taking the allegations ‘incredibly seriously’, stressing that it had already banned the export of thousands of goods to Russia, including all items that Ukraine had flagged as being used on the battlefield.

‘We take reports of goods from UK companies being found in Russian weaponry incredibly seriously,’ a government spokesperson said. ‘Any person or firm that does not comply with sanctions could face large financial penalties or criminal prosecution.’

More than £20bn ($26.9bn) of UK trade with Russia is now under sanction, the department said.

Despite some of the harshest sanctions in modern history, Russia has managed to maintain and even expand parts of its military production, often through complex supply chains and third-party intermediaries in countries not participating in Western sanctions.

Russia has become the most-sanctioned nation in the world, yet it has avoided economic collapse by redirecting trade, boosting defence spending, and finding new buyers for its energy exports – particularly in China and India.

However, signs of strain are emerging. In June, Russia’s Minister for Economic Development, Maxim Reshetnikov, admitted the economy was ‘on the brink of recession’, amid slowing industrial output and a mounting fiscal burden.

Tensions have also been rising over reports of closer cooperation between Moscow and Beijing. Ukrainian intelligence official Oleh Alexandrov claimed over the weekend that China has been helping Russia identify targets in Ukraine using satellite reconnaissance.

He said Kyiv had evidence of ‘a high level of cooperation’ in mapping Ukrainian territory for strikes – an allegation the Kremlin has denied. Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Russia has its ‘own space capabilities’ and does not rely on Chinese satellites.

Zelensky’s statement came as several European countries reported a surge in suspicious drone activity over military installations and civilian airports. Some governments have accused Russia of testing NATO’s air defences – a charge Moscow has dismissed as ‘baseless’.

Four members of one family, including a 15-year-old girl, were among those killed in Sunday’s strikes, which saw more than 500 missiles and drones launched overnight, mainly targeting the Lviv region in western Ukraine.

Lagos, Nigeria – October 7, 2025 – Xiaomi, a global technology leader committed to delivering innovation for everyone, officially launched its latest smartphones, the Xiaomi 15T and the REDMI 15, at an exciting media event in Lagos. The highly anticipated launch marks another major step in Xiaomi’s journey to make cutting-edge technology accessible to Nigerian consumers, offering a powerful flagship device alongside an everyday companion designed to meet the real needs of the Nigerian market.

A Flagship Device for Trailblazers: The Xiaomi 15T

At the heart of the launch was the Xiaomi 15T, Xiaomi’s flagship innovation device. Crafted for users who demand the very best in design, performance, and photography, the Xiaomi 15T embodies Xiaomi’s philosophy of blending top-tier technology with user-centric experiences.

The Xiaomi 15T comes in three elegant colors-Black, Gray, and Rose Gold-and is available in one premium variant: 12GB RAM + 512GB storage. Priced at ?715,800, it sets a new benchmark for flagship smartphones in Nigeria.

Key Features of the Xiaomi 15T:

Leica Summilux Optical Lens – Developed in collaboration with Leica, the camera system delivers professional-grade photography, from vivid portraits to stunning low-light shots. Nigerians who love capturing everyday moments, from weddings to street life, will appreciate the depth and clarity the Xiaomi 15T offers.

MediaTek Dimensity 8400-Ultra Processor – Engineered for speed and efficiency, this processor ensures smooth multitasking, gaming, and streaming. Whether it’s handling heavy work tasks or entertainment, performance is seamless.

6.83′ 120Hz Eye-care Display – With a large, vibrant screen and eye-care technology, the display provides an immersive viewing experience while reducing eye strain, making it ideal for long hours of use.

Massive 5500mAh Battery + 67W HyperCharge – Battery life is a top priority for Nigerian users, and Xiaomi delivers with a long-lasting 5500mAh battery. Paired with 67W fast charging, users can power up quickly and stay connected all day.

Xiaomi HyperOS – Built on Xiaomi’s latest software innovation, HyperOS provides an intuitive and fast user experience, ensuring the device feels smart, fluid, and efficient.

The Xiaomi 15T is designed for professionals, creators, and power users who want a phone that goes beyond expectations. It is not just a device-it’s a lifestyle companion that brings creativity and productivity to the forefront.

Everyday Power for Everyone: The REDMI 15

Complementing the flagship Xiaomi 15T is the REDMI 15, a device crafted for everyday users who value practicality, long-lasting power, and immersive entertainment. The REDMI 15 underscores Xiaomi’s mission to make high-quality technology accessible to everyone.

The device is available in Midnight Black, Titan Gray, and Sandy Purple, giving users a mix of classic and trendy styles. Consumers can choose between two storage variants: 6GB+128GB priced at ?186,400 and 8GB+256GB priced at ?212,900.

Key Features of the REDMI 15:

Massive 7000mAh Battery – One of the largest batteries in its class, the REDMI 15 ensures days of usage on a single charge. This is especially valuable in Nigeria, where power availability can be a challenge.

6.9′ Immersive FHD+ Display – A big screen for big entertainment. From watching movies to online classes, the large display creates a rich, engaging experience.

Snapdragon 685 Processor – A reliable and efficient chipset that powers smooth everyday performance, supporting both work and play without compromise.

33W Fast Charging – Despite its huge battery, the device recharges quickly, giving users more time to enjoy and less time waiting by the socket.

50MP AI Dual Camera System – With a 50MP primary camera and AI enhancements, the REDMI 15 makes it easy for anyone to capture crisp, detailed photos, whether it’s for social media or personal memories.

The REDMI 15 is built for students, families, and everyday consumers who want dependability and value. It proves that powerful features don’t have to come with a flagship price tag.

Strengthening Xiaomi’s Commitment to Nigeria

Speaking at the event, Xiaomi Nigeria’s Country Manager, Xingyu, emphasized the importance of the Nigerian market in Xiaomi’s global strategy:

‘Nigeria is one of the most vibrant smartphone markets in Africa. With the Xiaomi 15T, we are bringing world-class innovation, and with the REDMI 15, we are delivering power and reliability at an affordable price. Together, they represent Xiaomi’s vision to serve every type of user.’

Xiaomi’s distributor partners, Finet and Raya Nigeria, also highlighted their commitment to ensuring wide availability, strong retail presence, and reliable after-sales support for Xiaomi customers nationwide.

A Launch That Bridges Innovation and Accessibility

The Xiaomi 15T and REDMI 15 launch event was not just about unveiling two new devices; it was about showcasing Xiaomi’s dual strategy in Nigeria-offering premium flagship experiences while also meeting the everyday needs of millions of consumers.

With the Xiaomi 15T, users get an unrivaled flagship smartphone packed with Leica camera technology, a powerful processor, and HyperOS-driven experiences. With the REDMI 15, consumers enjoy massive battery life, a large immersive display, and reliable performance at prices that make sense for the Nigerian market.

Availability and Where to Buy?

The Xiaomi 15T and REDMI 15 are now available in Nigeria through all authorized Xiaomi stores, including Finet, Raya, 3C Hub, Slot, and more.

Xiaomi 15T (12GB + 512GB) – ?715,800

REDMI 15 (6GB + 128GB)- ?186,600

REDMI 15 (8GB + 256GB) – ?212,900

Prefer online shopping? Visit Jumia.com to purchase your favorite Xiaomi products with just a few clicks! Stay tuned for more exciting updates and promotions by following Xiaomi Nigeria on Facebook, Instagram, X, and TikTok.

Every cycle in cryptocurrency shows the same pattern: a few steps in early, and the rest arrive after the story is already written. By the time most people hear about the project that breaks out, the real opportunity has passed. Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) is now standing at that quiet stage where only a handful are paying attention. It combines advanced privacy, scalability, and real-world application in one network, but it hasn’t yet reached the point of mainstream exposure. The whitelist opening soon gives presale access at an entry stage without requiring technical knowledge. Later, more people will talk about it-but only a few will have bought in early.

Why Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) Matters Early

History has shown that most blockchain projects follow a predictable curve. Ethereum, Solana, and others had periods when their potential was barely noticed before scaling into massive ecosystems. Those who joined during the earliest phases had access that the broader public never had. That same pattern could be repeated, and this time Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) is the project at the center.

Here’s why it matters now:

Privacy-first foundation: Unlike most chains, it integrates privacy at the base layer, not as an add-on.

Composability: It allows decentralized applications to be built with both transparency and privacy depending on user needs.

Confidential DeFi: Transactions and balances remain hidden while still being valid and verifiable.

Scalable structure: zk-Rollups and recursive proofs make high throughput possible without bottlenecks.

The whitelist soon opening gives entry at a presale-only stage. The key difference here is that you don’t need to be a developer or early insider to participate-this time, the door is wider.

Comparing to Past Hidden Stages

Looking back, the most successful networks often had ‘hidden stages.’ For example, Ethereum’s initial token distribution was accessible to anyone who understood the potential, but few took part. Similarly, Solana offered entry at a time when almost no one outside of small developer groups knew what was coming. Later, these became household names.

Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) appears to be at a similar stage. It offers a complete Layer 1 blockchain that merges privacy and scalability-two problems most chains tried to solve separately. Unlike networks that patched solutions later, ZKP integrates privacy and scaling from the ground up.

This approach matters because it sets the project apart from platforms that may be strong in performance but weak in privacy, or vice versa. The whitelist that will open soon could be one of those rare points in time where the door is open for early access. For many, this will later look like the ‘before it was popular’ moment.

What Sets Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) Apart

At the core, Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) isn’t only about private transactions. It’s a full ecosystem designed for real-world use. Some of the highlights include:

Layer 1 architecture: Full support for smart contracts and decentralized applications.

Shielded contracts: Applications can process logic without exposing private inputs.

Parallel computation: The system can verify multiple proofs at the same time, improving performance.

Cross-chain interoperability: Bridges with Ethereum, Solana, and others are planned to extend usability.

What separates ZKP from chains that focus on one feature is the combination of privacy, scalability, and composability. It’s not just another blockchain with a single use case; it’s built for developers, enterprises, and everyday users who need privacy without complexity.

When thinking about the top cryptocurrency to invest in, most people look for coins with both technical strength and wide applicability. ZKP lines up both, and with presale access through the whitelist coming soon, it may give early participants the advantage usually reserved for insiders.

Accessibility for Non-Technical Early Joiners

A common barrier in blockchain’s early days was technical complexity. Mining Bitcoin, running nodes, or coding smart contracts was often required for true early participation. That’s no longer the case here. The whitelist for Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) is designed simply for presale access, not for operating infrastructure or building applications.

This makes early entry less intimidating:

No coding required: Participation doesn’t demand developer-level skills.

Simple access point: The whitelist, once opened, will provide a structured process for presale participation.

Positioning advantage: Buying before mainstream attention allows for entry at a different point than the crowd.

For those looking for the top cryptocurrency to invest in, ease of early access is a major advantage. Not everyone can dedicate time to technical setup or deep research. With ZKP, the pathway is open enough that non-technical users can secure their early position without barriers. That is a rarity in blockchain timelines.

Final Take

Most people will hear about Zero Knowledge Proof (ZKP) when its ecosystem is fully launched and adoption begins scaling. At that point, discussions will fill forums, and media coverage will spotlight its privacy-first approach. But those moments will arrive after the whitelist stage has closed and presale access is history. The difference between being early and being late is often the difference between watching from the outside and being part of the story. The whitelist is not yet open, but when it does, it will give rare entry access without technical hurdles. Later, many will talk about ZKP-but only a few will have bought in early.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has announced May Agbamuche-Mbu as its acting chairman following the completion of Mahmood Yakubu’s tenure, marking a new phase in the leadership of Nigeria’s electoral body.

Agbamuche-Mbu, who is from Delta State and the South-South geopolitical zone, is the most senior National Commissioner in the Commission, according to information posted on the commission’s website.

Her elevation follows INEC’s internal succession procedure, which mandates the most senior Commissioner to assume leadership in an acting capacity pending the appointment of a substantive Chairman.

A legal practitioner with more than 30 years of professional experience, Agbamuche-Mbu is widely regarded as a thorough administrator and reform advocate.

Born in Kano State Agbamuche-Mbu began her early education at St. Louis Secondary School before earning a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) degree from the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) in 1984. She was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1985.

She later advanced her studies abroad, qualifying as a Solicitor of the Supreme Court of England and Wales at the College of Law, London, and earning an LL.M. in Commercial and Corporate Law from Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London. She also holds postgraduate degrees in International Dispute Resolution and International Business Law.

A member of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (UK), Nigeria Branch, Agbamuche-Mbu once served as its Secretary and is recognised as an expert in Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). She has served in several national capacities, including as the sole solicitor on the Presidential Projects Assessment Committee (PPAC) from 2010 to 2011, where she was involved in assessing key infrastructure projects across the country.

She was also a member of the 2016 Ministerial Committee that developed the Road Map for the Solid Minerals Sector.

Before her appointment in INEC in 2016, Agbamuche-Mbu was the Managing Partner of Norfolk Partners, a Lagos-based law firm. She also made notable contributions to legal journalism as the Editor of THISDAY Lawyer, where she authored the widely followed column ‘Legal Eagle,’ publishing more than 120 thought-provoking editorials between 2014 and 2016.

Known for her integrity and commitment to institutional reform, Agbamuche-Mbu has been described by colleagues as a stabilising figure within the Commission.

Her appointment has been met with calm acceptance among staff and stakeholders. A senior official at the INEC Headquarters in Abuja said the handover was ‘expected,’ adding that ‘Mrs. Agbamuche-Mbu has the experience and temperament to ensure continuity and stability at this crucial time.’

With her assumption of duty, attention now shifts to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who is expected to appoint a substantive Chairman to steer INEC’s affairs ahead of upcoming electoral activities.

President Bola Tinubu has accepted departure of Mahmood Yakubu as Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) following the expiration of his second term in Office.

Yakubu, appointed in November 2015 as the 14th Chairman of the Commission, served two consecutive terms after his reappointment in 2020. His tenure formally ended in accordance with Constitutional provisions.

In a statement issued by Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, President Tinubu expressed appreciation for Yakubu’s service and his contributions to strengthening Nigeria’s democratic process through the conduct of credible elections during his decade-long leadership.

As a mark of honour, the president conferred on Yakubu the national honour of Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON) for his ‘dedicated service to the nation.’

President Tinubu, however, directed Yakubu to hand over the affairs of the Commission to the most senior National Commissioner, May Agbamuche-Mbu, who would serve in an acting capacity pending the appointment of a substantive Chairman.

In a letter dated October 3, 2025, Yakubu expressed gratitude to President Tinubu for the opportunity to serve Nigeria since 2015.

Earlier at a meeting with RECs Commissioners, Yakubu Mahmood, had handed over to the most senior National Commissioner, May Agbamuche-Mbu in accordance with the directive of President Bola Tinubu.

Meanwhile, the President has met behind closed doors with Godswill Akpabio, Senate President and Gorge Akume, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, as part of the consultation ahead of Thursday’s National Council of State meeting where a new Chairman is expected to emerge

Recall that the President had on Monday summoned the Council of State meeting, made up of past Presidents and Heads of States.

He is also expected to meet with the members of the Police Council, immediately after the Council of State meeting

Nigeria’s Medium-Term National Development Plan (MTNDP) 2021-2025 was conceived by the Buhari administration as a bridge between short-term crisis management and the long horizon of Agenda 2050. It promised to deliver faster and more inclusive growth, diversify the economy beyond oil, strengthen infrastructure and human capital, and reduce poverty through employment and social protection. Its ambitions were bold, almost utopian: 21 million full-time jobs created, 35 million people lifted out of poverty, and GDP growth rates consistently above five percent. With the plan now lapsing, two questions are unavoidable: how much of this has been achieved, and how well do its priorities align with President Tinubu’s ‘Renewed Hope’ agenda? In fact, there’s an even more fundamental quagmire as to the usefulness of designing plans that outlast the tenure of the government that births them.

The intent of the MTNDP was clear. It was designed not as a wish list but as a framework to align annual national budgets and state governments’ development priorities around a shared vision. Its pillars-economic stability and diversification, industrialisation via infrastructure and energy, human capital development, governance and security, and poverty reduction-were intended to discipline government action and reassure investors that Nigeria was pursuing a coherent direction. Yet its implementation quickly collided with familiar obstacles: weak revenue mobilisation, ballooning debt service, FX dysfunction and perennial fuel subsidies. Furthermore, delivery capacity was constrained by poor coordination between federal and state governments.

As a result, the MTNDP underperformed. Growth was volatile, investment remained cautious, unemployment and underemployment were sticky, and poverty indicators showed little movement. Nigeria struggled to translate policy pronouncements into outcomes that citizens could feel. The plan’s lofty social promises-to lift tens of millions out of poverty-remained more on paper than on the ground.

Yet the final years of the plan coincided with a sharp turn. Within months of assuming office, the Tinubu administration removed the fuel subsidy, began unifying exchange rates, tightened monetary policy, and launched revenue and energy-sector reforms. These politically costly measures addressed structural imbalances that had long crippled investment and productivity. The economy responded: non-oil activity strengthened, investor sentiment improved, and output indicators in 2024 and 2025 signalled a fragile but real rebound. Oil and gas, a sector central to both fiscal and external balance, saw renewed momentum through the implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act, a clearer investment climate, and new drilling projects that lifted production after years of decline. Theft and vandalism were still concerns, but the direction was more hopeful than the stagnation of the preceding decade.

The cost of these reforms, however, was borne by ordinary Nigerians. Inflation soared, food prices climbed relentlessly, and real wages fell. For many households, the macroeconomic reset meant immediate pain rather than promised prosperity. While the plan’s final years showed stronger macro indicators, the lived reality was harsher. Progress was visible in charts and reports, but less so in markets and kitchens.

This tension between reform progress and social outcomes underscores both the strengths and the limits of the MTNDP. On one hand, it provided a framework whose priorities proved coherent with Tinubu’s Renewed Hope agenda. Actually, the overlap is quite striking. Tinubu’s eight priority areas-macroeconomic stability, job creation, infrastructure and power, agriculture and food security, oil and gas reform, security, social investment, and governance-mirror the MTNDP’s pillars almost exactly. The distinction lies not in the ‘what’ but in the ‘how’ and ‘when’. Tinubu chose to front-load politically risky adjustments, betting that painful short-term corrections would lead to longer-term growth. The plan, for its part, assumed a more gradual trajectory, perhaps too cautious given the scale of Nigeria’s imbalances.

Coherence matters only when it translates into execution. For plans to deliver, four gears must mesh: a realistic macroeconomic framework, a pipeline of bankable projects, institutions capable of coordinating implementation, and a monitoring regime that rewards delivery and penalises drift. The Tinubu administration has strengthened the first gear-returning to macroeconomic realism-though not without hardship. It is now pushing on the second and third through new PPP frameworks, InfraCorp’s mobilisation of capital, and performance compacts for ministries. The fourth-transparent monitoring-remains underdeveloped; yet without it, Nigeria risks repeating the cycle of plans that sound impressive but fail in practice.

Sceptics ask whether there is any point in drafting plans that extend beyond the political life of their authors. In a country where electoral cycles are four years, revenues are volatile, and political discontinuity is common, long-term planning can appear futile. Yet to dismiss medium-term frameworks would be to compound Nigeria’s volatility. The MTNDP’s most valuable contribution has been to provide the scaffolding for continuity. It linked budgets and the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework to a broader long-run vision. It offered investors and state governments a reference point beyond electoral rhetoric. Most importantly, it allowed the incoming Tinubu administration to adapt priorities rather than discard them entirely, thereby preserving coherence across political cycles.

Still, the MTNDP’s shortcomings highlight just how future plans must be redesigned. Forecasts must be conservative, not aspirational, with buffers for oil price swings and security shocks. Structural reforms in power, taxation, and competition policy should be legislated, not left to administrative discretion, so that reversals carry explicit political costs. States and local governments, which deliver most social services, must be treated as co-owners of national plans, incentivised with results-based financing and matching grants. Transparency must become routine, with project pipelines published and tracked quarterly. And cushioning for the poor must be credible, transparent, and time-bound-otherwise the politics of hardship will undermine the economics of reform.

For Nigeria’s business community, the real question is whether a durable policy spine is finally taking shape. The signs are encouraging: macro stabilisation is underway, the oil sector is regaining investor confidence, the infrastructure pipeline is thickening, and the presidency has begun tying ministries to performance. At the same time, headwinds remain formidable: high inflation, insecurity, weak administrative capacity, and fragile household incomes. The opportunities lie in sectors where reform and demand intersect-distributed power, agribusiness value chains, logistics and port services, digital infrastructure, and value-added processing. For investors, the next decade may finally offer an environment where medium-term plans provide real signals rather than empty promises.

So, was the MTNDP 2021-2025 worth the effort? Yes, if judged as institutional infrastructure rather than a miracle blueprint. It offered continuity across administrations, provided justification for difficult reforms, and created a shared vocabulary around diversification, infrastructure, and human capital. However, it failed on the grandest promises-poverty reduction and mass job creation-because reforms take time, fiscal space was limited, and execution was weak. But the proof of its worth is precisely that its framework has survived political transition and shaped the agenda of its successor.

Nigeria does not need a new economic doctrine every four years. It needs fewer U-turns, longer horizons, and disciplined execution. The MTNDP nudged the country in that direction. The task for the Tinubu administration is to lock in that discipline, hardwire reforms into laws and institutions, and sustain the momentum long enough for Nigerians to experience the gains not as mere policy documents, but as tangible improvements in daily life.

Momoh Oyarakhua, the chairman of the Crude Oil Refiners Association of Nigeria (CORAN), has reaffirmed the association’s commitment to transforming Nigeria into a major exporter of refined petroleum products, positioning the country as a key driver of energy security and economic growth across Africa.

Speaking at the second annual CORAN event in Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos , Oyarekhua emphasised that local refining is central to achieving sustainable energy independence for the continent.

‘We want to ensure that Nigeria actually becomes an exporter of petroleum products to other parts of the world. We have started the journey already, and despite challenges, our focus remains clear, Nigeria must become an exporter of refined petroleum products,’ he declared.

Oyarekhua described energy security as more than just the ability to power homes or drive vehicles, calling it a fundamental right for every African.

‘Energy security is about sustainability, versatility, and the right of every African to access energy when and how they need it,’ he said.

The CORAN chairman noted the paradox of Africa producing over seven million barrels of crude oil daily while still importing a large share of refined products such as petrol, diesel, and aviation fuel. He lamented that every imported litre represents lost foreign exchange, missed job opportunities, and technological stagnation.

Oyarekhua painted a picture of a self-sufficient continent where crude oil from the Niger Delta, the Gulf of Guinea, and the Rift Valley is refined within Africa. Such an ecosystem, he argued, would create skilled jobs, stabilize fuel prices, and strengthen African economies against global market disruptions.

‘Imagine an Africa where our crude is refined at home, creating jobs from engineering to logistics, ensuring stable energy prices, and empowering industries. That is the Africa we can build – and Nigeria must lead the way,’ he stated.

He highlighted that Nigeria currently boasts the highest refining capacity in Africa, citing the growth of private modular refineries across the Niger Delta and the emergence of mega facilities such as the Dangote Refinery and other modular plants. These developments, according to him, show that ‘momentum is building’ in the quest for self-reliance.

However, Oyarekhua cautioned that progress remains slow and several challenges persist – notably inadequate financing, inconsistent regulations, poor infrastructure, and unreliable crude oil supply to domestic refineries.

‘Without a consistent flow of feedstock, even the best-designed refinery will stand idle. Energy security begins not just at the refinery gate but at the wellhead,’ he stressed.

He called for consistent policy support, reliable crude supply, and competitive operating conditions to make Nigeria’s refining sector globally competitive. He also underscored the importance of regional cooperation through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which could help harmonize standards, encourage investment, and create an integrated African refining market.

Oyarekhua further emphasized that refining more crude oil locally would not only ensure steady fuel supply but also catalyze industrialization, generate jobs, and retain economic value within the continent.

‘Every refinery project stimulates growth – from construction to operations and supply chains. It drives demand for skilled labour, boosts research and innovation, and supports local industries like petrochemicals, fertilizers, and plastics,’ he explained.

Concluding his address, the CORAN chairman urged all stakeholders, government, private investors, and regional partners, to take collective action to realize Africa’s refining potential.

‘Let us refine not only our oil but also our policies, skills, and shared future. Energy security is the foundation of every other form of security. By refining at home, we strengthen our economies, create jobs, and protect our sovereignty,’ Oyarekhua affirmed.

He commended policymakers, investors, and engineers who have championed refinery development across the country, saying their dedication is lighting the path toward a self-sufficient energy future for Nigeria and Africa.

Anibor Kragha, the executive secretary of the African Refiners and Distributors Association (ARDA), Anibor Kragha, has said that Africa will need at least six more refineries of the scale of the Dangote Refinery to meet the continent’s rapidly growing energy demands and ensure energy security.

Speaking at a Crude Oil Refinery-Owners Association of Nigeria (CORAN) event on Tuesday, Kragha emphasised that while Africa’s upstream oil production is expanding, investment in downstream refining capacity has lagged far behind – a gap that could threaten the continent’s energy independence in the coming decades.

‘The Dangote Refinery is a major step forward for Africa, but it is not enough,’ Kragha said. ‘To meet projected demand growth of 45-55% by 2040, Africa will require at least six more refineries of similar scale, alongside stronger storage and distribution infrastructure.’

Kragha highlighted that Africa currently consumes about 5.3 million barrels of petroleum products daily, yet the continent imports up to 60 percent of that volume, due to insufficient refining capacity.

While major oil discoveries are being made in countries such as Namibia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, he warned that ‘you can’t have energy security if your downstream investments don’t match upstream growth.’

He noted that with Africa’s population expected to double by 2050 – when one in four people in the world will be African – the need for domestic energy production and refining is urgent. Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Egypt alone are projected to be among the world’s top ten most populous nations by mid-century.

Beyond refining, Kragha called for greater focus on petrochemicals, cleaner transport and cooking fuels, and sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) – all of which he described as key to Africa’s industrial and environmental future.

‘Refining is essential, but true value addition lies in petrochemicals,’ he said. ‘Africa spends over $2 billion annually importing petrochemical products that we could produce locally. Every item – even your nail polish – is petrochemical-based.’

Kragha also underscored the continent’s weak energy infrastructure, revealing that Africa’s total pipeline network is just 8,150 kilometers, barely exceeding the U.S. Colonial Pipeline’s 7,000 km stretch from Georgia to New York – yet the U.S. system moves more product than all of Africa combined.

To attract more investment, ARDA is urging African governments to implement stable, long-term regulatory policiesthat extend beyond election cycles, as well as mechanisms to de-risk energy investments. He also encouraged regional collaboration to create economies of scale and integrated energy markets.

Kragha further warned that Africa’s limited fuel storage capacity makes it vulnerable to supply disruptions. ‘A few months ago, I wrote that if Africa stopped importing fuel for just 30 days, many countries would face severe shortages,’ he said.

Kragha reaffirmed ARDA’s commitment to championing investments across Africa’s entire energy value chain – from refining to distribution, storage, and cleaner fuel technologies.

‘Energy security is non-negotiable,’ he said. ‘If we want to make Africa great again, we must build, refine, and power Africa with African energy.’