In Kenya’s race to go electric, hybrids take the lead

Electric vehicles (EVs) dominate the motoring news, but there’s much less talk about hybrids, which you have predicted will be the dominant future choice in Kenya. What is the worldwide situation now? NJM

‘Terminology’ is to blame for the seemingly lower profile of hybrids, which are now produced and sold in roughly equal numbers to plug-in electric vehicles in major markets.

Between them, they are likely to soon equal sales of new vehicles with internal combustion engines, and thereafter dominate. Policy makers and the tax man will strongly support that trend. But dominant sales, even when they amount to tens of millions of units per year, will not transform the world overnight. There are well over a billion road-going vehicles, and it will take decades to replace them all.and reconfigure national infrastructures and markets.

Kenya is a minuscule part of all this, and only 10 percent of its modest renewal and replacement market is supplied by ‘new’ vehicles of any sort.

The other 90 percent are about eight years old.on arrival. Under the current circumstances of technical upheaval, that is not necessarily a bad thing!

There are just three main options on the menu – vehicles that have internal combustion engines (ICE) running on petrol or diesel, vehicles that run on electricity (EV) stored in batteries that have to be plug-in recharged, and Hybrids (that use both sources of power) – but there are dozens of different design configurations, and all are evolving within and between their different formats.

Meanwhile, bear in mind all the other things that need power to move themselves (trains, ships, submarines, construction equipment etc) and all the other things that produce power (fossil fuels, generators, sun, wind, tides, ocean currents, hydro dams, geothermal mines, nuclear power stations etc) and the capital investment and operational costs of harvesting, distributing and accessing energy (mains grids, storage depots, fuel stations, batteries etc).

All of these things are evolving within and between their fields – scientists, politicians, financiers, businessmen, and the general public have conflicting vested interests and influences, different timelines, resources, objectives, strategies – and there are more wars as there are alliances, more ignorance than knowledge, more scams than facts.

In those circumstances, there is no answer to which of the three (or other as yet unknown) options will finally dominate or when, elsewhere or here.

What we can recognise is that the answers are likely to vary significantly between markets with dramatically different levels of infrastructure, resources, national and personal affluence, climates, road conditions and traffic patterns, public transport options, social attitudes, etc.

The most highly developed markets – where vehicle volumes of all types are incomparably higher – are more able and inclined, and impelled to lead the transitions, and have the infrastructure, resources, and means to transition more quickly with full-time EVs.

But even in those markets, hybrids (in several different configurations) are ‘catching up’ and are likely to predominate as ICE vehicle sales drop into third place, and EVs (after an initial flush) await a technical breakthrough in battery design. There’s a multi-trillion-dollar pot of business gold at the end of that market rainbow, so the search is not underfunded.

In markets either unable or unwilling to take such a plunge, consumers are increasingly likely to take a more safety-first and wait-and-see approach.

Hybrids offer that, assure continued mobility in less than perfect infrastructures, and deliver performance/usage characteristics that best align with the fastest growing category of cars – SUVs.

World Bank warns of local job cuts, firm closures without Agoa

The World Bank has warned of local job cuts and industry closures in the absence of an extension of the African Growth Opportunity Act (Agoa) which expired at the end of September.

In a new assessment of the impact of the withdrawal of the preferential market access to the US by African countries, the World Bank expects exporters of apparel and textiles in Kenya, Lesotho and Madagascar to face the worst consequences.

Indian, Kenyan pharmas drugs fight exposes PPB

Two pharmaceutical companies, one Kenyan and another from India, are locked in a Sh1.4 billion legal dispute concerning rights to manufacture and distribute 45 life-saving medicines in Kenya.

The case currently in the High Court, which also implicates Kenya’s Pharmacy and Poisons Board (PPB), centres on allegations of brand infringement and regulatory failures involving the essential medicines, exposing potential regulatory gaps in Kenya’s drug oversight.

Taming the beast that is Kenya’s mounting real estate debt

The relentless pages of auction notices in the Kenyan newspapers are more than just classifieds; they are the stark, public symptom of a sickness within the country’s real estate and banking sectors.

This visible distress is quantified by the Central Bank of Kenya (CBK), which reports that a staggering 26.5 percent of all non-performing loans (NPLs) are directly attributable to real estate and construction sectors.

The industry’s gross NPL ratio, standing at a high of 17.6 percent as of June 2025, continues to be a migraine for bankers, regulators, and policymakers alike. This challenge, however, is as old as financing business itself. The persistent role of real estate as the primary culprit in the deterioration of banking asset quality is not new. Pre-Covid pandemic, the 2019 Financial Stability Report pinned 30.8 percent of total industry’s NPLs on this sector.

The natural question is: why does this sector, often perceived as a bastion of wealth and stability, consistently generate such profound distress or NPLs? While current economic headwinds, particularly high-interest rates, have dampened demand for mortgages and stalled development, a critical analysis reveals the problem is far more fundamental. There are priceless lessons for financiers to pick.

The central, unforgiving lesson is that the real estate business is uniquely specialised and complex, demanding professional expertise at every single step. What many investors and lenders fail to accept is that the rules of the game here are fundamentally different from those in developed markets.

The high rate of NPLs is the predictable outcome of a mismatch between standard lending practices and the region’s unique realities.

The sector’s inherent long-gestation periods and sensitivity to macroeconomic shifts are amplified by local challenges: bureaucratic delays, fluctuating costs, and often inadequate infrastructure.

A lender who fails to model for these specific contingencies is flying blind. But unfortunately, many lenders are already in this doomed flight.

So, how can financial institutions protect themselves? The solution lies in a paradigm shift in underwriting and risk management.

First, one must underwrite the jurisdiction, not just the asset. This means prioritising a country’s legal system, political stability, and currency regime over a property’s projected cash flow, as these macro-factors can single-handedly cause a project to stall.

Second, collateral must be bulletproof; a standard legal charge is frequently insufficient and must be supplemented with other security enhancements as well as ensure control over the all-project assets.

Third, vigilance is key. Early intervention at the first sign of distress is not an option but a necessity. You will agree that Nairobi and other cities are littered with monuments to failed projects where collaboration came too late.

Furthermore, when trouble arises, unlike what is considered the conventional reaction, the courtroom should be a last resort. Embracing alternative dispute resolution offers a faster, more flexible path to recovery or exit.

Remember the goal should always be to recover capital and not to punish a borrower. The original borrower, if competent and cooperative, often remains the best bet to complete such a project.

Finally, there is no substitute for deep local knowledge and pragmatic flexibility to restructure loans when it represents the most viable path to salvaging value.

Ultimately, while lending to real estate in markets like Kenya is inherently riskier, the prevalence of NPLs is not an inevitability. It is a function of inadequate risk assessment, weak portfolio monitoring and at times knee-jerk reactionary strategies to already distressed projects.

By adopting a more nuanced, historically informed, and professionally executed approach, lenders can mitigate these age-old risks, protect their capital, and contribute to a more stable and prosperous sector for all.

The hidden toll of maternal mortality

Behind every maternal death in Kenya is a family forever changed. Children lose mothers, communities lose leaders, and the country loses potential.

At a recent Reproductive, Maternal, Newborn, Child, and Adolescent Health and Nutrition high-level policy dialogue and CSO roundtable in Nairobi, these stories and statistics came into sharp focus.

With less than five years to the 2030 Sustainable Development Goal targets, the two-day convening was an opportunity to accelerate reforms, strengthen accountability, and mobilise political will so every woman, child, and adolescent can thrive.

Kenya continues to face unacceptably high maternal mortality, with 355 deaths for every 100,000 live births.

This translates to around 6,000 preventable deaths each year-about 16 women dying every single day. To put this in perspective: the loss of mothers in Kenya is the equivalent of a deadly matatu crash happening every single day.

Postpartum haemorrhage (PPH), the loss of 500ml of blood after childbirth, the equivalent of a standard water bottle, remains the single largest cause of maternal deaths worldwide, disproportionately affecting women in low- and middle-income countries and the leading cause of maternal mortality in Africa.

In Kenya, PPH is the leading cause of maternal mortality (40 percent), followed by obstructed labour (28 percent), and eclampsia (14 percent), according to the Kenya Health Information System and significantly contributes to newborn asphyxia, a leading cause of neonatal mortality.

With universal access to family planning, quality antenatal and intrapartum care, skilled birth attendance, and emergency obstetric and newborn care, most maternal and newborn deaths could be prevented.

Beyond antibiotics and oxytocics, procurement of recent innovations like heat-stable carbetocin for preventing postpartum haemorrhage and tranexamic acid for timely bleeding management is essential. Safe blood transfusions also remain critical, yet many facilities still lack supplies, equipment, and trained staff.

Kenya has a chance to act. The Maternal, Newborn and Child Health Bill 2023, currently before Parliament, would enshrine access to equitable, quality MNCH services in law and strengthen coordination between national and county governments.

For this promise to translate into action, the bill must be urgently prioritised, championed across parties, and advanced without delay.

As Kenya prepares to host the International Maternal Newborn Health Conference in 2026, we cannot welcome the world while losing the equivalent of a matatu full of mothers every day. The fire must keep burning-until women, girls, and children can live and thrive with dignity.

Scaling up proven solutions-such as the E-MOTIVE approach, point-of-care ultrasound for early detection of complications, and CPAP for newborns with respiratory distress-alongside stronger referral systems and reliable supply chains, could transform outcomes.

But even still, facility readiness and antenatal care remain uneven. The 2022 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey (KDHS, 2022) shows that over one-third of pregnant women do not attend four antenatal visits, with stark inequalities: only half of women with no education reach this minimum compared to more than eight in ten with higher education.

Persistent socioeconomic divides, health worker shortages, weak referral systems, and inequitable financing further hold back progress.

Kenya’s health reforms toward primary health care and universal coverage have come with disruption.

The shift from the Linda Mama program under NHIF to the new Social Health Insurance Fund (SHIF) has left gaps in access, with maternity services once free, now requiring out-of-pocket payments. Early signs suggest skilled birth attendance is declining as a result, putting mothers and newborns at greater risk.

Figures mask the daily reality: most deaths are preventable, and many could be linked to unintended or poorly supported pregnancies.

Participants highlighted that behind Kenya’s maternal mortality statistics lies a hidden driver: unintended pregnancies. They emphasized that without addressing access to contraception and prevention, maternal deaths will remain unacceptably high.

As asked by Hon. Dr James Nyikal, Chair of the National Health Committee, ‘How many of these deaths are actually coming from a planned pregnancy, and how many are coming from pregnancies that were not desired? There are a lot of maternal deaths that could be avoided by proper contraception.’

Youth voices underscored the hidden trauma of unintended pregnancies and early, unwanted motherhood. Teenage pregnancy rates remain stubbornly high at 15 percent with substantial county variation – and still persistent worrying trends with continued child marriage.

Behind these numbers lie stories of young women forced to leave school, face stigma, or endure motherhood without support – a cycle that perpetuates poverty and poor health.

While Kenya has made progress, with unmet need for family planning declining from 27 percent in 2003 to 14 percent today, disparities between counties remain stark.

More than one in four women in West Pokot (30 percent), Samburu (29 percent), Siaya (27 percent), and Isiolo (27 percent) still lack access, compared with less than 5 percent in counties such as Laikipia and Embu, according to the latest KDHS.

These figures, however, are in contrast with the Constitution of Kenya (2010) enshrines the right of every person to the highest attainable standard of health, including reproductive health and the right to life.

Speaking at the Global Leaders Network high-level side event on the margins of the United Natiions General Assembly this week, President William Ruto reaffirmed Kenya’s commitment to universal health coverage and sustainable financing, declaring: ‘The future of Africa health financing lies in our own hands.’

The time to act is now

As Ministry of Health’s Head of RMNCAH, Dr. Edward Serem, reminded us, ‘With all these investments, women are still dying, children are still dying. We still need to put more efforts.’

The time to act is now.

The Maternal Health Bill offers an opening and we have legislation and commitments to ensure reaffirming Kenya’s commitment to health. But action must be scaled and sustained.

The toll of maternal mortality is measured not only in lives lost but in futures cut short and communities burdened with unspoken grief. Kenya has the knowledge and tools to change this. What is required now is decisive leadership, bold investment, and collective resolve.

He started with a simple wash, now he earns big detailing cars for the rich

The first time Malcolm Kirago held the keys to a Bentley, there was some hesitation because it wasn’t his car. In fact, it was the first Bentley he had ever seen up close with leather that still carried the smell of newness, an engine note that made him marvel before settling into the driver’s seat.

His job? Not to drive it, but to restore it. It has become a thriller teaser into a world of cars, Mr Kirago only grew to admire.

How Chinese firms are changing the way they operate in Africa

For most of the past 25 years, Chinese construction companies operating in Africa could count on generous financial backing from Chinese banks. Between 2000 and 2019, Chinese funders committed almost $50 billion to African transport projects. Most came from Chinese development finance institutions.

Six years ago, this started to change as Chinese lenders began to pull back. Since 2019, they have committed only $6 billion for the development of Africa’s infrastructure.

Yet Chinese companies continue to thrive on the continent. Many remain market leaders in the constTo make sense of how Chinese companies continue to expand at a time of dwindling state funding, we looked at what makes them so successful in African markets. In a recent paper we set out the main drivers.

We drew on our expertise on the activities of Chinese companies in Africa and undertook extensive fieldwork in China, Kenya and Ghana.

First, Chinese companies draw on their ties to the Chinese state to enter – or establish – their presence in a specific market. This was the case during the boom of Chinese-funded infrastructure projects across Africa. It continues to be the case for projects central to African countries’ development agendas.

Second, Chinese companies build trust-based relationships with other companies, governments and international organisations. This enables them to secure projects across borders and regions.

Third, companies rely on the everyday relations established with local politicians, officials, business people and intermediaries.

The key to market expansion is firms’ ability to shift between these strategies – sometimes leaning on the Chinese state, sometimes on other multinationals, sometimes on local elites.

Our research found that support from the Chinese state was important for market entry. But it did not automatically translate into market survival or expansion. Instead, it is companies’ flexible expansion strategy that has made them so successful.

Our findings highlight that African governments and other local actors have a crucial role to play in shaping the activities of Chinese firms. Their policies and negotiation approach actively influence how these companies operate.

Our results also challenge the common assumption that Chinese companies are simply extensions of China’s foreign policy. We show that many Chinese firms increasingly behave like their western private counterparts: competing for contracts, partnering with other international actors, and adapting to local conditions. This shift highlights the opportunities and responsibilities of African actors in shaping the impact Chinese companies have in their economies.

How Chinese companies do it

We collected data through research in China, Kenya and Ghana between 2018 and 2022. We studied various written sources, interviewed Chinese construction company staff, and spoke to African government officials and people, companies and organisations.

We also spent four months observing Chinese construction sites in Kenya and Ghana.

In the first place, the ties that bind Chinese companies to the Chinese state have long been a springboard for overseas expansion.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation, a subsidiary of Africa’s largest international contractor, China Communication Construction Company, opened its local headquarters in 1984.

At first, the road builder mainly worked as subcontractor for other Asian companies, gaining experience in ‘how to do business’ in this African market. It later became the lead contractor for Chinese-financed megaprojects like the Nairobi-Mombasa Standard Gauge Railway.

State-backed loans gave the company large contracts as well as visibility and credibility with Kenyan authorities.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company, another China Communication Construction Company subsidiary, entered the market through a Chinese-financed agreement in the 2010s. The loan gave the harbour company a way into the Ghanaian market and the opportunity to build long-term relationships. During a pause in this project, it sought other projects by using its regional networks in west Africa.

Network building

Our evidence shows that Chinese firms operating in African markets cultivate trust-based networks beyond the realm of the Chinese state. These networks include other multinationals, both Chinese and non-Chinese, regional organisations, international financiers and African state actors.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company relied on its connections with international partners to ‘keep busy’ while Chinese-funded projects stalled. It secured other port projects in west Africa by partnering with a consortium involving western multinationals.

These projects anchored the company in Ghana’s port sector. They also opened doors to further contracts funded by non-Chinese actors.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation similarly expanded outside Chinese-funded projects by winning international tenders. The company’s bids were attractive as it was able to redeploy equipment and staff from nearby projects.

This lowered the costs of getting started. For example, machinery and quarries used for the Nairobi-Mombasa railway were also used in the Kenyan government-funded Lamu port project.

The ability to mobilise resources across projects strengthens Chinese companies’ competitiveness in international tenders.

We found that Chinese firms embed themselves in local political and business environments. They develop individual relations with key political and business figures.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation’s directors worked closely with politicians and ministries to anticipate infrastructure needs. In some cases, the company carried out feasibility studies before tenders were issued. It could then present ready-made projects, such as the Liwatoni bridge in Mombasa. In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company relied on local intermediaries to navigate the politics of infrastructure development and secure contracts. Young professionals had ties to both Chinese managers and Ghanaian elites. The company also hired foreign consultants to bolster its reputation with local officials.

The implications

For African governments, this shift means that Chinese firms are no longer closely tied to Beijing’s priorities. They will participate in public tenders, invest in public-private partnerships and partner with other multinationals.

Negotiating these firms’ role in African economies will require a different strategy. It less focused on geopolitics and more on regulation of standards and alignment with industrial policy.

The next phase of Africa-China infrastructural engagement will not be defined by large Chinese loan packages. It will be driven by operational contexts, various alliances, and a competitive world market.

Judiciary warns over court orders forgery after SportPesa charge

The Judiciary has raised concerns about the increased use of forged documents to try to procure favourable decisions in the wake of a fake court order in a case involving betting firm SportPesa.

It issued a public notice on Wednesday over the rising cases of fake rulings, court orders, warrants of attachments and sale of property, as well as notices to show cause.

ONE Championship: Vero Nika vows to carry Myanmar’s torch after Aung La N Sang’s farewell

Vero Nika says she wants to continue the legacy of her hero Aung La N Sang in ONE Championship – and become the new face of Myanmar martial arts on the world stage.

The 29-year-old striker returns to the ring next month at ONE Fight Night 37, where she will face kickboxing legend Anissa Meksen at Lumpinee Stadium. It will mark Vero’s first appearance on ONE’s US primetime series on Prime Video, following two outings under the ONE Friday Fights banner this year.

‘I’m so excited,’ she told the Bangkok Post backstage during ONE Fight Night 36, where she came to support Aung La in his final fight. ‘If he doesn’t fight anymore, I want to be like him. One day I will try to be like him – a good fighter for Myanmar.’

The pair embraced at the fighter hotel on the morning of his emotional farewell win over Zebaztian Kadestam, as thousands of Burmese fans filled Lumpinee for one last glimpse of their national hero.

‘He’s so sad also,’ Nika said. ‘All Myanmar people, all the fans, me also – we want to see him again in Myanmar because everybody loves him. He respects everyone in Myanmar. I hope so.’

Aung La, 40, retired last weekend after a storied career that made him a ONE Championship two-division world champion and the country’s most beloved athlete. He later told the Bangkok Post he sees Vero as part of the next generation who will carry Myanmar’s banner into the future.

And Vero, who lives and trains in Pattaya at the Tiger Muay Thai gym, is determined to follow his example.

‘Before, we didn’t know how to come here,’ she said. ‘We didn’t dream about ONE Championship. We just knew fighting in Myanmar. After we saw Aung La fighting, then we had a big dream – to come fight outside.

‘Now we know ONE Championship, we know Muay Thai. So we are so happy. I want to say thank you for that.’

Vero signed with ONE in January, committing to compete in both Muay Thai and kickboxing across Friday Fights, Fight Nights, and numbered events.

After losing a thrilling split decision to ‘Miss Scarface’ Francisca Vera in February, she posted a TKO of Junior Fairtex in May, to mark herself out as one of the promotion’s most promising new prospects.

Her upcoming bout against Meksen, a multiple-time world champion with more than 100 career wins, will be her kickboxing debut. But the challenge doesn’t intimidate her.

‘She’s so good, and she has more experience than me,’ Vero said. ‘She fights kickboxing her whole life – me, kickboxing, I never fought before.

‘This is my first fight. But I’m not scared about this fight because I love it. I want to fight good people. I want to show what I can do.’

Vero, who smiled as she greeted fans in Burmese at Lumpinee, said she feels their support every time she steps into the ring.

‘They love me – I know that,’ she said. ‘So I have to keep going, train hard, more than everyone else. I think I can do it.’

And while she admits a gold statue like Aung La’s in Myanmar might be a long way off, she’s already daring to dream.

‘I hope so,’ she said with a laugh. ‘I’m trying.’

PM’s Office to explain Cambodia MoUs

Prime Minister’s Office Minister Paradorn Prissanananthakul has pledged to hold public forums on the two contentious Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) 43 and 44 with Cambodia, stating that the people deserve a clear understanding of the bilateral accords.

Mr Paradorn made the statement after receiving a letter on behalf of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul from protestors with the Network of Students and People for Thai Reform and the Dhammayut Army, calling for a clearer explanation of the two contentious agreements.

The move followed the latest National Institute of Development Administration (Nida) poll, which found 44% of the public does not understand the function of the two MoUs.

MoU 43 — officially the Memorandum of Understanding between Thailand and Cambodia on the Survey and Demarcation of [the] Land Boundary — was signed on June 14, 2000, during the government of then-prime minister Chuan Leekpai.

MoU 44 — the Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Kingdom of Thailand and the Government of the Kingdom of Cambodia Concerning the Area of Their Overlapping Maritime Claims to the Continental Shelf — was signed on June 18, 2001, under the government of Thaksin Shinawatra.

On Tuesday, the protesters staged a demonstration at Chamai Maruchet Bridge in front of Government House.

Led by Pichit Chaimongkol, the groups gathered to press nine urgent demands, including a call for the government to cancel MoUs 43 and 44 rather than hold a referendum.

Police deployed personnel to maintain order and closed traffic at the base of the bridge during the demonstration.

Earlier, the government said it planned to organise a referendum on the MoUs alongside a general election expected early next year.

The protesters called on the government to cancel MoUs 43 and 44 and avoid a referendum they view as offloading responsibility to citizens while permitting open public debate.

They also want the government to take decisive action to protect Thai sovereignty, especially at Ban Nong Chan in Sa Kaeo on the border with Cambodia, with a deadline of Oct 10; and they are calling to demolish casino structures that encroach on Thai territory in Sa Kaeo.