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An Abuja High Court yesterday adjourned the trial of former National Security Adviser (NSA), Col. Sambo Dasuki (retd.), till October 21 to enable the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to list a witness to testify in the case.

Dasuki is standing trial on an amended 32-count charge bordering on criminal breach of trust, dishonest release and receiving various sums of money to the tune of N33.2 billion.

He was accused of misappropriation of security funds in the accounts of the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) alongside a former General Manager with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Aminu Baba-Kusa.

The others are two firms: Acacia Holdings Limited and Reliance Referral Hospital Limited.

The EFCC arraigned the four defendants afresh on March 25 and accused Dasuki, among others, of releasing the equivalent of N10 billion in foreign currencies from the NSA’s account.

The account was with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) for the 2014 presidential primary election of the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Dasuki and his co-defendants pleaded not guilty to the charges.

At the resumed hearing of the case, the prosecution witness and a detective with the EFCC, Adariku Michael, informed the court that the anti-corruption commission received an intelligence report on September 21, bordering on abuse of office and money laundering.

He alleged the NSA moved huge sums of money between October 2014 and April 2015 to accounts of various companies.

The witness said the report was assigned to a special task force team headed by ACE 1 Halimah Kazeem, of which he was a member, to carry out investigations on the report.

‘I got to know about this case when the commission (EFCC) received an intelligence report on September 21, bordering on abuse of office and money laundering.

The witness recalled that on receiving the report, the special task force promptly swung into action and wrote a letter of investigation activities to the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

It was at this point the counsel to Baba-Kusa, Solomon Umoh (SAN), told the court that the witness was not listed by the prosecution among the witnesses in the paper the EFCC served the defence team.

‘This is against the provisions of Section 379 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA),’ he said.

But the prosecution counsel, Oluwaleke Atolagbe, told the court that the witness had given evidence before the Chief Judge in the case.

He submitted that several documents were tendered by the prosecution as exhibits through the witness.

‘This case had lasted almost 10 years,’ he said.

Atolagbe sought an adjournment for the prosecution to do the needful.

This was not opposed by the defence team.

Based on this, the presiding judge, Justice Charles Agbaza, adjourned the case until October 31 for continuation of the hearing.

Like most of his predecessors as chairman of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, has been the recipient of acidic criticism over the handling of elections under his watch. He, more than most, having stepped into the saddle against the backdrop of unprecedented political change.

He was appointed in 2015 by President Muhammadu Buhari who, along with his All Progressives Congress (APC), had pulled off the hitherto unthinkable feat of toppling an incumbent president. The losing Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is yet to come to terms with its defeat, and spent the last ten years blaming the commission for its woes.

But that’s understandable given that no one ever loses elections in Nigeria; it’s always down to INEC’s ‘rigging’. Even no-hoppers indulge in this national pastime of blaming the umpire. Way back in the Second Republic, the hapless chairman of the electoral body, retired Justice Victor Ovie-Whiskey, famously retorted that he would faint if he saw N1 million in cash. This was in reaction to unending allegations that he and his team had been bought off by the then ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN).

To that extent, no one should be too shocked by the Yakubu-bashing, nor swallow hook, line and sinker ever accusation against the election management team.

This is not to say that the current commission, or its previous incarnations have delivered perfectly on their mandate. I doubt whether there’s any national institution for which that sort of generous claim can be made. While there’s much to be criticised, sometimes the criticism is way over the top; devoid of the generosity of spirit which acknowledges where progress has been made and innovations introduced.

Over the last decade, our elections have evolved from the dark days when the primary beneficiary the 2007 election, late President Umaru Yar’Adua, shockingly admitted that the process that threw him up was fundamentally flawed. For all the attempts by the aggrieved to paint the chairman as a devil in professorial garb, no one can say that the Yakubu period ever plumbed the scandalous depths of 18 years ago.

And that’s saying a lot, given that aside the general elections of 2019 and 2023 the commission under him also managed countless by-elections in that 10-year space. Virtually all parties – from the largest to fringe ones – at some point emerged enjoyed the feeling of being victors: in some instances in places where their triumph was considered an upset.

A case in point is the narrow defeat of APC and its candidate, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in Lagos, a place long considered his impenetrable fortress. In those instances, the victors would hail the commission to high heavens whilst the losers would curse them to the pits of hell.

This October, the curtain is set to be drawn on Yakubu’s decade-long leadership. But we must not forget that his tenure was not just about elections, it also involved transforming the institution and reforming the way our polling processes are managed – getting them aligned with global best practices.

Take away controversies about particular election outcomes and fair-minded persons cannot but admit that the Yakubu years have been transformative. Those with short memory forget that once upon a time ballot box-snatching and other Stone Age malpractices were consequential in determining electoral outcomes.

Today, with the embrace of technology, much of those abuses have become redundant. So much so that on polling days citizens can now track emerging results from polling units up to ward level and beyond on INEC’s portal same day.

One key achievement for which his time would be remembered is continuity and institutional stability. This is down to the fact that he’s the commission’s first chairman to have served two consecutive terms. In that period he oversaw the largest number of elections ever conducted in this country – two general elections, 19 governorship polls, hundreds of bye-elections, and three FCT council elections.

To guarantee enduring institutional memory, he initiated Nigeria’s first Election Museum to preserve the nation’s democratic history. He regularised election dates, creating certainty and predictability. Improved investment in modernised election infrastructure resulted in the building of State Collation Centres across the federation and initiation of a new INEC Headquarters in Abuja.

You cannot discuss Yakubu’s legacy without talking about the Commission’s embrace of technology. Two key items have become household names in political discourse. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) with fingerprint and facial recognition was introduced in place of the flawed manual processes. Equally, the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) came into being, allowing Nigerians to view polling unit results in real time.

Technology has also revolutionised voter registration through IVED and ABIS, eliminating 2.7 million fraudulent registrations. Digital portals for candidate nomination, party agent registration, observer accreditation, and media access are now available. In a first on the African continent, INEC has introduced the Artificial Intelligence Division, with an eye on the future of election management.

Other achievements of the Yakubu tenure include expanding the Voter Roll by institutionalising Continuous Voter Registration (CVR). This has created year-round opportunities for people to register. Since the introduction in 2017, over 23 million new voters have been added.

In the face of persistent calls for legal and regulatory reforms, the Commission worked with the National Assembly to deliver the landmark Electoral Act 2022, heralding electronic transmission of results and stricter party regulations.

He would be remembered for making inclusion a core part of his agenda with the establishment of the Department of Gender and Inclusivity to give structure and voice to representation. Quota slots were reserved for women in senior management, breaking long-standing barriers.

Also introduced were assistive voting devices like Braille ballots and magnifying lenses. He created and implemented legal frameworks for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) to vote, safeguarding rights even in times of crisis. To actually walk his talk, persons with disabilities were hired within INEC.

Deepening of stakeholder engagement has been achieved through quarterly consultations with political parties, civil society, security agencies, and the media. A Code of Conduct for security personnel on election duty, ensuring professionalism in the field has been introduced. Partnerships with traditional rulers, faith leaders, and the National Peace Committee have contributed to a more peaceful electoral process.

Yakubu’s impact has been felt in the area of electoral diplomacy and regional leadership. He revived and presided over ECONEC (ECOWAS Network of Electoral Commissions), positioning Nigeria as a hub of electoral thought leadership. He has also driven solidarity and peer-learning missions across West Africa, providing technical, material, and moral support to sister commissions.

Demotivated staff can become a danger to electoral credibility as they become vulnerable to manipulation by politicians and parties. Understanding this, the INEC boss has addressed staff development and welfare by introducing merit-based promotions and gender quotas for directors, rewarding excellence; rolled out welfare packages: hazard allowances, bonuses, medical aid, and funeral grants; built a crèche for nursing mothers, supporting staff with young families; instituted Long Service Awards and Staff Recognition Nights.

As he departs from a seat which many have dubbed a poisoned chalice, INEC’s low key, self-effacing chair can look back with pride at the technology-driven, reform-oriented, and people-focused institution he’s leaving behind. Perhaps with time he will get the credit he deserves for laying the foundation for deeper public trust in the integrity of our elections.

The Chairman of Eti-Osa Local Government, Omo’ba Adeola Adetoro, has distributed school materials to public schools pupils in her council.

Adetoro said that education is the bedrock of a society’s growth and development.

She added that the initiative reflects her administration’s commitment to creating an enabling environment that fosters all round development.

‘Our young scholars are the foundation of Eti-Osa’s future, and their achievements will determine the progress of our local government. That’s why we’re committed to creating an enabling environment that fosters learning and personal growth,’ she said.

She urged the pupils to take their studies serious, adding that hardworking and determination lead to success.

She said: ‘I urge our students to approach this new session with discipline, dedication, and excellence. Education is a treasure that will follow its owner everywhere, and I have no doubt that with hard work and determination, you will achieve great things.’

She commended the roles of teachers in building the future leaders.

‘To our teachers, I commend your tireless efforts in shaping the minds of our future leaders. Your role is crucial in inspiring and guiding our students to reach their full potential,’ she said.

The Chairman of All Progressives Congress (APC), Eti Osa Local Government, Aremo Olusegun Oyindasola, urged the pupils to be dedicated to their studies and avoid joining bad gangs.

The schools that benefited from the gesture included Ikota Primary School, Ilasan Primary School, Ajiran Primary School, Lagos State Model Primary School, Mayegun Community Primary School, Oba Yekini Adeniyi Elegushi Primary School, and Jamatul Islamiyah Primary School.

The Olowu of Owu-Ikosi, Oba Aderemi Ogunlari, has lamented the invasion of the community by some landgrabbers.

The monarch said the peaceful Owu-Ikosi Kingdom in the Ikosi-Ejirin Local Council Development Area (LCDA) of Epe Division is reeling from an escalating crisis as ‘Ajagungbale’ (landgrabbers) are intimidating residents and crippling local commerce.

Addressing reporters at a briefing in his palace, Oba Ogunlari, flanked by his Council of Chiefs, appealed to the Lagos State Government and all security agencies for immediate intervention, warning that the situation is rapidly descending into anarchy.

The monarch stated that the landgrabbers had made incursions into villages across the Epe Division.

‘The state government should act quickly before it becomes the issue of herdsmen,’ the monarch cautioned, drawing a parallel to the security challenges in other parts of the country.

He implored Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to swiftly come to the aid of residents and the State House of Assembly to swiftly make a law to curb landgrabbing.

The traditional rulers and chiefs made a joint, urgent call for the deployment of state security service officials to the area.

He said: ‘We are calling on Governor Sanwo-Olu to quickly take it up to avoid unrest, and specifically on the Commissioner of Police, Lagos State, the Department of State Services (DSS), and the Area Commander of Area N to come and save our life and soul before it is too late. ‘We appeal Lagos State House of Assembly to make a law to aid the work of Lagos State Task Force on Land Grabbers (LSTF) as this will curb land-grabbing in the state.’

He noted that the escalating violence posed a direct threat to the state government’s investment in the area, specifically the relocation of Sawmillers from Okobaba to Imofa.

Oluwo/Jagun oba of Owu-Ikosi, Chief Olumide Osilaja, painted a grim picture of daily life, stating that the situation has become so pervasive that there is nowhere in the community that the landgrabbers are not operating.

‘They are in our farms now with the hoodlums they are using to harass our people. Farmers cannot go to their farms, our women cannot go on their daily business,’ Chief Osilaja said.

He added that people visiting sawmills to purchase planks are being stopped and extorted for huge amount of money.

‘The thugs are reportedly armed with cutlass and guns and are seen taking harmful drugs, fueling community panic,’ he said.

The 1986/92 set of the Government College Ibadan has intensified plans for the closed table tennis championship tagged ”Battle of the Century.”

The table tennis event, proposed to be annual competition is part of the set’s role of giving back to the school project.

The tournament will be staged in the school premises on October 30th and 31st .

Interestingly, most of the old students behind the project are based abroad but they are passionate about sports especially the ping pong game.

The Closed Table Tennis Championship will be competed for on House basis in the school.

Charles Olayinka, one of the ’86/92 set members told our correspondent that seven top notch officials led by table tennis guru, Coach Wale Ajetunmobi, who will double as project coordinator, will take charge of proceedings.

Seun Esho and Kolade Aladeojebi are other executive members working hard to stage the competition.

So far, BSG, Mage designs, Muyenbaba, Daimler and DPIL are corporate organisers supporting the initiative while individuals like Dayo Alabi, Tijani Yusuff Adewale, Bunmi Ashaolu, Anonymous-AO, Taiwo Demuren, Pst. Tolu Makinde, Femi Olaobaju, Pst. Bayo Falode and Oluwafemi Oyetunde are supporting the project.

Carr House, Field House, Power House, Swanson House and Grier House will slug it out against one another in the maiden table tennis extravaganza which promises to be highly entertaining.

Coach Ajetunmobi told our correspondent that the tournament would be a great avenue to further boost the catch them young initiative of many table tennis lovers in the country.

‘We are highly expectant because the students expected to compete are highly skilful and talented. It will be interesting,’ he said.

There will be a total of 40 players expected to compete for honours in the competition with five each in a group of eight. Two players each will qualify from each group to move into the last 16 stage.

Winners in each of the categories will be given attractive prizes to be donated by the sponsors of the competition.

After nearly three years away from the Nigerian national team, Mati Taiwo is back and his return couldn’t be more symbolic as Nigeria prepares to defend its men’s team title at the 2025 ITTF-African Championships in Tunis, to be held from 12-19 October.

Mati earned his place on the team through hard work, helped Nigeria to secure a men’s team victory and reached the semi-finals in singles at the 2025 West Africa Regional Championships in Lagos.

These performances were pivotal to his selection, including the ranking points he garnered at WTT Contender Lagos.

Now based in France and playing for league side Association tennis de table Le Havre, Mati has been rebuilding his form, helping his club in the French PRO B DIVISION and competing at various WTT events occasionally.

‘I feel positive and more confident to be back,’ he said. ‘I’ve been preparing really well for this tournament.’

Mati joins a familiar cast, including Muizz Adegoke, Kuti Matthew, and Abdulbasit AbdulFatai; teammates with whom he shares a successful spell during his youth-level days.

The squad will be captained by Olajide Omotayo, stepping up in the absence of Aruna Quadri, whose leadership was instrumental in last year’s men’s team triumph.

‘We’ll miss Aruna. I checked up on him after hearing he withdrew. The confidence whenever he’s on the team and the less pressure we experience because of him. But we’ll still feel the captain’s spirit that we usually get from him. Nevertheless, we’ll always try our best to be positive,’ Mati admitted

Despite the challenge posed by perennial rivals Egypt, Mati believes in the strength and energy of the younger squad.

‘We’re full of energy and can go a long way. I feel we can cause an upset,’ echoed Mati

His optimism is matched by his praise for the Nigerian Table Tennis Federation’s recent investment in youth development, which he calls a ‘great development.

‘ That investment is now bearing fruit, and he hopes that if the momentum continues, it will birth even more generations of players ready to fly the flag higher on the international stage.

Taiwo’s return is a reflection of Nigeria’s growing depth in its current squad, boosting younger and developing talents ready to carry on the torch of Nigeria’s legacy in the sport.

Sir: Former Interior Minister and National Secretary, African Democratic Congress (ADC), Rauf Aregbesola, recently stirred controversy when he suggested that political parties be allowed to nominate officials into the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Speaking at a panel session on electoral innovation hosted by the Athena Centre for Policy and Leadership in Abuja, Aregbesola argued that the current method of appointing the INEC Chairperson, National Commissioners, and Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) is ‘deeply flawed.’

According to him, parties with at least five members in the National Assembly should be empowered to nominate individuals to lead INEC, claiming that such a model would ‘solve all the issues’ of bias and manipulation in Nigeria’s electoral system. In his words: ‘If the parties now betray themselves to allow one of them to run away with it, fine.’

There is no credible democracy in the world where political parties directly nominate election officials. The logic is simple: an election management body must be insulated from partisan influence to maintain neutrality, fairness, and credibility. Allowing political parties – the very contestants in elections – to nominate INEC officials would be akin to letting football teams select the referees to officiate their matches. It violates the principle of impartiality that underpins democratic elections.

If anything, Aregbesola’s statement reflects the frustration many Nigerians feel about INEC’s recent credibility challenges, particularly after the 2023 general elections. However, the answer lies not in politicizing the commission further but in strengthening its institutional independence.

What Nigeria needs is not partisan control of INEC, but transparent and accountable appointment processes. Civil society organisations, professional bodies, and judicial councils should play greater roles in screening and recommending nominees, while the National Assembly’s confirmation hearings must be made more open and rigorous. The president should no longer have unilateral power to appoint the INEC chair and commissioners without meaningful checks.

Furthermore, INEC’s funding and administrative autonomy must be constitutionally guaranteed and practically enforced. An electoral body that depends on political goodwill to function can never be fully independent.

Nigeria must not trade independence for convenience. The credibility of elections rests on the impartiality of those who conduct them – and that impartiality must never be up for negotiation.

The path forward is clear: reform INEC, yes, but do so through constitutional safeguards, institutional transparency, and public accountability – not through political capture disguised as innovation.

Nigeria’s democracy cannot thrive if the lines between player and referee are blurred. Aregbesola’s proposal may ignite debate, but it should be firmly rejected as both impractical and dangerous to the survival of electoral integrity.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act is now law in the United States and it carries with it not just a set of policy prescriptions but a vision of how the country sees immigrants. Signed on July 4, it arrived wrapped in patriotic symbolism yet its consequences for immigrants, both documented and undocumented are far from celebratory. Laws often read like dry text on paper, but their effects live in the daily struggles of people who work, raise families, and navigate the uncertainty of being welcome yet unwelcome, present yet provisional, necessary yet suspect. The bill does not simply adjust technical details of immigration. It reorders the relationship between immigrants and the state, deciding who counts as part of ‘us’ and who must pay more, wait longer, or do without.

One of the most striking features of this law is its enormous increase in funding for enforcement and detention. Tens of billions of dollars have been channelled toward expanding detention centres, hiring more agents, and building layers of surveillance along the border and inside communities. Enforcement is no longer limited to crossing points. It is embedded in workplaces, schools, health care spaces, neighbourhoods. When detention capacity grows, so too does the appetite to use it. What this means for immigrants is not a more orderly system but a more intimidating one, a system where fear of being stopped or detained shadows ordinary life.

Alongside enforcement, the law places a heavy financial burden on immigrants who are trying to do things the ‘right way.’ Filing fees for asylum, for temporary protected status, for humanitarian parole, and even for renewing work permits have risen sharply. In some cases, these fees are now non-waivable, which means that poverty is no excuse. For families living modestly, the choice between paying hundreds of dollars in legal fees and buying food or paying rent is no choice at all. These costs are not inconveniences. They are barriers that determine whether someone stays documented or slides into precarity. A single missed renewal, a single unpaid fee, can unravel years of effort to remain lawful. The law is structured in such a way that the poorest immigrants bear the heaviest costs, not because they have done wrong but because they cannot pay enough.

The law also cuts deep into access to essential services. Many lawfully present immigrants who are not yet green card holders will see their eligibility for Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program, premium tax credits under the Affordable Care Act, and food assistance vanish. For people who fled war or persecution, for survivors of trafficking, for refugees resettled with hope of safety, these changes are devastating. Health care and food are not luxuries. They are foundations of dignity and survival. When a law strips these away, it is not only shaping immigration policy, it is shaping human lives into cycles of hunger, untreated illness, and mounting debt. The cruelty lies not just in the denial of aid but in the indifference it signals: that suffering is permissible if your paperwork is incomplete, that survival is contingent on the timing of your status, that dignity has a price tag.

Proponents of the law argue that it restores fairness, prevents misuse of public benefits, and secures the border. They speak in the language of order, efficiency, and fiscal responsibility. There is, undeniably, a need for systems to be transparent and accountable, for legal migration to be prioritised, for budgets to be managed. But the balance of this law tilts so heavily toward restriction that it transforms fairness into exclusion. To tighten procedures is one thing. To make access to safety and health contingent on wealth is another.

The human consequences are already clear. Families fear applying for benefits they might still qualify for, unsure of whether it will put them at risk. Parents skip renewing work permits because the fees are too high. Children lose access to health care, which leads to untreated asthma or missed vaccinations. Adults delay routine care until the emergency room is the only option. Food insecurity grows in immigrant communities where SNAP has been cut off. These outcomes carry costs not just for immigrants but for society at large. Hospitals absorb unpaid medical bills, schools struggle with children too hungry to learn, public health suffers when preventive care is out of reach. The idea that denying immigrants benefits saves money ignores the fact that the costs simply shift into other corners of society, often in more expensive and less humane forms.

The law also reshapes perceptions. By embedding immigrants in a framework of costs and enforcement, it reinforces the idea that immigrants are primarily burdens rather than contributors. It suggests that belonging must be purchased, that humanitarian protection is conditional, that compassion is secondary to fees and forms. Laws do not just regulate behaviour. They send signals about who we are and what we value. The One Big Beautiful Bill signals that immigrants are to be tolerated, not welcomed, and that their worth is measured by financial capacity rather than human dignity.

It is important to acknowledge the counterarguments. Without strong enforcement, the immigration system can falter under backlogs and abuse. Without fiscal discipline, government programs can indeed be strained. There have been instances of fraud, and any system must guard against that. But to construct a law that sweeps so many into hardship in the name of preventing a few from exploiting loopholes is disproportionate. A just system could enforce borders and prevent fraud while still offering affordable pathways, humane treatment, and safeguards for the vulnerable. The problem with this bill is not that it seeks order, but that it achieves it by embracing exclusion.

The chilling effect is profound. When immigrants fear interaction with the state because it may lead to detention, high costs, or loss of services, they withdraw. They avoid health clinics, schools, legal systems. They hide rather than engage. This invisibility does not produce stronger communities or a stronger nation. It produces underground economies, unreported crimes, and neighbours living in silence and fear. A democracy should not cultivate invisible populations. A democracy should seek to integrate and protect, to bring people into the fold of shared responsibility and shared belonging.

What should have been done instead? A balanced approach that maintains the rule of law while keeping humanitarian values intact. That could mean offering fee waivers for those who cannot pay, streamlining legal pathways, providing adequate legal assistance, and ensuring that children and families do not lose access to food and health care. It could mean increasing oversight of enforcement so that detention is not abused and surveillance does not cross into intimidation. It could mean recognizing that immigrant health is national health, that immigrant labour is national labour, that immigrant dignity strengthens rather than weakens the social fabric.

The One Big Beautiful Bill Act now defines the landscape of immigration in the United States. For some, it may be manageable, for others devastating, but for all it represents a narrowing of possibility. It replaces welcome with suspicion, compassion with calculation, fairness with fees. The promise of America has always been tested by how it treats those who arrive seeking a chance. Each generation has faced its own wave of newcomers and its own fears of change. History shows that immigrants enrich, build, and strengthen the country. Policy should be crafted to reflect that truth, not obscure it.

This, in the end, is not only about immigrants. It is about who Americans decide to be. Laws are mirrors as much as they are commands. The One Big Beautiful Bill reflects a nation more interested in exclusion than inclusion, in control than community, in cost than care. But laws can change, and voices can rise. The struggle over immigration has never been only about borders. It has always been about identity.

Will the United States define itself as a fortress or a refuge, as a land of opportunity or a land of fear? The answer will be written not just in acts of Congress but in how neighbours treat each other, how communities organise, how citizens and immigrants together demand fairness. The One Big Beautiful Bill is now the law, but it does not have to be the last word.

Xiaomi has once again raised the bar for flagship smartphones with the official launch of the Xiaomi 15T, a device that blends world-class design, professional-grade photography, and cutting-edge performance. Positioned as the brand’s innovation powerhouse, the Xiaomi 15T is built for professionals, creators, and everyday users who demand the very best from their mobile devices.

The Xiaomi 15T is available in three elegant color options-Black, Gray, and Rose Gold-giving consumers a choice between sleek sophistication and modern flair. To simplify the experience, Xiaomi has introduced a single high-end variant: 12GB RAM + 512GB storage, ensuring users enjoy abundant performance capacity and storage space without compromise. Priced at ?715,800, the Xiaomi 15T represents a new benchmark for premium smartphones in Nigeria.

Photography Powered by Leica

One of the standout features of the Xiaomi 15T is its Leica Summilux Optical Lens. Xiaomi’s continued partnership with Leica has redefined smartphone photography, bringing professional imaging standards to users’ fingertips.

Whether it’s capturing a Lagos street scene in vibrant daylight, taking a portrait during a wedding ceremony, or shooting atmospheric photos in low light, the Leica optics provide unmatched clarity, color accuracy, and depth. For content creators, influencers, and photography enthusiasts, this camera system offers the tools to tell stories with stunning visuals.

At the heart of the Xiaomi 15T lies the MediaTek Dimensity 8400-Ultra processor. This advanced chipset delivers flagship-level performance that makes multitasking seamless and mobile gaming smoother than ever. Users can switch between demanding apps, stream high-quality video, and enjoy console-like graphics performance-all without lag or overheating.

This powerful processor also supports 5G connectivity, enabling faster downloads, smoother streaming, and stronger connections even in Nigeria’s busiest urban centers.

The Xiaomi 15T features a 6.83-inch 120Hz Eye-care Display, designed to deliver both beauty and comfort. The large display provides an immersive experience for watching movies, gaming, or scrolling through social media.

More importantly, Xiaomi’s eye-care technology ensures reduced eye strain during extended use-a critical feature in a market where smartphones are used heavily for work, study, and entertainment. The high refresh rate also ensures that every swipe, tap, and scroll feels smooth and responsive.

Battery life remains one of the most important considerations for Nigerian consumers, and the Xiaomi 15T rises to the challenge with a massive 5500mAh battery. Designed to power users through long workdays, extended study sessions, and heavy entertainment use, the battery makes the device a reliable daily driver.

When it’s time to recharge, 67W HyperCharge technology ensures that users spend less time plugged in and more time enjoying life. With just a short charge, the device is ready to go again-an especially useful feature in a country where electricity supply can be unpredictable.

The Xiaomi 15T runs on Xiaomi HyperOS, the company’s next-generation operating system. HyperOS is designed for speed, security, and fluidity, giving users a smarter and more intuitive mobile experience.

From intelligent app management to enhanced system efficiency, HyperOS ensures that the Xiaomi 15T feels fast, responsive, and reliable in every scenario. Combined with the hardware power of the device, this software ensures a flagship experience from day one.

Who Is the Xiaomi 15T For?

The Xiaomi 15T is crafted for users who want more than just a phone. It is ideal for:

Professionals who need performance, security, and reliability to power through their day.

Creators and Influencers who rely on top-notch cameras and fast processors to create and share content instantly.

Tech Enthusiasts who appreciate the combination of advanced hardware and software innovation.

Everyday Users who want a phone that is stylish, durable, and capable of handling anything they throw at it.

Xiaomi’s Commitment to Nigeria

The launch of the Xiaomi 15T is more than just a product release-it is a demonstration of Xiaomi’s commitment to delivering ‘innovation for everyone’ in the Nigerian market. By introducing a flagship that competes globally while addressing the needs of Nigerian consumers, Xiaomi continues to strengthen its presence in one of Africa’s most important smartphone markets.

Availability and Where to Buy?

The Xiaomi 15T is now available in Nigeria through all authorized Xiaomi stores, including Finet, Raya, 3C Hub, Slot, and more.

Xiaomi 15T (12GB + 512GB) – ?715,800

Prefer online shopping? Visit Jumia.com to purchase your favorite Xiaomi products with just a few clicks! Stay tuned for more exciting updates and promotions by following Xiaomi Nigeria on Facebook, Instagram, X, and TikTok.

Sir: It was assumed that the launch of Dangote’s $20-billion refinery would be a breath of fresh air – the long-awaited project to finally free Nigeria from decades of fuel import dependency and the grip of vested interests. Right? Wrong.

For decades, successive governments lavished billions on turnaround maintenance of our comatose refineries, yet not one could produce a drop of fuel for Nigerians. We became a crude oil producer that imported nearly all its refined products- a national disgrace sustained by those who profited from the dysfunction – ‘The owners of Nigeria’.

The Dangote Refinery was supposed to change that. But since its birth, it has faced chaos after chaos. Skirmishes with the NNPC, friction with international oil companies, pushback from petroleum marketers, tanker drivers, depot owners, and now, open confrontation with PENGASSAN. Behind every one of these confrontations lies a common denominator: the owners of Nigeria who have held this country by the jugular for decades. The owners who are furious that the removal of fuel subsidy took food off their greedy tables. The owners who would rather see the country burn than lose control of the taps that enrich them.

Yet, for ordinary Nigerians, the Dangote Refinery offered hope; a promise that gave us a relatively cheaper, more stable fuel and gas supply. But these ‘owners of Nigeria’ have refused. They have sworn that Nigerians must never get relief. It is over their dead bodies.

Check this: in the aviation sector, jet fuel reportedly accounts for nearly 40% of operational costs. Dangote reportedly offered to sell Jet A1 at N980 per litre, down from the N1,240 the cabal currently sells. That’s a 26% reduction, a direct saving that could have made air travel cheaper for millions. The response from the cabal? Rejection, reportedly. They would rather Nigerians continue to bleed.

Or take the case of LPG, i.e., cooking gas. Nigerians currently pay over N1,000 per kg. Dangote reportedly offered to sell at N800 per litre. Again, the ‘owners of Nigeria’ revolted, reportedly. They simply cannot stand the thought of affordability for the masses, not when it cuts into their illicit profits.

And now the queues are back. One kg of gas is now selling between N1500-N3000. Not because of subsidy delays or foreign exchange shortages, but because of deliberate sabotage. A manufactured scarcity by vested interests holding the country hostage under the guise of industrial action. PENGASSAN’s strike may be framed as a workers’ struggle, but its timing and context tell a deeper story, a story that reeks of orchestration. At some point, Nigerians must collectively say ‘Enough is enough’.

The federal government must act more when private interests cripple national progress. The Dangote Refinery is not just a private venture; it is a national asset, a strategic investment that could redefine our economic independence.

The government must make it clear that the refinery’s success is in the national interest. No individual or group should be allowed to weaponise supply chains against Nigerians.

Regulators, too, must rise to their responsibility. The FCCPC should investigate any evidence of collusion or cartel behaviour within the oil and gas distribution chain. It should be made clear that industrial action cannot become a weapon of economic sabotage. There must be accountability for actions that deliberately inflict hardship on millions of Nigerians.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads. We can either protect the few who profit from dysfunction or empower those who build solutions. The Dangote Refinery, with all its imperfections, represents the latter. To allow cabals to frustrate that progress is to choose national stagnation over renewal.

What is at stake here is not just fuel or gas; it is the soul of Nigeria’s economic independence. If we cannot protect progress when it comes, then we do not deserve it. It is time for the government, regulators, and citizens to draw a line.

Never again should the selfish interests of a few override the collective good of over 200 million Nigerians.