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With the commencement of campaigns for presidential and National Assembly elections on Wednesday, it is obvious that all the instruments for attracting public interest in candidates will be deployed to create visibility and sustain the interests of voters ahead of 2027.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has cleared 19 presidential candidates so far to contest in the January 2027 general elections.

The publicity instruments to be deployed from previous experiences include roadside shows, rallies and both live and recorded campaigns, which would be facilitated with the use of handbills, flyers, posters, billboards, jingles and advertisements in various media platforms.

Our correspondents report that even before the official commencement of campaigns, especially during the primary elections across the states, various towns and villages had a taste of what lies ahead as streets were littered with posters and billboards of aspirants.

Weekend Trust notes that while there have not been substantial interests in some other forms of campaigns, many state governments have had their policies on billboards reviewed in what many fear might be an attempt to stifle the opposition.

Our correspondents report that even before the lifting of the ban on campaigns, some state governments had fixed what the opposition and analysts described as outrageous fees to secure a permit for placement of billboards.

Some of the politicians said the decision might not be informed by the need to generate revenue alone but to scare opposition candidates, who may not have access to funds.

Several states, including Abia and Anambra, recently introduced significant permit fees for political campaigns, raising concerns that politicians are being forced into a costly bidding war for visibility ahead of future elections.

The controversy comes at a sensitive time for the President Tinubu administration, which faces mounting public criticism over its economic policies.

Prior to the 2015 elections, Weekend Trust recalls that no less than 161 billboards were mounted at strategic places in Abuja for then President Goodluck Jonathan, urging him to seek re-election as president.

N75m for presidential billboards in Rivers

Rivers State is charging N75 million for erecting presidential candidates’ billboards and N50 million for governorship billboards ahead of the next general elections in the state.

A reliable source at the Office of the Special Adviser on Political Affairs to the governor told Weekend Trust that the price is being pegged to curtail the indiscriminate erection of billboards in Port Harcourt, the state capital.

Price difference was also noticed in local government areas. Abua/Odual Local Government fixed N70 million and N50 million for presidential and governorship candidates respectively.

The Abua/Odual Local Government Legislative Assembly recently passed a political campaign (outdoor advertising and signages) regulation by-law, 2026, which has consequently been assented to. It is to provide a comprehensive regulatory framework for outdoor advertising and signages for political campaign purposes within the local government area.

The Chief Press Secretary to the Chairman of Abua/Odual Local Government, Eeguode Sampson Iyabi, noted in a statement that the by-law was principally aimed at curbing indiscriminate posting, pasting, erection, mounting and display of political campaign posters, banners, billboards, signages, hoardings and other outdoor campaign materials, while promoting orderliness, public safety, environmental cleanliness and responsible use and protection of public and private property.

Accordingly, the by-law establishes a mandatory permit regime for political campaign outdoor advertising and signages. In particular, Section 6 requires a valid council permit before any political campaign poster, banner, signage, billboard, hoarding or other outdoor campaign material can be displayed within the local government area.

‘The First Schedule to the by-law prescribes permit fees in respect of political campaign outdoor advertising and signages, with presidential campaign at N75 million; governorship, N50 million; senatorial, N30 million; House of Representatives, N20 million; chairmanship; N15 million; House of Assembly, N10 million and councillorship, N1 million,’ it stated.

However, unlike other states, the fee is very low in Kano. At N1.1 million, Kano makes no distinction between campaign or commercial billboards. The Kano State Signage and Advertisement Agency, created by Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf in 2025 to regulate outdoor advertising, signage placement and brand promotion, said it did not make a distinction between political campaigns and commercial billboards in its regulations at the moment.

When contacted, the Director of Public Enlightenment of the agency, Munzali Muhammad Hausawa, told our correspondent that the signage agency only deals with APCON-registered companies to grant approval for the erection of billboards in the state, be it commercial or otherwise.

According to him, what obtains in Kano is that politicians would approach an advertising practitioner or firm who would pay the appropriate fees (administrative and annual rate), which amounts to N1,150,000.

There were speculations that the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCT) put a N750 million fee on billboards. A publisher and politician, Dele Momodu, raised the alarm over the claim, but Lere Olayinka, the Special Assistant on Media to the FCT Minister, Nyesome Wike, dismissed it as ‘political propaganda common during election seasons.’

Kogi pegs N150m for presidential candidates

The Kogi State Government, on Tuesday, August 11, approved fees to, among other things, regulate political advertising across the state, ensure compliance with existing signage regulations and generate revenue for the development of the state.

According to the Commissioner for Information and Communication in the state, Kingsley Fanwo, the approved fees serve as bills for placement of billboards, posters, branded T-shirts, caps and other campaign materials by political parties and candidates and parties contesting the upcoming elections in the state.

The announced fees include N150 million for presidential candidates, N50 million for senatorial candidates, N30 million for House of Representatives candidates, N5 million for State House of Assembly candidates.

Also, N2 million was approved for chairmanship candidates and N300,000 for councillorship candidates for the October local government election in the state.

The state government stressed further that placement of campaign materials without payment of the prescribed fees and non-compliance with the relevant regulations would constitute an offence.

‘Defaulters or anyone found aiding or facilitating such violations would be prosecuted. The regulations apply to all political parties and candidates without exception, including candidates of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC),’ Fanwo noted.

The general manager of the Kogi State Signage and Advertisement Agency (KOSSAA), Mr Richard Osaseyi, said the agency would commence full enforcement of the regulations. He urged political parties, candidates, campaign organisations and billboard operators to register with the agency and obtain the necessary approvals before erecting or displaying campaign materials anywhere in the state.

However, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state has rejected the campaign signage and promotional fees, describing it as an attempt to shut down opposition.

The chairman of the party in Kogi State, Mohammed Gambo, argued that the regulatory charges should be fair and proportionate and not a decision that would undermine expenditure limits prescribed by the electoral law.

He added that while the government has the right to regulate commercial signage and the use of public advertising infrastructure, it should exercise caution in regulating the personal political expression of citizens.

‘Elections are contests of ideas, service and the will of the people. Government’s regulation must never become a financial barrier capable of determining who can effectively communicate with the electorate

‘Sections 39 and 40 of the constitution guarantee freedom of expression and peaceful association, including political association,’ the PDP chairman said.

Gambo therefore urged the government to review the fees and convene a meeting with registered political parties and other stakeholders to agree on a more reasonable framework to service the signage fee.

Kaduna: Fees depend on location of billboards

In Kaduna State, a source at the Kaduna State Urban Property Development Agency (KASUPDA) explained that while there’s no fixed payment before the process starts, intending campaigners must show that they intend to erect the billboard before being given a space and the amount to pay.

‘So far, we have not disclosed any fixed amount for putting up a billboard. The person has to come and show us the location he wants to erect it. We will then assess it and tell him the applicable fee, whether it is for a political billboard or advertisement of a product,’ the agency said.

The Bauchi State Government, through its agencies – Bauchi State Infrastructure Development and Maintenance Agency (BASIDMA), Bauchi State Physical Planning and Development Control Board, Bauchi State Environmental Protection Agency (BASEPA) and Board of Internal Revenue – had last June ordered the removal of all campaign billboards, banners and posters mounted on streetlights, utility poles and major flyovers across the state as part of efforts to restore urban order and improve environmental aesthetics.

The general manager of the BASIDMA, Muhammad Ibrahim, gave political parties and their supporters a one-week ultimatum to remove the materials, warning that enforcement teams would remove any campaign materials that remained after the deadline.

But in a swift reaction, the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) issued a three-day ultimatum to the state government to remove campaign materials of the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) from public infrastructure across the state or face legal action.

In a statement signed by its state chairman, Abdurrahman Yusuf Muazu, the PRP alleged that the ruling party in the state had ignored the directive.

‘The PRP is alarmed and dismayed by the selective and one-sided enforcement of the so-called ban on posting of campaign materials on public infrastructure.

‘While the Bauchi State Government issued an ultimatum last month for all political parties to remove billboards, banners and posters within a specified timeframe, it has come to our notice that the ruling party, the APM, has flagrantly disregarded this directive.

‘They have continued to display their logos, colours and insignia across numerous public infrastructures throughout the state,’ Muazu stated.

He alleged that Kofar Gombe Gate, Kofar Nassarawa and Kofar Ran were among public facilities where APM campaign materials had been mounted or pasted.

‘This blatant favouritism and inconsistent enforcement undermine the principles of fairness, equity and the rule of law that should govern Bauchi State. Notably, sections 92-95 of the Electoral Act strictly prohibit such conduct, yet the APM’s displays remain untouched,’ he added.

When contacted through a telephone interview, the general manager of the Bauchi State Physical Planning and Development Control Board (BSPPDCD), Ibrahim Muhammad, said the agency saddled with the responsibility was yet to announce the approved fees for political campaign billboards in the state

He added that the BSPPDCD was concerned about the locations of campaign billboards across the state, adding that the exercise was carried out by joint agencies. He said the agency handling the fees would soon be made public.

Abia, Anambra, others fix amounts

In Abia, the fee for erecting presidential billboards stands at N200 million; governorship: N150 million; senatorial: N100 million; House of Representatives: N50 million; State Assembly: N20 million.

In Anambra, a permit for presidential billboards would cost N50 million; senatorial: N20 million; House of Representatives: N5m and State Assembly: N1.5million.

In Cross River, presidential billboard fee costs N150 million, while governorship is N100 million. In Enugu, a reported N150 million fee applies before candidates can deploy campaign materials, erect or use billboards, or operate branded campaign vehicles.

ADC, NDC condemn ‘arbitrary’ fees

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has vowed to challenge the high fees on the placing of billboards in several states across the country.

Bolaji Abdullahi, the national publicity secretary of the party, stated this while reacting to enquiries by Weekend Trust. The party alleged that the move in some of the states was targeted at stifling the opposition.

In a terse message to Daily Trust, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi wrote, ‘It is certainly targeted at the opposition. And we are going to challenge it.’

The Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) also condemned what it called the arbitrary increase in the amount required to mount political campaign billboards by some state governments ahead of the 2027 polls.

Speaking to one of our correspondents on the phone, the party’s director of publicity, Ossai Director, described such increases as undemocratic and unacceptable.

He said the move by some of the states, which are mostly controlled by the All Progressives Congress, is another act by the ruling party to muzzle the opposition ahead of the polls.

”Did you hear this kind of unjust action when the Peoples Democratic Party was in power? This shows that the APC and some of its state governments are already jittery, intimidated and afraid, even before the elections,” he said.

Director said the party would not pay such money, which, according to him, will end up in individual pockets, noting that there are other various multi-media channels with which the party reaches the electorate.

He said the party was still studying those arbitrary increases and would not hesitate to go to court if the need arises.

Billboards tax ill-timed, could be used to stifle opposition – Prof Fage

A political scientist, Professor Kamilu Sani Fage of the Bayero University, Kano, has criticised the decision by some state governments to impose fees on politicians for placing campaign billboards, describing the policy as unfair and politically motivated.

He noted that while billboard taxation had long existed in states like Lagos, the timing and manner of its enforcement ahead of elections raised concerns. He argued that the measure could be exploited to stifle opposition parties.

‘For state governments to introduce it in the name of generating revenue, I believe there are certain sinister political motives. Opposition parties may not be able to pay such money, while ruling parties are often exempted,’ he noted.

The professor warned that the policy could deny opposition candidates the opportunity to showcase their programmes, thereby undermining democratic principles. He stressed that democracy required a level playing field where all parties are treated equally.

‘Even if the intention is revenue generation, politicians will abuse it. They will use it to gag opposition parties, who may end up being squeezed or dragged to court for violations,’ he added.

Fage further observed that ruling parties, even when compelled to pay, would likely draw from public funds rather than personal resources, creating what he described as a ‘double dip.’

With elections only months away, he cautioned that the policy risked tilting the political space in favour of incumbents.

‘It is wrong to introduce such measures now. Ruling parties will continue to display their candidates while opposition parties are denied the same opportunity,’ he noted.

We have no hand in billboard fees – APC

The publicity secretary of the ruling APC, Felix Morka, could not be reached on the phone yesterday, but a chieftain of the party told one of our correspondents that the conditions and amount required to mount political campaign billboards lay solely on state governments, and in some instances, local governments.

He said it had nothing to do with political parties or even the federal government.

‘Where there should be an issue is when a political party or candidate is denied a chance to mount such billboards even when they have the money to pay the stipulated fees. But the amount to be paid solely depends on the state or local government as the case may be. That is why you see that the amount is not uniform across the states,’ he noted.

‘Timing is curious’

Speaking on the issue, the Global Director of Brain Builders Youth Development Initiative (BBYDI), Olasupo Abideen, said: ‘The placement of billboard fees across several states could be viewed from the government’s perspective as a revenue generation measure. Nigerians should scrutinise the timing and long term objectives of the initiative,’

He said the key questions should be ‘why the policy is being introduced at this time, what the government hopes to achieve with it and whether adequate stakeholder engagement preceded its implementation.’

Abideen said that while governments may genuinely seek to generate revenue through their advertising and promotional agencies, ‘there could also be concerns that the measures may restrict opposition parties from accessing publicity to communicate their manifestos and programmes to the electorate.’

He, therefore, called for greater ‘scrutiny of the rationale behind the charges, the process through which they were introduced and their likely implications for political competition ahead of the 2027 elections.’

On his part, the Director, Media Advocacy and Technologies Centre (MATEC), Malam Musa Aliyu, said it was unfortunate that the ruling party was allegedly using different means to limit the visibility of opposition parties, particularly during campaigns.

Aliyu identified ‘exorbitant charges’ for billboard placement as one of the measures capable of restricting opposition parties from effectively communicating their messages to the electorate.

He acknowledged that billboard fees could serve as a legitimate source of revenue for governments, but cautioned that the pursuit of revenue should not be allowed to undermine political competition or create an uneven playing field for political parties.

According to him, the situation becomes particularly problematic when the charges run into hundreds of millions of naira, making it difficult for opposition parties to afford prominent advertising spaces where voters can see their candidates, programmes and campaign messages.

He questioned the rationale behind imposing such financial burdens on parties seeking to challenge those in power, arguing that access to political visibility should not become a privilege reserved for parties with greater financial resources.

He warned that measures that make it excessively difficult for opposition parties to reach voters could gradually weaken democratic competition, regardless of whether they were presented as revenue generation or regulation.

‘This is one of the ways through which politicians endanger Nigeria’s democracy. It is not good for democracy,’ he said.

A public relations expert and mass communication lecturer, Balarabe Sa’ad, said politicians had shown a preference for the use of billboards of its strategic advantage.

He said, ‘Within the context of what radio represents for its audiences and for those who use it for messaging, it is quite true that listenership is dwindling.’

He said using pictures relating to political campaigns or political communication were not getting the kind of attention or traction jingles are getting because lyrics contain more power over the audience.

‘The question to ask now is: If we undermine the power of radio, how many people are watching television too, especially in an era where content has shifted digitally to social media. So, even on social media, how much time can people spend? This is because they think of their data. If you want to watch a graphic video, the ordinary poor person thinks that video would consume more data, so he doesn’t want to give it the kind of attention somebody can give a lighter medium that is more relatable,’ he explained.

Another analyst said while the jingles, posters and flyers could fizzle out easily, billboards could stand for a long period of time unless they are removed.

The durability of billboards, come rain or shine, coupled with the fact that they are placed in strategic parts of the town according to publicists, is what makes it the number one choice of campaign instruments deployed by politicians.

In Enugu, N150m fee applies before candidates can deploy campaign materials, erect or use billboards, or operate branded campaign vehicles.

The Anambra State Government, through the State Signage and Advertisement Agency, has unveiled permit fees for political campaigns ahead of the 2027 general elections.

A presidential candidate will pay N50m, while a senatorial candidate is charged N20m for outdoor campaign activities. Under the arrangement, House of Representatives candidates will pay N5m, House of Assembly candidates N1.5m, local government chairmanship candidates N2.5m, while councillorship candidates will pay N100,000 before being allowed to campaign in the state.

Campaign spending limits for 2026

The maximum amount a presidential candidate can spend on election expenses has been doubled from N5 billion in the 2022 Electoral Act, which governed the 2023 general elections, to N10 billion under the Electoral Act 2026.

The new limit is contained in Section 92(2) of the Electoral Act 2026, compared with Section 88(2) of the Electoral Act 2022. Section 92 (1) of the new law states that ‘Election expenses shall not exceed the sum stipulated in subsections (2)-(7).’

It subsequently provides in Section 92(2): ‘The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a presidential election shall not exceed N10,000,000,000.’

Under the Electoral Act 2022, the corresponding provision in Section 88 (2) states: ‘The maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate at a presidential election shall not exceed N5,000,000,000.’

The increase means that the statutory spending ceiling for presidential candidates has risen by 100 per cent ahead of the 2027 general elections. The Electoral Act 2022 was the legal framework for the 2023 elections.

The increase is also significant at the governorship level, where the spending ceiling has risen from N1 billion under the 2022 Act to N3 billion under the 2026 Act.

Section 92(3) of the new Act provides: ‘The maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred by a candidate in respect of a governorship election shall not exceed N3,000,000,000.’

The corresponding Section 88(3) of the 2022 Act prescribes a maximum of N1 billion for a governorship candidate.

For the National Assembly, the new law also significantly raises the limits. Section 92(4) provides that: ‘The maximum amount of election expenses to be incurred by a candidate in respect of senatorial and House of Representatives election shall not exceed N500,000,000 and N250,000,000 respectively.’

Under the 2022 Act, the limits were N100 million for a senatorial candidate and N70 million for a House of Representatives candidate.

This represents a five-fold increase for senatorial candidates and an increase of more than three-and-a-half times for House of Representatives candidates.

The spending ceiling for State House of Assembly candidates has also risen from N30 million under the 2022 Act to N100 million under the new law.

For area council elections, the chairmanship spending limit has increased from N30 million to N100 million, while the councillorship ceiling has doubled from N5 million to N10 million.

The new law, therefore, sets the spending limits at N10 billion for presidential candidates, N3 billion for governorship candidates, N500 million for Senate candidates, N250 million for House of Representatives candidates, N100 million for State House of Assembly candidates, N100 million for area council chairmanship candidates and N10 million for councillorship candidates.

The National Assembly lists the Electoral Act 2026 as the legislation regulating the conduct of federal, state and area council elections.

Campaign regulations not part of Electoral Act – Lawyer

A constitutional lawyer, Kehinde Oloje, told Weekend Trust that the amended Electoral Act does not contain a specific section explicitly mandating or prohibiting the physical placement of billboards in public spaces. He said that instead, the regulation of campaign billboards is governed by the state/local government urban planning laws.

According to him, while the Act is silent on the specific location of billboards, it regulates the nature and timing of political advertisements, which include the prohibition of campaigning near polling units. He added that while the Act does not explicitly use the word ‘billboard,’ it mandates a peaceful environment for voting.

It is generally interpreted by INEC that no campaign material-including posters and banners-is permitted within the immediate vicinity or perimeter of a polling unit on election day.

He added that the Act provides that campaigns in public must commence 150 days before polling day and end 24 hours prior to the election.

‘Any billboard advertisement that promotes or opposes a candidate during the prohibited 24-hour window before an election constitutes an offence under the Act,’ he added.

He said Section 92 of the Act states that political campaigns and advertisements (including those on billboards) must not use abusive language, religious or tribal slurs that are likely to promote ethnic or religious hatred.

The lawyer explained that because the Electoral Act does not provide zoning laws for outdoor advertising, billboard placement is primarily subject to state and local government regulations.

He said some of the regulatory bodies included state signage agencies.

According to him, agencies such as the Lagos State Signage and Advertisement Agency (LASAA) or the FCT Department of Outdoor Advertisement and Signage (DOAS) dictate where billboards can be placed, the size permitted and the required permits/fees.

He added that local municipal bylaws determine which areas are designated for commercial advertising, and that political parties must obtain permits from these local authorities to use designated billboard spaces.

He said most states had laws prohibiting the pasting of posters on public infrastructure (bridges, trees, traffic lights).

Violating these local environmental or sanitation laws, he added, can lead to the removal of materials and fines, independent of the Electoral Act.

Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, says he cannot be in the Campaign Council for the reelection of President Bola Tinubu because he is not a member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

Wike said this after inspecting some ongoing projects in the FCT, on Saturday.

The minister stressed that campaign council membership doesn’t equal victory.

According to him, political relevance in presidential elections hinges entirely on a politician’s ability to win their states, local governments, and wards.

Stressing that ‘every politics is local’, Wike urged politicians across party lines to focus on grassroot voter mobilisation for Tinubu rather than fighting for positions in campaign councils.

He dismissed the notion that non-membership in the APC Presidential Campaign Council restricts key political actors from securing electoral victories for the president.

Drawing from recent political history, he highlighted prominent figures who served as Directors-General (DG) of presidential campaign councils but failed to deliver their home states:

‘Rotimi Amaechi served as DG for Muhammadu Buhari’s campaigns in 2015 and 2019 but failed to secure Rivers

‘Bukola Saraki led Atiku Abubakar’s campaign council in 2019 as DG but lost both Kwara and his senatorial seat.

‘Aminu Tambuwal served as DG for Atiku Abubakar in 2023 and lost Sokoto State.

‘Simon Lalong headed the APC Presidential Campaign Council as DG in 2023 but failed to deliver Plateau.

‘If you are DG and you don’t win your state, what is the essence of the DG? If you lose your own state, even if you are DG, you will be ashamed. When you say you won, people will ask: ‘Why didn’t you win in your own state?’

The FCT minister explained that political alliances extend beyond formal party structures, pointing to a cross-party ‘Rainbow Coalition’ working across several states, including Bayelsa, Benue, and Kwara, to support the presidency regardless of formal campaign appointments.

Citing the G-5 movement’s role during the 2023 elections, Wike emphasised that key political players could work through independent structures to secure regional success.

‘I am not a member of the APC, so I cannot be in the Presidential Campaign Council. We had our own strategies on how the presidency would emerge.

In the rainbow coalition, we don’t need to be members of the APC Presidential Campaign Council. We are doing our own work,’ he said.

Wike assured that both the FCT and Rivers remain firmly under his political stewardship to ensure victory for the presidency.

‘What is important is: are you able to deliver those two states? Who will be in charge of the Rivers State campaign? Me. Who will be in charge of FCT? Me,’ he affirmed.

The political rhetoric ahead of the 2027 presidential election took a sharper turn weekend.

This is just as Nyesom Wike, Federal Capital Territory Minister, vowed to keep pressure on former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi.

The duo are the two leading opposition figures challenging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the nation’s number one job.

Wike is backing Tinubu’s re-election despite remaining a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

He said he was not interested in making his political opponents comfortable as the contest gathers momentum.

‘My business is to make them not feel well all day, because they will be having high blood pressure. I guess that is my job, to make them have high blood pressure,’ he said in Abuja.

The minister’s remarks underscored the increasingly combative nature of the 2027 contest, particularly as Atiku and Obi remain central figures in efforts to build an alternative political platform against the ruling party.

Wike, however, questioned the capacity of the opposition to mount a formidable challenge, pointing specifically to the prolonged crisis within the PDP.

He said the party would ordinarily have been regarded as Nigeria’s principal opposition force, but its internal divisions had prevented it from occupying that position effectively.

‘Who is the opposition leader? Ordinarily, it would have been PDP, but because of the crisis we have had, you can’t see a formidable party that you will call the leading opposition party,’ Wike said.

His comments came against the backdrop of his increasingly open support for Tinubu.

The development place Wike at odds with Atiku, who is now seeking the presidency on the platform of the African Democratic Congress.

Obi, who contested the 2023 presidential election on the Labour Party platform, is also positioning himself for another presidential bid in 2027.

Wike said the personal reaction of either politician to his attacks was irrelevant to him.

He argued that political contests were inherently adversarial.

‘When you are having a contest with somebody, your business is not to make him feel well. Your business is to make sure that you beat him thoroughly,’ he said.

The former Rivers State governor has recently intensified his criticism of Atiku, particularly over the former vice-president’s pledge to restore petrol subsidy if elected president.

Wike had described Atiku as ‘confused’ over the promise.

He said that the presidential contest could drive politicians to make whatever promises they believe could secure electoral support.

His rivalry with Obi also predates the current 2027 alignment.

In October 2025, Wike dismissed Obi’s presidential ambition, referring to him as a ‘social media presidential candidate’, in another public attack that drew attention to the growing hostility between the two politicians.

Wike’s latest comments suggest that his role in the 2027 political contest will extend beyond his responsibilities as FCT minister, with the former governor openly positioning himself as a campaigner against opposition presidential contenders.

He said he would not hesitate to intensify his political attacks if he believed Atiku and Obi were already under pressure.

‘In fact, if I knew how they feel now, I would add more crises for them,’ Wike said.

The remark captures how far Wike’s relationship with Atiku has travelled since their 2022 PDP battle and how his once more cordial posture towards Obi has evolved into another front in his political offensive.

As the 2027 contest takes shape, Wike appears determined to remain at the centre of that battle but this time from inside the Tinubu administration and against two politicians with whom he has shared very different chapters of Nigeria’s opposition politics.

Daily Trust reports that the bitterness that has defined Nyesom Wike’s attacks on Atiku Abubakar did not begin with the 2027 presidential contest.

Its roots go back to the bruising Peoples Democratic Party presidential primary of 2022 and the fallout over who would occupy the party’s presidential ticket and running mate slot.

That history now provides context for Wike’s latest declaration that he wants Atiku and Peter Obi to remain politically uncomfortable ahead of the 2027 election.

Wike’s relationship with Atiku had already become strained before the running mate controversy.

At the PDP presidential primary in May 2022, Atiku defeated Wike by 371 votes to 237, ending the Rivers governor’s attempt to secure the party’s presidential nomination.

The bigger rupture followed weeks later.

After emerging as the PDP’s presidential candidate, Atiku selected Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa as his running mate, despite Wike having emerged as a prominent contender for the position.

The decision was particularly damaging to relations because Wike had been Atiku’s closest rival at the presidential primary and was widely regarded within the party as one of its strongest southern politicians.

There was, however, an important distinction.

While the political atmosphere created expectations that Wike could become Atiku’s running mate, Atiku’s camp later rejected claims that he had formally promised Wike the position.

Wike did not accept the outcome quietly.

He and four other PDP governors subsequently formed what became known as the G5 or Integrity Group and demanded the removal of PDP National Chairman Iyorchia Ayu as a condition for supporting Atiku’s presidential campaign.

Their argument was that both the presidential candidate and national chairman should not come from the northern part of the country.

The dispute eventually became irreconcilable.

Wike and the other G5 governors refused to campaign for Atiku, while the PDP’s attempts to reconcile the rival camps failed to end the standoff.

Wike’s position subsequently moved beyond an internal PDP disagreement.

By the 2023 election, he was openly associated with political forces opposed to Atiku’s campaign, while continuing to insist that his principal concern was the emergence of a southern president.

That position ultimately brought him closer to Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who defeated Atiku and Obi in the presidential election and later appointed Wike as FCT minister.

The history with Obi is considerably different.

Unlike the Atiku relationship, there was no comparable 2022 personal rupture between Wike and Obi over a presidential ticket or running mate position.

Obi had been Atiku’s running mate in the 2019 presidential election but left the PDP in 2022 before the party’s presidential primary.

He subsequently joined the Labour Party and became its presidential candidate.

For a period, Wike’s public posture towards Obi was even markedly different from what it is today.

In March 2023, as the presidential campaign entered its final phase, Wike described Obi as the ‘hero’ of the election, arguing that the former Anambra governor’s candidacy contributed to the emergence of a southern president.

The relationship later changed.

Wike increasingly attacked Obi’s political style and the movement surrounding his candidacy.

By October 2025, he was dismissing Obi as a ‘social media presidential candidate’, signalling a much more openly hostile posture towards the former Anambra governor.

That evolution separates the two rivalries.

With Atiku, Wike’s hostility grew out of a direct struggle for power inside the PDP, followed by the decision over the running mate slot and the prolonged G5 crisis.

With Obi, the antagonism developed differently, largely through their competing political positions and Wike’s increasingly critical assessment of Obi’s style and presidential ambitions.

Wike has nevertheless continued to place both men in the same political category as opponents of the Tinubu administration.

The South-East chapter of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) says it is targeting one million votes for the party’s presidential ticket in the 2027 general elections.

Chairman,????????? FCT South-East of the NDC, Mike Nwosu, disclosed this on Saturday when he led members from the six Area Councils in the FCT on a solidarity visit to the NDC National Vice Chairman, South-East, Mr Teddy Obey.

Nwosu said the visit is to appreciate the party’s national leadership for giving the South-East the opportunity to produce its presidential candidate.

He said the South-East has a responsibility to reciprocate the gesture by mobilising support for the party and ensuring victory for its candidates in the 2027 elections.

‘We are going to bring together,c not less than one million people in Abuja. We want to bring all the Igbos in Abuja and the FCT together under one umbrella, the NDC,’ he said.

Nwosu said the group would commence intensive mobilisation ahead of the campaigns, stressing that the objective is to ensure that the party’s presidential ticket received massive support across the FCT.

He described the emergence of Peter Obi as the party’s presidential candidate as a significant step toward greater political inclusion for the South-East.

According to him, the region has consistently demanded greater inclusion in national political leadership, and the NDC’s decision to back an aspirant from the region represents an opportunity that must be utilised.

Also speaking, Mr VinMartin Ilo, Chief Technical Adviser to NDC National Leader, Sen. Seriake Dickson, said the visit demonstrated the South-East’s appreciation of the opportunity extended to the region by the party.

Ilo said the South-East had a major role to play in convincing Nigerians across the country that an Igbo presidency would serve the interests of all Nigerians.

He said the NDC is ready to partner with the South-East in mobilising support for Obi and the party’s presidential ticket.

‘The Igbos know that for this task to be achieved, they have to lead from the front and reassure other Nigerians that the Igbo man as president will bring the change that Nigeria needs.

‘They also have a task to convince other Nigerians that this will be a presidency for all Nigerians, not just for the people of the South-East,’ he said.

Ilo said the NDC’s campaign strategy would involve reaching Nigerians at every level, including people in remote communities.

He said the party would rely on facts, statistics and evidence to convince voters that Obi is the best candidate for the 2027 presidential election.

‘The campaign is top to bottom. We are not leaving any Nigerian or any part of Nigeria out of it. We need Nigerians in every part and we are reaching out to them,’ he said.

Ilo added that the party would also focus on explaining its manifesto, programmes and policies to voters, regardless of their level of education or location.

He said the objective is to ensure that Nigerians understood what an NDC administration would do from its first day in office.

On his part, the National Vice Chairman, South-East of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Mr Teddy Obey, said the party would adopt peaceful, door-to-door mobilisation to reach voters ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Obey said the NDC would focus on engaging Nigerians directly without violence, confrontation or unnecessary street activities.

‘Our position is that we will go from house to house. No noise, no fighting.’

He said the NDC had learnt from past experiences that political mobilisation could be sustained through alternative channels, including grassroots engagement and other methods available to the party.

According to him, the present political situation requires Nigerians to rethink the traditional approach to politics and work toward changing the existing system.

Obey urged Nigerians to consider the future of their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren when making political decisions, rather than focusing only on immediate personal benefits.

He also acknowledged the reality of financial inducements during elections but urged voters to exercise their conscience and make decisions based on what they considered right for the country.

‘If anybody comes to entice them with anything, it is their right to take it as their property. But their conscience should not be motivated by it. They should do what they feel is the right thing to do,’ he said.

The NDC chieftain said the party would continue to encourage Nigerians to participate actively in the democratic process and work toward achieving political change through peaceful means.

He stressed that the objective is to build a system that would serve present and future generations rather than one driven solely by immediate political interests.

Hours before the Osun off-cycle governorship election on Saturday, August 15, 2026, the tension in the state, which also gripped the entire country like a vice, was so thick that one could cut it with a blunt machete.

By the counting of three observer groups – The Kukah Centre, Kimpact Development Initiative and YIAGA-AFRICA – not less than 30 people had been killed in direct, election-related violence in Osun State. Notably, a senator, Francis Fadahunsi, bizarrely and in a blood-curdling fashion, was heard directing his followers to kill members of the Accord Party.

Bigwigs of the governing party at the centre descended, in droves, on Osun State, to lend support to their candidate. Compounding these, the Federal High Court, Abuja, at the eve of the election, had directed that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) include the candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on the ballot. This eleventh hour order compelled INEC to do a re-print of all the ballots, result sheets and collation papers to be deployed for the election.

On the election day, there were incidents. The EU-SDGN Election Observation Hub said it recorded 38 security incidents and the perpetration of 323 cases of alleged electoral offences across 726 polling units (PUs). Vote trading was widespread.

These incidents and other cases of ballot box snatching, over-voting and attacks on voting cubicles, prompted the cancellation of results in several polling units. They, however, were not so rampant as to affect the sanctity or credibility of the election.

The commission, in spite of the last-minute court order to include the SDP, stalwartly rose to the occasion. Apart from re-printing the sensitive materials on time and at a huge cost, it was at 6.09pm on Friday, a day to the election, that they were able to achieve 100 per cent activation of 332 Registration Area Centres (RACs) and 89 Super Registration Area Centres (SUPER RACs) across Osun State.

On the election day, INEC accomplished the opening of 3,556 polling units out of a total of 3,763, thereby attaining 94.5 per cent commencement of voting at 8.30am. The outstanding 207 polling units, representing 5.5 per cent, which experienced minor delays, were operational by 9.00am.

This is not a mean feat in view of the late court order, the re-print of all the sensitive materials and the nightmarish logistics involved.

As at 11.57pm on Saturday, results for 3,544 out of the 3,763 polling units had been uploaded on the INEC Results Viewing Portal(IReV). Although glitches characterised the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) devices during the mock exercise carried out on Saturday, August 1, 2026, these challenges did not hallmark the election. The Registration Area Technical Support Staff (RATECHS) acquitted themselves well. As a result, the BVAS worked almost seamlessly across the board.

In spite of the fact that negative mobilisation by politicians and violence preceded the election, it was keenly contested. True to Osun State’s electoral pedigree, it was a three-horse race. The candidates of Accord, All Progressives Congress (APC) and the African Democratic Congress (ADC) were the leading contenders.

The turnout reflected the massive mobilisation that came before the election. Not less than 43.20 per cent of voters turned out to cast their votes. This turnout is consistent with the ones in the previous three election cycles.

In 2014, the voter turnout was 54 per cent. In 2018, it was 45 per cent, while in 2022, it was 42.16 per cent.

In other states (except Anambra, which has a recent history of low voter turnout due to violence driven by insurgency) voter turnout shows a downward trajectory, but in Osun State, it is upward-bound. It also goes above the national average when we consider that the 2023 presidential election saw a voter turnout of 26.72 per cent.

The Osun State off-cycle governorship election teaches us that when critical stakeholders in the electoral process comport themselves with professionalism and integrity, and when they work in concert, election outcomes become credible and widely accepted.

The people of Osun State deserve commendation for demonstrating a resilience that was both true to type and ennobling. Apart from coming out in their numbers to vote, many stayed put at the polling units after voting until the results were announced. Others were not done – they accompanied the results to the various stages of collation (ward, local government, state). This safeguarded the sanctity of their votes.

Since collation has been adjudged by stakeholders to be the weakest link in the chain of the electoral process, voters, in due course, should show similar vigilance in protecting the sanctity of their mandate.

The winner of this fierce contest, Adeleke Ademola Jackson Nurudeen of the Accord Party demonstrated uncommon doggedness. He showed that victory could be snatched from the jaws of imminent defeat. He underlined the fact that a courageous David can slay a hulking Goliath. And he showed that a steadfast contender, possessed of moxie and determination, could bring about the vision Marcus Aurelius, the Roman Emperor once expounded: ‘The impediment to action advances action. What stands in the way becomes the way.’

The result of Governor Adeleke’s valiant effort is that he secured 511,067 votes, as against his runner up, Oyebamiji Bola’s 444,815. He won with a margin of 66,252 votes. This is the largest margin since the conduct of the 2018 election.

Governor Adeleke’s victory should inspire members of the opposition and assure them of their prospects for victory. This is especially if they get their acts together. It should also serve as an awakening to members of the governing party who assume that they would have a smooth ride. The Titanic (ship) is in danger of being hit by an iceberg.

The last-minute court order demanding the inclusion of the SDP candidate in the ballot should compel INEC to further engage with the judiciary. Election cases should not only be accorded accelerated hearings, subsequent court orders should be given in such timely and auspicious fashion as not to jeopardise election logistics or the conduct of elections. The political class should be engaged to refrain from issuing incendiary comments that have the potential of inciting gullible supporters to resort to violence.

Lessons should be learnt from all the eight off-cycle governorship elections and the national and state houses of assembly by-elections and rerun polls so far conducted. These should be factored into the conduct of the 2027 general elections. Free, fair and credible elections are doable; we should summon the will.

Super Eagles of Nigeria defender Semi Ajayi scored the opener as newly promoted Hull City secured a historic 2-0 victory over Manchester United on Saturday.

The Tigers were in front of their home fans at the MKM Stadium and capitalised fully on the raucous atmosphere to put the Red Devils to the sword on their return to the EPL after nine years.

Nobel Mendy scored the second goal as the home side made the most of set-piece opportunities to record the shock victory.

It was Hull City’s first-ever EPL win over Manchester United, with Ajayi marshalling a resolute defence while also making a decisive contribution in attack.

Manchester United fielded new signings Youri Tielemans and Andrey Santos, with Bruno Fernandes operating behind Matheus Cunha and Bryan Mbeumo in attack.

Hull City were unfazed by their opponents and took the lead through Ajayi, who bundled home a loose ball following a corner-kick delivery.

It was Ajayi’s first EPL goal in five years and Hull City’s first league goal in nine years. He also became the first Nigerian to score an EPL goal since Alex Iwobi in March.

Sergej Jakirovic’s side doubled their advantage in the 38th minute through Senegalese defender Mendy, who headed home from Slatter’s free-kick delivery to give Hull a two-goal lead at the break.

Marcus Rashford was introduced for Manchester United in the second half, while Michael Carrick’s side went close through Mbeumo and Harry Maguire.

However, the Old Trafford club suffered their first defeat to a newly promoted side in 13 matches. It was also Manchester United’s first opening-day defeat since 2021.

Hull City’s victory ended their long winless run against Manchester United in all competitions dating back to 1974, securing their first victory over the Red Devils in 52 years.

The Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) has sent 150 Niger Delta youths to various universities in the United Kingdom for postgraduate studies under its scholarship scheme.

This brings to 243, the number of beneficiaries sent to UK universities by the programme this year following the deployment of 93 beneficiaries in January and May.

Speaking at the pre-departure orientation for the beneficiaries at the PAP headquarters in Abuja on Thursday, the administrator of the programme, Dennis Brutu Otuaro, said the initiative was an investment in the future of the Niger Delta and Nigeria.

He said the scholarship scheme was designed to bridge the region’s human capital development gap, sustain peace and stability and provide young people with opportunities to acquire specialised skills.

Otuaro said: ‘We are again here to send some of the most brilliant and vibrant youths of the Niger Delta for post-graduate studies in select disciplines in the UK. We are able to do this because our father and leader, Mr President is committed to the peace, security and development of the Niger Delta.

‘I must say that as a people we should make sure we vote massively to ensure his victory in the 2027 general elections. This is the best way to show gratitude to a president who has taken these deliberate steps to help our people and the region.

‘This year, in January and May, we had sent 93 beneficiaries for offshore post-graduate programmes. Now, we have 150 we are sending abroad, and about 56 made first class, while about 140 made second-class upper division. We already have 270 in UK universities before these recent deployments.

‘This exercise underscores our commitment to ensuring that the Niger Delta youths have greater access to higher education within and outside Nigeria as we build a solid foundation for the region’s future.’

The PAP administrator said the programme currently had 8,700 beneficiaries in in-country institutions, adding that the number would increase.

Across Nigeria, aso-ebi, called anko in Hausa, represents a symbol of unity, identity, celebration and many more. In Yoruba land, aso-ebi, which means a uniform cloth, was usually worn by just family members to identify themselves during occasions, such as weddings, chieftaincy titles, cultural festivities and much more.

However, over the years, the tradition has extended beyond families to friends, work colleagues etc. It has become a big trend in the Nigerian culture and fashion industry. This trend often comes at a burden to some who intend to partake in it.

Speaking to Weekend Trust on the impact of aso-ebi on her life, Magdalene Ukam said that between 2024 and 2025 she had spent nothing less than N500,000 on purchasing various materials for the different weddings she attended.

She said: ‘The last aso-ebi I bought was N200,000 for 4 yards. And only God knows how much it would cost me to sew it. Let’s not go into how much I have spent in the last three years. Because of that, I have personally made a decision not to buy them anymore. I will rather get something that matches the aso-ebi colour, especially when I don’t have a personal relationship with the bride or groom.’

Magdalene added that she made such decision because many of the styles sewn were often what she could not reuse. ‘For every wedding, you would want to sew something trendy. And the truth is that many of these styles are not outfits you can use more than once.

‘I have not worn many of the corset outfits I have made after the wedding I sewed them for. It was for that reason that I made something I could use to church with my last two aso-ebi materials,’ she also said.

Asked if aso-ebi is deemed necessary for events, Magdalene said: ‘At the end of the day, it is not about what is necessary but what the individual in question wants. If a bride decides that she wants her girls in aso-ebi, that’s what she wants for her day and it will be unfair to force her to choose otherwise. However, it is important that they consider the prices at which the materials are placed because it is one thing to buy the cloth and another thing to make it.’

Another young woman, Jemimah Ufedo, said she was a serial aso-ebi buyer, owning over 30 of such outfits. According to Jemimah, unlike Magdalene, she does not have any issue with buying aso-ebi as she keeps her styles simple and considers it an investment to her wardrobe.

She said, ‘I am not big on trendy designs. I like to keep it cute and simple because with the price at which some of these aso-ebi cloths are bought, no one should sew a style that cannot be used for other events or festivities.’

However, despite her love for aso-ebi, Jemimah said: ‘As a matter of rule, I don’t buy any aso-ebi that is more than N60,000. For me to buy any cloth higher than that amount means that I have a deep relationship with any of the families that are getting married.’

Unlike Jemimah and Magdalene, Chidinma does not indulge herself in buying aso-ebi as she believes that oftentimes, many of them are overpriced, and weddings are generally expensive ventures.

She noted: ‘I stopped buying aso-ebi in 2025 after one of my friends put hers at N150,000; and I knew that to sew it would cost me almost N70,000. Let’s not talk about the other expenses that go into getting ready as a young woman. I am talking about makeup, matching purses and shoes, gele tying, professional pictures (if you want to go that far). What I would rather do now is get a very similar material at a very good price from the market.’

It is important to note that men are not left out from the aso-ebi discussion as they would usually pay for materials for kaftan and their matching caps. However, the pressure is less when compared to what women face.

Fola King said he had only paid for four kaftans but often bought the matching, caps, as most times he usually had the colours selected for the wedding or event.

‘Most men are very similar; their colours don’t go beyond white, navy or light blue, army green and a few others. And most men usually have kaftans made in different colours, which makes it a lot easier. It is not like women who have an exact material and cannot repeat it for the next event. All men do pull out their kaftans and have their matching caps to go with it,’ King said.

According to him, the caps and even the kaftan materials are not usually pricey as he has never paid more than N120,000 for both the material and the sewing.

‘Why we chose aso-ebi for wedding’

On why he chose aso-ebi for his wedding, David Adi, who wedded in 2024, said he wanted to be able to identify his close friends and make sure they were properly attended to.

He said, ‘The wedding had a colour theme, but I made sure that all my secondary friends wore one material because I needed the event planners, waiters and waitresses to make sure they were attended to properly. Not to say that other people won’t get attended to; you know how weddings can be – people invite people. And the people who actually came to celebrate you personally don’t get served food or drinks or souvenirs because they are not easily identified. And it ruins the mood.’

Another 2024 bride, Praise Ameh, said she enjoyed the uniformity and aesthetics that aso-ebi adds to a wedding. ‘When I look back at my traditional wedding pictures, I am overjoyed seeing my girls in their matching outfits. Even at the hall, just having everyone in their aso-ebi delivered the theme of my wedding. And it gave me so much joy,’ she said.

Praise noted that because she was determined to have all her friends dressed in aso-ebi, she kept it at a ‘minimal’ price so that they would all buy.

‘My aso-ebi was sold at N40,000. It was a white and gold mixed lace. And till today, I don’t regret that option because my mother did colour code for her friends. And pardon me to say that I was not feeling it at all,’ she added.

Fabric sellers complain; tailors, gele artists earn money

Although event halls are filled every Saturday, with many wedding bells ringing, fabric sellers are complaining of low patronage, especially as the economy also faces a downturn.

A fabric seller at Wuse market in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT0 said that in 2026, as compared to other years, customers no longer frequently trooped to her shop to buy aso-ebi.

She said: ‘These are tough times for us. Sometimes we stay a week and no one is coming to buy aso-ebi material like before. The flow of money has reduced; and the fabrics have also become very expensive, so many people are going for cheaper options or not even buying at all.

‘Before now, we didn’t sell ankara per yard, but because people are looking for cheaper options, we have started selling, even when there’s a risk of not seeing people who would buy the rest of the material.’

Another fabric seller, who also attributed the lack of patronage to low cash flow in the country, said, ‘Only very big families and rich people are still buying aso-ebi. And how many are they? Many people rather opt for colour code, then people come and buy materials in small pieces for the event. Even among those who buy the aso-ebi are buying ankara, which is far cheaper than the lace they would ordinarily buy.’

But for tailors, the case is different. Uchechi Obi, an Abuja-based tailor currently has over six aso-ebi outfits he is working on, all to be delivered before the end of August. According to Obi, as long as weddings are held every weekend, he always has one or two aso-ebi cloths to deliver.

‘The minimum I charge for an aso-ebi outfit is N40,000; and that is determined by the style the person is going for. Trendy styles like corset and beaded outfits start from N80,000 and above.

‘I am always lucky to have people who come back to me, so I cannot say there’s low patronage. However, unlike before when we had a lot of lace materials, we now have people mixing materials like aso-oke, ankara and the rest,’ he noted.

A gele artist, Miss Uli Okoi, who also spoke in line with what Obi said, noted that she tied at least 10 every Saturday for weddings. She works in a makeup studio, and once people do their makeup, the next thing is to tie gele.

‘You know that just like the lace in the aso-ebi package, gele is also very important. Some people opt to buy only gele, so business moves smoothly, I must say. We charge between N10,000 and N15,000 to tie gele, depending on the style. And customers always return,’ she noted.

The retiring number one civil servant of the federation’s new books are thoughtful reflections on leadership, institution-building, public service and the enduring power of purposeful stewardship.

A Memoir of Purposeful Service is far more than a personal memoir. It is a thoughtful reflection on leadership, institution-building, public service and the enduring power of purposeful stewardship. Through a compelling blend of personal narrative, institutional history and leadership philosophy, Didi Esther Walson-Jack chronicles not only the remarkable trajectory of her career but also the evolution of some of the institutions she helped to build and strengthen.

From the very title, the memoir immediately captures the reader’s imagination. ‘I Planted’ is memorable, evocative and metaphorical. Unlike many public service memoirs whose titles merely announce a career or catalogue appointments, this title introduces the central philosophy that sustains the entire work. Throughout the narrative, ‘planting’ becomes a powerful metaphor for institution-building, leadership, mentorship, reform and legacy.

This metaphor gives the memoir both coherence and emotional depth.

With uncommon honesty and remarkable literary grace, the author demonstrates that meaningful public service is measured not merely by positions occupied but by institutions strengthened, systems improved and lives transformed.

She wrote with quiet confidence, never overstating her achievements but allowing her work to speak for itself. The result is a memoir that is as reflective as it is instructive.

What begins as an autobiography gradually develops into something far more significant. As the narrative unfolds, the memoir evolves into an important contribution to Nigerian public administration literature, occupying the rare intersection of memoir, leadership philosophy, institutional history, governance case study and practical public administration. Few Nigerian public servants have documented their professional journeys with such clarity, intellectual depth and practical relevance.

Above all, ‘I Planted’ is a book about purpose, integrity and the enduring impact of those who willingly sow seeds whose harvest they may never personally enjoy. It deserves to be read, not only by public servants but also by policymakers, governance practitioners, students of leadership, and every young Nigerian seeking to understand what purposeful public service truly looks like.

Executive Review

This memoir is a fascinating read. It segues seamlessly between personal reflection, institutional history, leadership philosophy and governance practice, allowing the reader to witness not only the author’s professional journey but also the evolution of her leadership philosophy

Chapters 1-6: Making of a Public Servant

The opening chapters establish the philosophical and moral foundation upon which the entire memoir rests. Beginning with the compelling Introduction, ‘I Planted,’ the author immediately introduces the central metaphor that binds the narrative together. ‘Planting’ becomes more than a literary device; it represents a lifelong commitment to institution-building, stewardship, mentorship and purposeful service.

Rather than commencing with titles or accomplishments, Didi Esther Walson-Jack invites readers into the formative years of her professional life. Her early experiences in the Rivers State civil service, the legal profession and the establishment of Bayelsa State reveal a young public servant more concerned with building enduring institutions than pursuing personal recognition.

The account of participating in the legal architecture of the newly created Bayelsa State offers an important historical perspective on state-building in Nigeria. Equally noteworthy are the chapters on the establishment of FIDA Bayelsa, which illustrate her commitment to expanding access to justice, particularly for women, and her documentation of the Odi crisis, where she demonstrates remarkable restraint and professionalism in preserving an important chapter of the state’s history.

These chapters successfully establish the author’s credibility while introducing the values that would define the remainder of her career: discipline, integrity, faith, diligence and an unwavering commitment to public service.

Chapters 7-13: Justice, Reform and the Courage to Lead

The second movement of the memoir chronicles the author’s transformation from a capable administrator into a determined institutional reformer. As permanent secretary in the Bayelsa State Ministry of Justice, she demonstrates that leadership is measured not by authority but the ability to improve systems and expand access to justice.

Readers are introduced to initiatives such as the daily strategy meetings with law officers, reforms in estate administration designed to reduce the burden on grieving families and vulnerable widows, and the publication of the Justice Gazette, revised laws of Bayelsa State, and the work of the Law Revision Committee and Quick Dispensation of Justice Committee. These reforms reveal an administrator committed to making justice more accessible, efficient and citizen-centred.

One of the memoir’s emotional high points is Persona Non Grata, where the author recounts the challenges of serving under a former subordinate who became attorney-general. Her reflections on exclusion from decision-making, restricted access to official files and professional isolation are handled with admirable restraint. Rather than dwelling on personal grievances, she extracts broader lessons about leadership, professionalism and resilience.

This section firmly establishes Walson-Jack as a reformer who consistently placed institutional progress above personal comfort.

Chapters 14-20: Transition, National Exposure and Expanding Influence

These chapters mark an important transition in both the author’s career and the scope of the memoir. Having demonstrated her capacity for institutional reform at the state level, the narrative expands to reflect broader questions of governance, leadership and national policy.

The chapter: The Courage to Step Aside provides one of the book’s most valuable leadership lessons. In an era where public office is often viewed as an entitlement, the author demonstrates that leaving office with dignity and preparing comprehensive handover notes can itself be an act of leadership. The later account of how those records protected Senator Henry Seriake Dickson from allegations underscores the enduring importance of accurate documentation.

Her experience at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS) further broadens the memoir’s intellectual scope. Exposure to national strategic thinking enriches the author’s understanding of governance beyond state administration and prepares readers for the larger responsibilities that follow.

Collectively, these chapters illustrate the evolution of a leader whose influence increasingly extends beyond individual institutions to questions of national development and strategic governance.

Chapters 21-27: Building Systems, Transforming Institutions

This section represents one of the strongest parts of the memoir. The author’s focus shifts decisively from managing organisations to designing systems capable of delivering sustainable development.

The discussion of the BEST Programme is particularly impressive because it rejects simplistic approaches to youth empowerment. Rather than presenting skills acquisition as an isolated intervention, the author explains how vocational training must be integrated with cooperatives, microcredit, mentorship, baseline surveys and accountability mechanisms to produce meaningful results.

Her observation that ‘Skills without an ecosystem are incomplete’ encapsulates the systems-thinking that permeates these pages.

Equally compelling is The Digital Dawn of Bayelsa, where she presents a sophisticated understanding of digital transformation. Instead of celebrating technology alone, she highlights the importance of electricity, connectivity, curriculum reform, teacher capacity and maintenance in building a sustainable digital future. Her reflection that ‘Roads and bridges connect places; investment in science and technology education connects minds’ is among the memoir’s most memorable insights.

The author’s generosity also becomes increasingly evident. She openly acknowledges leaving office before several projects were completed while generously recognizing the contributions of those who carried them forward. This willingness to share credit significantly enhances the authenticity of the memoir.

Chapters 28-34: Executive Leadership, Governance and Legacy

The concluding chapters represent the intellectual climax of the memoir. By this stage, ‘I Planted’ has evolved beyond autobiography into a practical guide on executive leadership and public administration.

The four chapters documenting the author’s service as chief of staff deserve particular recognition. Together, they provide a practical handbook on executive coordination, organisational culture and governance systems. The introduction of management tools such as the LOVE Framework, Monthly Planner, Weekly Brief and Welcome Brief demonstrates innovation grounded in practical experience rather than management theory.

Subsequent chapters continue this emphasis on systems thinking through discussions on payroll rationalisation, correspondence management, legislative drafting, committee governance and executive decision-making. What might otherwise have been routine administrative procedures are transformed into lessons on accountability, institutional discipline and organisational excellence.

The memoir concludes with thoughtful reflections on the Nigerian Content Conference, youth development and governance. The author’s assertion that ‘attitudinal change must precede skills acquisition’ serves as a fitting summary of the leadership philosophy that has guided her career from beginning to end.

These closing chapters elevate the memoir beyond personal history, presenting a compelling philosophy of governance rooted in integrity, service, and institution-building.

Literary assessment

The prose is elegant, measured and intellectually mature. The author avoids exaggeration and allows experience to carry the narrative naturally. Her reflections are thoughtful without becoming sentimental, while the recurring metaphor of planting successfully unifies the memoir from beginning to end.

One of the manuscript’s greatest strengths is that it avoids the most common weakness of public service memoirs-a simple chronology of appointments. Rather than repeatedly asking, ‘What office did I hold?’ the author consistently asks a far more compelling question: ‘What institution needed to be built?’ That subtle shift distinguishes this memoir from many others written by senior public officials.

Assessment of Didi’s voice

The author’s voice is authentic, humble and quietly authoritative. She consistently acknowledges the contributions of colleagues, mentors and collaborators, thereby strengthening her credibility.

Her strongest writing emerges when she moves from exposition to scene. Episodes such as the establishment of FIDA Bayelsa, the documentation of the Odi crisis, justice sector reforms, the BEST Programme, and her experiences as chief of staff are particularly memorable because they combine narrative with thoughtful reflection rather than merely describing events.

Throughout the memoir, several themes remain remarkably consistent: institution-building, integrity, faith, stewardship, mentorship, innovation, public service, legacy. These recurring themes provide the manuscript with both coherence and purpose.

Evolution of the narrative

One of the most remarkable qualities of ‘I Planted’ is the way its narrative matures as the book progresses. The opening chapters introduce the philosophy of planting and establish the author’s moral and professional compass.

The middle chapters demonstrate the practical application of that philosophy through legal reform, institutional development and courageous leadership. Here, the narrative shifts from ‘what I believe to what I built.’

By the final chapters, the memoir moves beyond recounting events altogether. It becomes a practical philosophy of governance in which the author consistently progresses from story – policy, principle, lesson. This progression gives the memoir enduring relevance far beyond the author’s own career.

Conclusion

I Planted – A Memoir of Purposeful Service is an exceptional contribution to Nigerian public service literature. The narrative follows a carefully developed progression. It begins with the making of a public servant, establishing the philosophy of planting and laying the moral foundation for the author’s career. It then evolves into the making of a reformer, documenting significant institutional reforms, courageous leadership and administrative innovation.

Ultimately, it culminates in the making of a stateswoman, where the memoir transcends autobiography and becomes a thoughtful treatise on governance, executive leadership, institution-building and public administration.

This progression is the manuscript’s greatest strength. It transforms what could have been a distinguished retirement memoir into a work of enduring relevance for public servants, scholars, policy makers and future leaders.

Perhaps the greatest achievement of ‘I Planted’ lies in the consistency of its central message.

Throughout the memoir, Didi Esther Walson-Jack reminds us that meaningful public service is not defined by the offices we occupy but by the foundations we lay for others to build upon. Her willingness to plant, nurture and move on-allowing others to harvest the fruits of her labor-reflects a rare philosophy of leadership grounded in humility, service and faith.

The true achievement of ‘I Planted’ lies not in documenting an accomplished career but in demonstrating that the most enduring measure of public service is not the offices one occupies, but the institutions one leaves stronger, the people one empowers, and the values one plants for future generations to nurture.

In that regard, Walson-Jack has produced a memoir that is both deeply personal and profoundly instructive-a work that deserves to stand among the most significant contributions to Nigeria’s literature on public service, institutional leadership and purposeful governance.

The Ondo State Security Network Agency, codenamed Amotekun Corps, has confirmed the death of two of its officers following an ambush attack by suspected criminal elements in Akure North Local Government Area of the state.

The incident occurred on August 11, 2026, when the officers, who were returning from their base around the Ago-Oyinbo farming area near Ala Daadaa, came under a sudden attack by the assailants.

According to a brief made available to Daily Trust by the Public Relations Officer of the Amotekun Corps, S.A. Jimoh Adeniken, the attackers engaged the officers in a fierce gun battle.

The brief stated that despite the resistance put up by the security personnel, two officers were killed, while some others sustained serious injuries.

‘Following the attack, the command immediately deployed reinforcements to the area to track down the perpetrators and bring them to justice,’ Adeniken said.

He added that the corps had intensified patrols, security operations and intelligence gathering in the affected area to prevent further attacks and reassure residents of the safety of their lives and property.

The Commander of the Amotekun Corps and the management of the agency commiserated with the families, colleagues and loved ones of the deceased officers.

They described the officers’ sacrifice and commitment to protecting residents as worthy of commendation.

The corps urged residents to remain calm and vigilant, while calling on them to provide credible information that could assist security agencies in identifying and apprehending those responsible for the attack.

The Amotekun Corps vowed not to be deterred by the incident, stressing that it would continue to work with other security agencies to track down the perpetrators and ensure that they face justice.