Asianet Pakistan Private Limited

Lanka Ventures PLC and LVL Energy Fund PLC have announced the appointment of Sanjay Wijemanne to their Boards as a Non-Independent Non-Executive Director.

Wijemanne is the Chief Operating Officer at Hatton National Bank PLC and manages the areas of Wholesale Banking, SME/Microfinance, Retail Banking, Islamic Banking, Trade, Transaction Banking, Network, Channel Management, Custody, Client Service and Digital Banking.

He holds a BSc in Business and Finance from Mount Saint Mary’s University, USA.

He is also a Director at HNB Stockbrokers Ltd., HNB Investment Bank Ltd, HNB General Insurance and Fintech Forum (Guarantee) Ltd and former Director of Lank Clear Ltd.

He commenced his banking career as a Management Trainee/Executive at HNB in 1996 where he covered areas of Branch Banking and Corporate Banking. Thereafter in 2000 he joined HSBC where he held different positions such as Vice President – Custody and Clearing, Head of Sales, Head of Branches including Premier Banking, Branch Manager – Kollupitiya Branch/Manager Premier Centre.

He then joined Standard Chartered Bank in 2007 and held positions of Head of Retail Banking, General Manager – Premium Banking Branch Sales and Services and General Manager – Wealth Management Value Centre.

He represented Sri Lanka in Tennis. He was a member of the Sri Lanka Davis Cup team from 1989 to 1995 captained the team in 2002. Wijemanne represented Sri Lanka at the SAF games in Colombo and India and won two Bronze medals.

Exide has partnered with two of the country’s much-awaited motorsports events of 2025, the renowned Rotherham Katukurunda Circuit Meet and Gajaba Supercross 2025. Organised by the Sri Lanka Autosport Drivers’ Association (SLADA) in collaboration with the Sri Lanka Air Force, the much-awaited event took place at the Katukurunda Air Force Airstrip on 17 August. The meet saw fierce competition, as riders and drivers vied for victory across eight motorbike and fourteen car events.

The action continued with the 24th edition of the Gajaba Supercross, organised by the Gajaba Regiment of the Sri Lanka Army in collaboration with SLADA. This annual event took place on 31 August, at the Gajaba Regimental Gravel Racing Track in Saliyapura, Anuradhapura, with the race drawing over 200 competitors across 24 exhilarating categories.

Exide Racing Co-Brand Ambassador and Champion Driver Ashan Silva delivered an exceptional performance by winning the SLGT-3500 cc main events and earning the coveted Best Driver title on both occasions. His double win reinforced his standing as one of Sri Lanka’s finest motorsport talents.

Adding to the impressive achievements, Exide Co-Brand Ambassador and motocross champion Jacques Gunawardena claimed victory in the Group MX – Bikes, 100cc-125cc (2T) and 175cc – 250cc (4T) categories at Gajaba Supercross 2025, where he was crowned Best Rider of the meet.

RoadX Radial Tires, ranked as the 10th largest tyre manufacturer globally and marketed in Sri Lanka by Browns, powered RoadX Racing Co-Brand Ambassador Anuradha Amarasinghe, a rising competitor in the SL-N 1500cc event. Showcasing precision, grip, and control trusted in over 180 countries worldwide, RoadX Radial Tires drove Anuradha to a first runner-up finish at the Rotherham Katukurunda Circuit Meet 2025, securing a well-deserved podium, while also clinching first place at the Gajaba Supercross 2025.

Brown and Company Cluster Chief Operating Officer – Automotive and Hardware Ajith de Silva said: ‘As one of the most anticipated events in the Sri Lankan racing calendar, we are proud to be associated with these prestigious races. Exide and RoadX are trusted brands synonymous with power, both on the racetrack and the road. These partnerships are not about sponsorship, it’s about advancing motorsports in Sri Lanka. We look forward to building more of these relationships in the years to come.’

Through its continued support of national racing events, Exide reaffirms its commitment to motorsports and its role in elevating Sri Lanka’s racing industry. By backing renowned races such as the Rotherham Katukurunda Circuit Meet and Gajaba Supercross, Exide helps set new standards, inspire young talent and enhance the nation’s motorsport profile. With a proud 150-year legacy of the Browns Group and 101 years of Exide in Sri Lanka, Browns Exide remains dedicated to delivering value to all stakeholders, and looks forward to driving many more exciting initiatives in the future.

Aruni Shapiro, sociologist cum advocate for liberty, has published her 10th book introducing Adam Smith to Sri Lanka’s Sinhala readers under the title ‘Adam Smith and the Wealth of Nations’.1 Her previous books have been on diverse themes like guide to mental health, translation of fictions, translation of rare but valuable books on economics, and biographies. In 2015, as I have explained in a previous article2, she published the writings of the French economist and statesman in the early 19th century, Frederic Bastiat under the title Libertarian Economics. This was the first attempt to introduce Bastiat to Sri Lankan readers. All the copies numbering about 2000 were distributed freely to interested readers by the publisher, Sri Lanka Frederic Bastiat Society, of which Shapiro was one of the patrons. That shows the extent of her dedication for promoting sound and advanced economic literacy among the fellow Sri Lankans.

Writings by Adam Smith

Two publications by the Scottish economist Adam Smith in the latter half of the 18th century have been responsible for carving out its own subject matter now we know as economics. One is The Theory of Moral Sentiments released in 1759 which critically examined the moral thinking of the time when he lived suggesting that conscience arose from dynamic and interactive social relationships which people sought to develop within themselves as a code of sympathy of sentiments. This was a philosophical work in which Smith explored the sources of the ability of the human beings, called Homo sapiens, to form moral judgments when they are born like blank slates without any moral sentiment at all. Hence, all the moral sentiments are acquired, argued Smith, by people while living as members of human societies through dynamic and interactive relations with each other.

The other book has a long title, namely, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, and, therefore, known in a shortened form as the Wealth of Nations, published in 1776. This book was written at a time when Great Britain was acquiring prosperity through empire building and controlling the economies under its tutelage with the force of an iron hand. But that will not support the country to sustain its prosperity forever and there are many other philosophical behavioural factors that would contribute to it. If one wants to learn of the philosophy and economics of Adam Smith, one should refer to both publications as observed by Shapiro in the introduction to her book.3

Aruni Shapiro has done a yeoman service to Sinhala readers who are interested in expanding their knowledge base in economics. Her simple language and attractive writing style have increased its value to readers

The original book, a tedious reading

Both books by Smith are a tedious reading due to two reasons. One is that the subject matter covered by him in his books are complex, and not easily comprehensible. They are also too long that would exhaust the reader soon. For instance, the reprint of the Wealth of Nations by Bantam Books in 2003, albeit its small print, ran into more than 1000 pages. The other is the 18th century English he had used in his writing which are not understood by many in the modern era. Hence, even a dedicated reader would choose to skip reading the whole texts degenerating Smith to the relics of the thoughts of economic history. What is necessary in these circumstances is for others to read them faithfully, and present to ordinary readers in simple language as abridged versions. These simplified versions with commentaries will help ordinary readers to fully enjoy the works of philosophers cum economists like Adam Smith. This is what Shapiro has done in her present publication.

Risk of writing commentaries

However, writing such guiding commentaries also runs a risk, as was shown by many commentaries written on the most influential book of the 20th century, The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money by the English economist John Maynard Keynes, commonly known as Keynes, published in 1936. Like the Wealth of Nations, the General Theory was also a tedious reading not because of its advanced English but because of the complexity of the subject it covered. This was left to some of his followers in USA like Dudley Dillard and Alvin H Hansen to present Keynes in simple language to ordinary readers. Dillard published in 1948 a commentary explaining the General Theory under the title The Economics of John Maymard Keynes: The Theory of a Monetary Policy. Alvin H Hansen published a similar commentary in 1953 under the title A Guide to Keynes.

Smith who joined Oxford University for higher studies found that it was not a fertile ground for one to improve his intellectuality. As he noted, says Shapiro, more time was spent on religious observances than intellectual discourses. This experience led Smith to make the hard statement in the Wealth of Nations that publicly funded education could not maintain the quality standards because there was no challenge for teachers to upgrade themselves through the fear of the uncertainty of their jobs. This applies not only to teaching but also to all other professions. What it means is that market driven discipline is the most potent driver for improving the quality rather than state patronage as is being demanded by professionals of the modern day

Those two books were responsible for promoting Keynesian economics to ordinary readers in the latter half of the 20th century. However, later economists like Alex Leijonhufvud had found that what was presented as Keynesian economics was different from the true economics of Keynes. In a book published in 1968 under the title On Keynesian Economics and the Economics of Keynes, Leijonhufvud argued that many who wrote on Keynesian economics have misunderstood and misinterpreted Keynes. Therefore, it is risky for any writer to write on a great economist because he may not have properly grasped the true philosophy and intention of that economist. Shapiro also runs this risk and admits that even in books written in foreign languages, there are many instances of omitting important aspects of the original writings of great writers.4

A reader-friendly book by Shapiro

Shapiro’s book on Adam Smith and the Wealth of Nations is not confined only to the treatise published by Smith in 1776 under the same title. To Sri Lankan readers, she presents much more than what Smith has covered in his treatise. As background reading that will facilitate the Sri Lankan readers to comprehend Smith’s complex writing, she has presented a detailed introduction, a description of who Adam Smith is, the economic consequences of the industrial revolution that was taking place during his time, the meaning of invisible hand as presented by Smith, the impact of slavery on the contemporary society, the history of astronomy, his lectures on codes of laws, and his treatment of the sentiments of morality. An abridged version of the Wealth of Nations is presented to the reader after he has gone through this initial orientation. Shapiro has concluded her book with a brief account of how Smith’s theories are relevant to modern day economies.

Beyond a biographical sketch

Shapiro’s introduction of Adam Smith to Sinhala readers is not just a biographical sketch of a person from birth to death.5 It is a description of how a man develops his intellectuality by observing what he sees around him and learning through experience. This is one of the key elements of learning because anything that is learnt without adding it to the depository of one’s experiences is just information with no practical use. Smith who joined Oxford University for higher studies found that it was not a fertile ground for one to improve his intellectuality. As he noted, says Shapiro, more time was spent on religious observances than intellectual discourses.

Shapiro’s book on Adam Smith and the Wealth of Nations is not confined only to the treatise published by Smith in 1776 under the same title. To Sri Lankan readers, she presents much more than what Smith has covered in his treatise. As background reading that will facilitate the Sri Lankan readers to comprehend Smith’s complex writing, she has presented a detailed introduction, a description of who Adam Smith is, the economic consequences of the industrial revolution that was taking place during his time, the meaning of invisible hand as presented by Smith, the impact of slavery on the contemporary society, the history of astronomy, his lectures on codes of laws, and his treatment of the sentiments of morality

This experience led Smith to make the hard statement in the Wealth of Nations that publicly funded education could not maintain the quality standards because there was no challenge for teachers to upgrade themselves through the fear of the uncertainty of their jobs. This applies not only to teaching but also to all other professions. What it means is that market driven discipline is the most potent driver for improving the quality rather than state patronage as is being demanded by professionals of the modern day.

There is a humane side to Smith’s life, as explained by Shapiro. He had earned sufficiently high income while he had been in employment. However, contrary to the basic tenet which he had presented in the Wealth of Nations that people do everything to ensure their own survival, he had led a very simple life and donated a large part of his income to his poor relatives and friends. Thus, he had died a poor man in the same way had been born a poor man.

The misunderstood invisible hand

The concept of ‘invisible hand’ that describes the operation of a free market economy without the intervention of any person or authority has been viewed as one of the main contributions of Adam Smith to the science of economics. Shapiro’s chapter6 on invisible hand says that though it is being used by anti-free market economists to degrade the contributions of Adam Smith, he has used it only once in the Wealth of Nations. That is when he had argued for free trade as against the popular view at that time (and also, today) that imports should be restricted in the case of goods that could be produced locally to encourage the local producers.

Smith has said that businessmen are driven by an invisible hand to search for profits rather than a government incentive. This should be a learning experience for the present US administration which believes that it could develop a local production base if it restricts the import of goods that can be produced locally through higher tariffs. Shapiro says Smith has explained the fallacy of this belief in his The Theory of Moral Sentiments when he criticised the social planners who believed that they could change the behaviour of people by directing their work like a chess player.

In a chess game, the player moves the chess pieces by deliberate action. However, in a complex human society, moving people within the society is not so simple as in a game of chess. It will become a failure, Smith had argued, when actions of social planners and human dynamism move in two different directions. Thus, the principles underlying the operation of the invisible hand are valid for a complex economy just like they are valid for a complex society. An economic planner will be successful in his enterprise if he directs the economy to facilitate the operation of the invisible hand. Such policy actions, though Smith had not explicitly presented, are known as market-friendly economic policies.

Smith has said that businessmen are driven by an invisible hand to search for profits rather than a government incentive. This should be a learning experience for the present US administration which believes that it could develop a local production base if it restricts the import of goods that can be produced locally through higher tariffs. Shapiro says Smith has explained the fallacy of this belief in his The Theory of Moral Sentiments when he criticised the social planners who believed that they could change the behaviour of people by directing their work like a chess player

Labour power, the true wealth of a nation

Shapiro has abridged Adam Smith’s long and complex treatise on The Wealth of Nations in six chapters in her book.7 It is a good introduction to Sinhala readers who have no time or interest in reading the original text. In the introductory part of the Wealth of Nations, Smith has qualified that the annual labour of every nation is the fund which originally supplies it with all the necessities and conveniences of life. Shapiro says, in today’s parlance, this is the per capita gross domestic product, which is calculated by dividing the total product by the number of people who had produced the same. As explained by Shapiro, this was a new concept in the time when Smith lived. Thus, the wealth of a nation is the production of its labour and not the stock of gold, gems, or other valuable items.

According to Smith, two factors affect the level of this production. One is the talent base of the labour, its skills, dexterity, and judgment, which is known as productivity of labour today. The other is how many people are employed in the production of that output. Thus, the wealth of a nation will be higher if the productivity of its labour is high and it has more people to work and produce its total output. Such a nation can provide greater welfare and conveniences to its people than a nation with a low productivity and a smaller number of people.

Aruni Shapiro has done a yeoman service to Sinhala readers who are interested in expanding their knowledge base in economics. Her simple language and attractive writing style have increased its value to readers.

In my view, Aruni Shapiro’s book on Adam Smith and the Wealth of Nations is a worthy reading.

Even a dedicated reader would choose to skip reading the whole texts degenerating Smith to the relics of the thoughts of economic history. What is necessary in these circumstances is for others to read them faithfully, and present to ordinary readers in simple language as abridged versions. These simplified versions with commentaries will help ordinary readers to fully enjoy the works of philosophers cum economists like Adam Smith. This is what Shapiro has done in her present publication

Last week, the Church of England took a historic step forward by naming Sarah Mullally as the next Archbishop of Canterbury, the first woman ever to hold this esteemed post. As the ceremonial head of the Anglican Communion and a member of the British Parliament, Archbishop Mullally’s appointment marks a powerful symbol of inclusion and moral evolution within an institution long burdened by patriarchal tradition.

This development reminds us that religion need not be held hostage to its ancient origins but can indeed evolve with time. Religion, at its best, evolves with humanity, reflecting compassion, equality, and dignity rather than clinging to outdated hierarchies. For centuries, women were excluded from leadership and education in Christian institutions, their subjugation justified through readings of scripture such as 1 Timothy and 1 Corinthians, codified in the 4th century A.D.

And yet, in Sri Lanka, the Catholic Church under Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith seems to be moving in the opposite direction. Instead of leading the faithful toward understanding, inclusion, and social justice, the Cardinal appears determined to cement his position as the country’s most prominent voice of intolerance. His repeated public statements against the LGBTQ+ community, often couched in the language of ‘tradition’ and ‘moral purity’, have gone far beyond the scope of pastoral care. They have become political, punitive, and poisonous.

Cardinal Ranjith’s words do not exist in a vacuum. They feed into a wider climate of discrimination that still criminalises homosexuality and marginalises vulnerable communities. When a religious leader of his stature uses the pulpit to stigmatise rather than uplift, it grants legitimacy to prejudice. It emboldens those who wish to preserve unjust laws and suppress open discussion. In doing so, the Cardinal not only damages the Church’s credibility but also deepens the social wounds the nation is struggling to heal.

Ironically, his stance places him at odds with the evolving direction of his own Church. Under Pope Francis, the Vatican has made tentative but meaningful efforts to embrace a more compassionate theology, one that emphasises mercy over condemnation. The Pope has famously asked, ‘Who am I to judge?’ when questioned about homosexuality, and has called for empathy and inclusion within the Church. While the Vatican has not yet resolved its contradictions, it has unmistakably signalled a willingness to listen. Cardinal Ranjith, however, seems intent on doing the opposite, shutting down conversation, weaponising dogma, and resisting even the mildest winds of change.

The tragedy here is not merely theological. The Sri Lankan Catholic Church wields enormous moral and cultural influence, and with that influence comes responsibility. The Church could be a force for compassion, for bridging communities and easing social tensions in a country still scarred by ethnic and religious division. Instead, it risks becoming a bastion of fear and exclusion, a moral fortress defending outdated hierarchies rather than serving the human beings it claims to guide.

Religion, if it is to remain relevant, must speak to the realities of the age. The Church of England’s choice of Archbishop Mullally is not merely symbolic but it is a statement that leadership, empathy, and holiness are not confined by gender. It is a recognition that moral authority flows from compassion, not control.

Cardinal Ranjith would do well to learn from that example or in the very least from the more inclusive tone of his own Pope. If he cannot, then Sri Lankan Catholics must begin to ask whether their Church truly reflects the message of Christ or whether it has been hijacked by the very intolerance that Christ himself stood against.

We, the undersigned, condemn Sri Lankan authorities’ continuing surveillance, harassment, and intimidation of Kumanan Kanapathipillai, a prominent Tamil photojournalist from Mullaithivu.

Kumanan has, for more than a decade, reported on and documented human rights violations committed by various actors in the Northern and Eastern Provinces (North-East); thereby playing a proactive role in the Tamil community’s post-war demands for human rights protection and accountability. His work includes documenting militarisation, crackdown on protests and memorialisations, repression of civil society, families of the disappeared, land appropriation, and broader Sinhala-Buddhisation of the North and East. He has moreover highlighted the plight and struggles of the families of the disappeared for years, and the Tamil community’s demands for justice for the atrocity crimes committed during the armed conflict.

The relentless harassment of Kumanan has been continuing for many years, prompting several international human rights organisations to classify him as a ‘journalist-at-risk’. In 2020, a group of men attacked Kumanan and another journalist while they were covering the illegal smuggling of trees. In 2024, Counter-Terrorism Investigation Division (CTID) visited Kumanan’s parents and interrogated his associates. The harassment reached a crescendo on 17 August 2025, when the CTID interrogated Kumanan for seven hours, framing his photojournalism as work ‘against the government’ and a ‘terrorist’ activity. On 26 September 2025, during the United Nations’ Committee on Enforced Disappearances’ review of Sri Lanka in Geneva, a government representative made a statement justifying their harassment of Kumanan by alluding to suspicions about his involvement in financial crimes and terrorism.

The ill-founded accusations and persistent harassment are an attempt to silence Kumanan, as well as to make an example of him as a warning to silence other Tamil-speaking journalists and activists in the heavily militarised and surveilled North-East. Even though Kumanan is not the only person in the recent past to experience inquiries and intimidation, the level of harassment that Kumanan faces, which goes beyond mere inquiry, is intended to remind other journalists of the existence of repressive structures. The psychological pressure and reprisals not only against them, but also their families and colleagues if they continue reporting on matters that challenge the official version of the truth, force journalists to self-censor.

The National People’s Power (NPP) Government was elected on a promise to bring about ‘system change’ by charting a different course than previous Governments, particularly with regard to the treatment of Tamils. Regrettably, the attempts to curtail the freedom of expression of Kumanan and other media personnel in recent times are no different to the approach adopted by past Governments. This demonstrates the failure of the NPP government to adhere to its election promises, particularly with regard to dismantling and reforming repressive State structures, such as the security agencies that disregard and violate the rights of the people, especially those in the North-East. Tolerating dissent, respecting and protecting press freedom and broader freedom of speech are the hallmarks of a healthy democracy.

We would like to reiterate that the Government is responsible for the actions of security agencies; it has the duty to subject them to civilian scrutiny and ensure they do not violate the rights of citizens in the guise of safeguarding national security. In order to accomplish this, the Government would have to respect constitutional safeguards, the rule of law and due process. Kumanan’s treatment indicates to the public, and particularly the Tamil community, that it is business as usual for state structures which are repudiating ‘system change’. Such actions of state entities will undermine the credibility of the Government and increase the mistrust of the Tamil community in state structures.

In light of the escalation of the intimidation and harassment of Kumanan, we call upon the Sri Lankan Government to immediately cease the surveillance, harassment, and intimidation, stop weaponising the law to label journalists terrorists for practicing their profession, respect constitutionally protected rights and end the mis and disinformation campaign against them.

We urge the international community to impress upon the Government the importance of taking on board and implementing the aforementioned requests, and pay increased attention to the human rights situation in the North-East, particularly the treatment of Tamil-speaking journalists and human rights activists.

Signatories:

01.Alagaiyah Alageswari – Member, ARED

02.Ambika Satkunanathan

03.Amalaraj Amalanayaki – President, ARED, Batticaloa

04.Ammasi Rasalingam – Freelance Journalist

05.Andrew Fidel Fernando – Journalist

06.Anithra Varia

07.Anu Piyasena – Activist and citizen journalist

08.Anuratha Rajaretnam

09.Anushani Alagarajah

10.Arasaretnam Panushkaran

11.Arumugam Sornalingam

12.B. Gowthaman

13.B. Vasanthagowrey

14.Channaka Jayasinghe

15.Chanaka Karunarathne – Journalist

16.Damith Chandimal

17.Denver Mark – Independent Human Rights Activist

18.Dharmasiri Lankapeli

19.Dilrukshi Handunnetti, Trustee, SAWM SL

20.Dr. Chulani Kodikara

21.Dr. Kaushalya Perera

22.Dr. Kumaravadivel Guruparan

23.Dr. Mario Gomez

24.Dr. Sanjana Hattotuwa

25.Dr. Wara Thiyagarajah

26.Dulan Dissanayake – Attorney-at-law

27.Ermiza Tegel

28.Hana Ibrahim, Trustee, SAWM SL

29.Hiranyada Dewasiri – Journalist

30.Jayaraman Kobinath – Human Rights Activist

31.Joanne Senn

32.Juliyes Uthayasegram

33.K. Aingkaran, Attorney-at-Law

34.Kanagasabai Sarojinidevi: Vice Treasurer, ARED

35.Kandumani Lavakusarasa – Convenor, North East Social Movement (NESM)

36.Kanapathipillai Maheswari: Member, ARED

37.Karththiha Suvendiranathan

38.Kirushnasami Kalaivani: Vice President, ARED

39.Konamalai Rasamani: Member, ARED

40.Krishanth – Human Rights Activist

41.Kulanthavel Sumithradevi: Treasurer, ARED

42.Kumudini Samuel

43.Leeladevi Anandarajah – General Secretary, ARED

44.M. Krishnapillai: Member, ARED

45.Maathumai Paranthaman

46.Mahendran Thiruvarangan – University of Jaffna

47.Maithreyi Rajasingham

48.Marissa De Silva

49.Mimi Alphonsus – Journalist

50.N. Pushpathevi: Member, ARED

51.Niresh Eliatamby – Senior Journalist

52.Nimalka Fernando – Attorney-at-law

53.P. Muttulingam

54.Paba Deshapriya

55.Pamodi Waravita – Journalist

56.Peter Rezel

57.P.N. Singham

58.Raisa Wickrematunge

59.Rakulan Kandasamy

60.?Rasalingam – Human Rights Activist

61.Rajan Thevaki – Secretary, ARED, Batticaloa

62.Ramakirushnan Hibakaran

63.Rekha Nilukshi Herath – Journalist

64.Ruki Fernando

65.S. Sunthareswaran

66.Sabaraththinam Sivayoganathan – Human Rights Activist

67.Sabra Zahid

68.S. Rubatheesan – Independent Journalist

69.Shanmugam Thavaseelan – Freelance Journalist

70.Sandun Thudugala

71.Saradha Devi – Human Rights Activist

72.Sarah Arumugam – Attorney-at-Law

73.Selvanayagam Kirishanth

74.Sharmini Boyle, Trustee, SAWM SL

75.Sharoth Asmathullah – Independent Consultant

76.Souminy Ravichandran

77.Srinagaruban Pathujan

78.Stella Victor

79.Sulochana Peiris – Documentary-maker, writer and researcher

80.Sumathy Sivamohan

81.Sujeevan Tharmaratnam – Activist, Sirakukal Amaiyam

Contd. on page 14

82.Suventhiran – Human Rights Activist

83.Tehani Ariyaratne

84.Thambirasa Selvarani – President, ARED

85.Tharanga De Silva

86.Tharindu Uduwaragedara – Journalist

87.Thevasakayam Ranjana: Secretary, ARED

88.Thisa Thiruchelvam

89.Vanie Simon – Women’s Rights Activist

90.Vinayagamoorthy Rubesh

91.Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research

92.Aham Humanitarian Resource Centre (AHRC), Trincomalee

93.Amparai District Women’s Network

94.Asia Lanka Social Development Cooperation (ALSDC)

95.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Ampara

96.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Batticaloa

97.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Jaffna

98.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Killinochchi

99.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Mannar

100.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Mullaithivu

101.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Trincomalee

102.Association for Relatives of the Enforced Disappeared, Vavuniya

103.Association of War Affected Women

104.Batticaloa District Aruvi Women’s Network

105.Batti Press Club

106.Child Vision Sri Lanka

107.Civil AMAYAM

108.Empowerment and Community Development Organisation

109.Environment and Community Development Information Centre (ECDIC)

110.Environmental Action Network

111.Forum for Affected Families

112.Human Elevation Organization

113.International Centre for Ethnic Studies

114.Jaffna Institute for Law and Policy

115.Jaffna Islands Women’s Network

116.Jaffna Vadamaradchi Media House

117.Journalists for Rights

118.Kilinochchi Press Club

119.Law and Human Rights Centre

120.Law and Society Trust

121.Mannar Social and Economic Development Organisation

122.Mullaitivu Press Club

123.National Peace Council

124.North East Social Movement (NESM)

125.Parivartan

126.People for Justice

127.People’s Action

128.People’s Collective for Climate Justice

129.Right to Life

130.South Asian Women in Media- Sri Lanka (SAWM)

131.Tamil Civil Society Forum

132.Thalam Organisation Trincomalee

133.Transparency International Sri Lanka

134.Trincomalee District Women’s Network

135.UVA Shakthi Foundation

136.Vali North Resource Centre

137.Vavuniya Press Club

138.Viluthu

139.Women and Media Collective

140.Women’s Action Network

141.Women’s Life and Rights Association