Bonoan: Estrada has over P7 billion ‘initiatives’ in 2025 budget

Sen. Jinggoy Estrada has over P7 billion in ‘congressional initiatives’ in the 2025 budget, former Public Works Secretary Manuel Bonoan said in written testimony submitted to the Sandiganbayan Fifth Division Tuesday.

The anti-graft court is currently conducting a hearing on Estrada’s bail petition where Bonoan stands as a witness.

Estrada’s lawyer Lawrence Arroyo objected to the inclusion of this amount in his written testimony, citing relevance.

However, special prosecutor Reza Derayunan said: ‘It is not irrelevant since it is part of the congressional initiatives allocated to Senator Estrada for fiscal year 2025.’

But Arroyo said: ‘While they are part of the 2025 GAA [General Appropriations Act], they are not part of the allegation in the amended Information.’

Arroyo noted that the subject amount in Estrada’s case is only around P2 billion.

‘There is an excess of P5 billion in the testimony,’ Arroyo said.

Ultimately, Associate Justice Zaldy Trespeses said the court would still allow the inclusion of the amount in Bonoan’s testimony.

Opene v NJC and judiciary’s self-cleansing mechanisms

THE judiciary is without doubt the gateway to justice because it occupies a pivotal position in the administration of justice and the preservation of the rule of law. As the institution entrusted with interpreting the law, protecting fundamental rights, and holding public authorities accountable, its legitimacy rests substantially on the integrity, impartiality, and independence of judicial officers. However, the credibility of the judiciary is inevitably undermined where allegations of corruption, abuse of judicial authority, and professional misconduct arise within its ranks. In this regard, the capacity of the judiciary to identify, investigate, and discipline erring judicial officers is indispensable to maintaining public confidence in the administration of justice. The concept of judicial self-cleansing, therefore, assumes considerable importance as an institutional mechanism for preserving judicial integrity and ensuring accountability without compromising judicial independence. In Nigeria, the National Judicial Council (NJC), established under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), occupies a central position in the disciplinary control and regulation of judicial officers. Through its constitutional mandate, the Council is empowered to receive and investigate complaints against judicial officers, recommend appropriate sanctions, and advise the relevant authorities on matters concerning judicial appointments, discipline, and removal.

The NJC thus serves as a principal institutional safeguard against judicial misconduct, providing a structured mechanism through which allegations of corruption and other forms of professional impropriety may be addressed. Its disciplinary functions reflect the fundamental principle that judicial independence must not be misconstrued as immunity from accountability, nor should the sanctity of judicial office become a shield for misconduct.

Nevertheless, the effectiveness of the NJC as an instrument of judicial self-cleansing raises important legal and institutional questions. These include the adequacy of its disciplinary procedures, the consistency and transparency of its decisions, the deterrent effect of sanctions imposed on erring judicial officers, and the extent to which its interventions have contributed to the eradication of corruption within the judicial system. Equally significant is the need to strike a delicate balance between enforcing discipline and protecting judicial officers from arbitrary or politically motivated interference. A credible disciplinary framework must not only punish proven misconduct but also uphold due process, fairness, and the constitutional independence of the judiciary. This is why the decision of the High Court, the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court in the case under review is relevant, as it helps to x-ray the judiciary’s self-cleansing mechanisms in Nigeria, with particular emphasis on the National Judicial Council’s deployment of disciplinary powers to combat corruption among judicial officers. It evaluates the constitutional and legal foundations of the Council’s mandate, the nature and effectiveness of its disciplinary interventions, and the challenges that may impede the realisation of its objectives. Ultimately, the decisions establish that a judiciary committed to the rule of law must demonstrate a corresponding commitment to internal accountability. The success of judicial self-cleansing depends not merely on the existence of disciplinary powers, but on their impartial, consistent, transparent, and effective exercise. Only through such a commitment can the NJC strengthen public confidence, reinforce judicial integrity, and help ensure that the institution charged with administering justice remains worthy of the trust reposed in it by the Nigerian people.

THE FACTS OF THE CASE

The facts of this case as stated in Opene v NJC (2026) 16 NWLR (Pt. 2040) 161 are that on 12th April 2003, a National Assembly general election was conducted for the senatorial seat of the Anambra South Senatorial District. One Mr. Nicholas C. Ukachukwu who contested the election was declared the winner by the Independent National Electoral Commission. However, on 18th April 2003, the Resident Electoral Commissioner for Anambra State upturned the victory and declared one Dr. Ugochukwu Uba, who did not contest in the election, as the winner. Consequently, Mr. Ukachukwu filed an election petition against the commission and Dr. Uba at the National Assembly Election Tribunal, Awka, Anambra State. At the conclusion of the hearing of the petition, the tribunal entered judgment in favour of Mr. Ukachukwu and affirmed his victory at the election. Dr. Uba appealed to the Court of Appeal, Enugu against the judgment of the tribunal. The appellant presided over the appeal along with two other Justices of the court. However, during the pendency of the appeal, Mr. Ukachukwu wrote a petition dated 26th February 2004 to the 1st respondent against the appellant. In the petition, he alleged that the appellant received a bribe of the sum of N15,000,000.00 through the appellant’s brother-in-law and an official of the Court of Appeal to set aside the judgment of the tribunal in favour of Dr. Uba. Upon receipt of the petition, the 1st respondent constituted a panel of Inquiry to investigate the allegations of bribery and corruption against the appellant. In the course of the investigation, the appellant and the petitioner were invited by the panel and appeared before it with their respective counsel. The appellant made his representations to the panel through his counsel. He testified, called witnesses and cross-examined the witnesses of the petitioner. At the conclusion of the investigation, the panel found that the appellant had enriched himself corruptly and had tarnished the image of the judiciary.

The panel recommended to the 1st respondent that the appellant be removed from the judiciary by way of dismissal. The 1st respondent recommended to the 3rd respondent the removal of the appellant as a Justice of the Court of Appeal. The 3rd respondent, acting on the recommendation, dismissed the appellant from the Federal Judicial Service. The appellant commenced an action at the Federal High Court by way of an application for judicial review to challenge his removal. In order to prove that the Federal Judicial Service Commission did not take part in the process leading to his removal, the appellant sought to rely on a letter, exhibit ‘DH1’, informing him of his removal from the Federal Judicial Service by the 3rd respondent, owing to the approval of the recommendation of the 1st respondent. The appellant contended that the evidence disclosed that the commission was not involved in the process leading to his removal from office which occasioned a miscarriage of justice against him. At the conclusion of hearing, the trial court dismissed the suit. Dissatisfied, the appellant appealed to the Court of Appeal. The Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal. Still dissatisfied, the appellant appealed to the Supreme Court which also dismissed the appeal.

THE JUDGMENT OF THE SUPREME COURT

The Powers of Federal Judicial Service Commission:

A communal reading of paragraphs 13(a) and (b), and 21(a) and (b) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) shows that in cases of nomination of persons for appointment with respect to the offices specified in paragraph 13(a) thereof, the Federal Judicial Service Commission shall have the power to advise, not recommend, the National Judicial Council in nominating persons for appointment with respect to the offices including a Justice of the Court of Appeal. The Commission shall have power under paragraph 13(b) to recommend to the Council the removal of officers specified in paragraph 13(a) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution.

The Powers of National Judicial Council:

In recommending persons for appointment to federal courts, paragraph 21(a) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) specifically provides that the National Judicial Council shall have the power to recommend to the President from among the list of persons submitted to it by the Federal Judicial Service Commission persons for appointment to the offices of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justices of the Supreme Court, the President of the Court of Appeal, Justices of the Court of Appeal, the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court and the President and Judges of the National Industrial Court. Paragraph 21(b) of Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the Constitution specifically vests in the National Judicial Council the power to recommend to the President removal from office of the judicial officers specified in paragraph 21(a) as well as to exercise disciplinary control over such officers.

However, unlike paragraph 21(a), there is nothing in paragraph 21(b) that states that the recommendation by the National Judicial Council to the President for the removal from office of judicial officers is contingent upon, or subject to any prior recommendation of the Federal Judicial Service Commission. Equally, there is nothing in the provisions of paragraph 13(b) that vests in the Federal Judicial Service Commission the power to exercise disciplinary control over federal judicial officers in the same manner as the National Judicial Council. If the draftsman intended that the Federal Judicial Service Commission would also play the same role allocated to it in paragraph 13(b) in paragraph 21(b), it would have been clearly stated.

Per TSAMMANI, J.S.C. at pages 209-210, paras. H-B:

‘I have also perused the provisions of 13(a) and (b), and 21(a) and (b) of the 3rd Schedule in Part 1 of the Constitution. Clearly paragraph 13(b) gives vires to the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) to recommend to the National Judicial Council (NJC) – 1st respondent herein, the removal from office of any of the judicial officers specified in paragraph 13(a). Paragraph 21(b) of the said Third Schedule gives power to the NJC (1st respondent), to recommend to the President the removal from office of such judicial officers. However, I am unable to see where the Constitution unequivocally states that the exercise of such power by the 1st respondent can only be done subject to the recommendation of the Federal Judicial Service Commission.’

Lagos TOAN gets interim chairman

The Lagos State Chairman of NURTW, Mustapha Adekunle SEGO, who announced the development, said the state and zonal executives of defunct TOOAN would retain their positions during the reorganisation.

According to Sego, TOAN’s national leadership communicated Abiola’s appointment to the union in a letter, giving him a six-month mandate to oversee the association’s affairs.

The letter, signed by TOAN’s National President, Augustine Agbo Akpe, and National Secretary, Christiana Adebayo, described the appointment as interim ahead of an election.

Akpe said the decision was part of efforts to restore harmony in the sector and bring the activities of competing tricycle associations under a common structure.

He urged members to cooperate with the new leadership rather than worry about losing their positions.

He explained that Abiola would lead the association temporarily while preparations for an election were made, stressing that the move was intended to promote unity and reduce the number of groups operating in the sector.

Accepting the appointment, Abiola pledged to focus on restructuring TOAN and maintaining stability among its members. He assured the existing executives that the exercise would not be used to remove them from their positions.

‘My duty is to reorganise and not to dismiss. Don’t fight with anybody. Don’t cause chaos or mayhem in the parks. If there is any issue, come to me. My door is open,’ he said.

Abiola called on members to support the interim leadership and refrain from actions that could cause disorder in motor parks.

He added that the association belonged to its members collectively and that his role was to serve them during the reorganisation.

IYC seeks help for 100 stranded NSDP cadets

The Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) has called on the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) to resolve the prolonged delay affecting the over 100 cadets sponsored under the Nigerian Seafarers Development Programme (NSDP). The IYC made the demand during a visit to NIMASA headquarters in Lagos yesterday.

Chairman of IYC, Owen Napthali, urged the Director-General of NIMASA, Dr. Dayo Mobereola, to intervene.

The NSDP was established to develop young Nigerians into professional seafarers.

However, the IYC expressed concern that some beneficiaries of the government-sponsored programme have remained unable to complete their professional requirements more than a decade after commencing their training.

Also, National Coordinatorof Niger Delta Civil Society Organisation (CNDCSOs), Okporu Augustine, sconfirmed that over 100 affected cadets had completed substantial parts of their academic and sea-time requirements but were still in Nigeria awaiting deployment to the Philippines for outstanding Certificate of Competency (CoC) examinations and related requirements.

The council said the affected young Nigerians had invested years of their lives preparing for careers at sea and should not be left indefinitely waiting for administrative approvals, funding, travel arrangements and other processes required to complete their certification.

IYC also said concerns raised by the affected NSDP cadets have raised concerns over outstanding examination requirements, deployment arrangements, funding, visa processing and travel logistics.

The council also pointed to previous engagements and verification exercises, including arrangements reportedly made in 2022 and a further verification exercise in 2025.

Of particular concern, the IYC said, is the reported situation in which some cadets were directed to renew their international passports in preparation for deployment but were subsequently not deployed.

The council said the circumstances surrounding the issues require clear answers from NIMASA.

‘Where public resources have been approved for the completion of the programme, the affected beneficiaries should be informed of the status of such funds and the steps being taken to deploy them for their intended purpose.

‘These are not merely administrative matters. They directly affect the careers and livelihoods of the affected young Nigerians,’ it stated.

The IYC therefore called on NIMASA, among other things, to immediately conclude all outstanding academic, examination, training and CoC requirements of eligible affected cadets.

‘Release all approved funds required for their examinations, deployment, travel, accommodation, visa processing and other legitimate programme requirements. Provide the affected cadets with a definite deployment timetable instead of further indefinite assurances.’ Publish or provide a comprehensive status report showing what remains outstanding for each affected cadet,’ the group demanded.

NDC and the battle within

With 81 days to the January 16, 2027 presidential elections, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) is enmeshed in a fresh crisis over the composition of its presidential campaign council.

The NDC on Sunday unveiled its national campaign council, appointing Ibrahim Abdulkarim as its Director-General and the NDC National Secretary, Ikenna Enekweizu, as the council’s secretary.

Under the structure, the NDC National Leader, Senator Seriake Dickson, will serve as the chairman of the council; the presidential candidate, Peter Obi, will serve as co-chairman; Senator Cleopas Moses Zuwoghe (NDC National Chairman) is the vice-chairman, while Rabiu Kwankwaso, the party’s vice-presidential candidate, is the co-vice chairman.

The council also features prominent figures including former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, heading the National Advisory Council, former Deputy Senate President Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, Pat Utomi, and Buba Galadima.

Daily Trust reports that no sooner had the NDC unveiled its council than the OK (Obi-Kwankwaso) Movement launched an attack on the party, saying the list casts serious doubt on the party’s readiness for the upcoming general elections.

Analyst say for the NDC to get its acts right ahead of the elections, it must clearly define the extent of how the diehard supporters of their presidential and vice presidential candidates could influence decisions.

In a statement issued in Abuja, Director-General of the OK Movement, John Ughulu, criticised the NDC leadership for dragging its feet in mobilising its electoral machinery, warning that political ambition without ground-level coordination portends defeat.

‘With less than three months until the general elections, they are only just announcing their Presidential Campaign Council,’ Ughulu said. ‘What exactly have they been doing all this time? Where is the structure? Where is the strategy? Where is the machinery required to prosecute a serious national election?’

Taking a jab at the composition of the campaign list, Ughulu boasted that the OK Movement had already completed the heavy lifting required for victory, predicting that the party elite would soon seek assistance.

The fresh wave of criticism underlines a widening rift between the NDC leadership and the OK Movement over control and campaign strategy for Obi and his running mate, Kwankwaso.

The OK Movement had, in September, unveiled a 59-member Presidential Campaign Council comprising zonal and state coordinators, as well as directors overseeing various aspects of the campaign, but the party dissociated itself from the list, saying a support group did not have the right to constitute a campaign council for the party.

The resultant friction in the internal workings of the party is yet to abate, with the movement objecting to the naming of a national campaign council by the party on Monday.

Names of prominent members of the movement were omitted from the council, including that of Ughulu and the OK Movement’s network of state, local government and ward coordinators.

Why the rift persists

The fresh wave of criticism, party members say, exposes a widening chasm between the NDC leadership and the OK Movement.

The exclusion of the OK Movement leadership from the council is linked to the bitter dispute over the movement’s decision to establish its own independent presidential campaign council.

The move was previously dismissed by the leader of the party, Dickson, as ‘unheard of’ and ‘nonsensical,’ with the party insisting that support groups must complement official party structures rather than run parallel operations.

Despite the friction, Ughulu remained defiant, asserting that the party’s official machinery cannot bypass the grassroots networks built by the movement.

‘The funny part of this list is that 90 per cent of the people on it will still come knocking on the doors of the OK Movement to beg for the very structure they have failed to build themselves!’ He added.

Reinforcing the group’s independence, Ughulu asserted that the OK Movement would never settle for being a ceremonial support outfit.

He emphasized that the movement’s true strength rests in its formidable organisational capacity and unwavering commitment to the Obi-Kwankwaso presidential mandate.

‘Leadership is not about who makes the loudest noise. Leadership is about who prepares, organises, builds, and delivers when it matters most,’ Ughulu declared. ‘The OK Movement is ready. The question is: are they? Nigeria will be OK.’

Dickson had maintained that the NDC would work with support groups but expected them to function within their proper roles.

Ughulu, however, insisted that the OK Movement is an independent political organisation, not merely a conventional support group, and would not surrender its national, state, local government and ward structures to the NDC or any other organisation.

The OK Movement director-general argued that elections are won through sustained grassroots mobilisation, strategic planning and effective coordination rather than prominent names on campaign councils.

‘Elections are not won by titles, press releases, political noise, or the number of big names on a campaign council. Elections are won through grassroots mobilisation, effective coordination, strategic planning, committed people, and a well-established structure that reaches every polling unit,’ he said.

The politician maintained that the movement had recognised the importance of grassroots organisation long before the electioneering season and was better prepared to mobilise voters.

With the appointment of Babachir Lawal to the campaign council, there are fears that it may escalate the growing friction in the Adamawa chapter of the NDC following his rejection by the governorship candidate of the party, Aisha Binani and other party candidates over his appointment as the party’s North-East leader last month.

Though the party promised to call the two for a reconciliation meeting, it is not clear at press time how far it has gone in this regard.

Ossai Director, the party’s Publicity Secretary, did not respond to calls put across to him on the latest stand of the OK Movement.

However, a chieftain of the party told our correspondent that the movement went too far by setting up a presidential campaign council even before the political party.

‘A support party must not go that far, but the party leadership should have also included some of the leaders of the movement in the NDC campaign council in the spirit of reconciliation.

‘This, the party failed to do and it shouldn’t be so,” he said.

The OK Movement was formally unveiled in Abuja on April 20, 2026, by supporters of Obi and Kwankwaso ahead of the 2027 general elections. Its emergence followed growing uncertainty within the opposition coalition, particularly over the choice of a presidential candidate capable of challenging President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The organisers described it as a coalition bringing together supporters of the Obidient Movement, Kwankwasiyya, the NNPP and the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Justin Ijeh was named its National Publicity Secretary, while the group announced plans to establish structures across Nigeria’s 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory.

The initial idea was to build a common political platform capable of combining Obi’s reform-oriented appeal with Kwankwaso’s grassroots political machinery.

Prof Ochefu rejects NDC appointment

Professor of Economic History and Strategic Studies at Rev. Fr. Moses Orshio Adasu University, Makurdi, Prof. Yakubu Ochefu, has rejected his purported appointment to the National Campaign Council of the NDC, clarifying that he is not a member of the political party.

Ochefu, in a statement, said he was neither consulted before the inclusion of his name in the campaign list circulating on social media nor did he grant consent for the appointment.

The academic-who serves as National Chairman of the Association of Nigerian Universities Alumni (ANUA) and President-General of Ochetoha K’Idoma-emphasised that his leadership roles require strict non-partisanship, given that the memberships of both organisations span diverse political affiliations.

He said, ‘My attention has been drawn to a list circulating on social media, titled ‘Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC) National Campaign Council’, which names me as a member of its National Campaign Caucus.

‘I wish to inform the public that I am not a member of the NDC and have never been. I was not consulted before my name was included, nor did I give consent. I have written to the Chairman of the Council to decline the appointment and to request that my name be withdrawn and a revised list published.

‘As National Chairman of the Association of Nigerian Universities Alumni, ANUA, and President-General of Ochetoha K’Idoma, I lead organisations whose members cut across all political parties. These offices require me to remain non-partisan, and I intend to honour that obligation.

‘I thank all who reached out for clarification, and ask that you disregard the list insofar as it concerns me.’

‘Campaign council crisis may affect election coordination’

A political analyst and lecturer at the Kano State College of Arts, Science and Remedial Studies, Dr Kabiru Sa’idu Sufi, warned that the crisis over the composition of the NDC Presidential Campaign Council could undermine coordination and effectiveness of the party’s campaign ahead of the 2027 elections.

He said the disagreement between the party leadership and the presidential camp could result in parallel campaign structures operating without proper coordination.

According to him, there is a likelihood that both the presidential team and the party would run separate campaign coordination mechanisms.

‘If you look at the composition of the campaign itself, there is a possibility that we will have parallel coordination. While the presidential team is having its own coordination, the party may also be having its own coordination,’ he said.

He said the absence of synergy between the two camps could affect the organisation of campaigns.

‘For now, the party has rejected the composition of their own candidates, and the presidential team has also rejected the composition of the party’s campaign council.

‘So, I think there may be no synergy, there may be no coordination, and as such, it may affect the organisation of the campaign,’ he added.

The analyst described the disagreement as a reflection of the party’s inability to fully unite after the emergence of its presidential candidate.

He said the development was not entirely surprising, arguing that similar disputes had occurred in previous political platforms associated with Obi, the Labour Party.

‘I think it shows that the party has not been able to close ranks since the emergence of the presidential flag bearer. It is not something entirely new and we have seen similar situations in the past,’ he said.

Sufi noted that the NDC should have learned from previous experiences and addressed internal differences before the campaign season.

‘But it seems no lesson was learned, and what we are seeing now is a repeat of some of the issues that affected campaign coordination in previous elections,’ he said.

On whether reconciliation between the party and the OK Movement was still possible, the analyst expressed optimism, saying dialogue remained the best option.

‘If they can come together and sort out their differences, it will be better for them and they may be able to achieve something positive,’ he said.

He, however, cautioned that failure to resolve the dispute could continue to hamper effective coordination of campaign activities.

Sufi dismissed suggestions that external forces might be influencing the crisis, insisting that the problem stemmed largely from internal misunderstanding.

‘I don’t think there is any external influence. It does not seem as if either of the sides is being controlled from outside. I think it is simply a matter of lack of synergy and cooperation, and the issue is continuing along that line,’ he said.

NDC declares N8.53bn revenue

Meanwhile, the party has revealed that it generated approximately N8.53 billion in total inflows, expended about N2.40 billion, and retained a balance of approximately N6.13 billion to fund its ongoing political operations.

Presenting the report, the NDC National Treasurer, Dr. Peter Onigah, stated that the leadership had exercised strict financial discipline to safeguard resources entrusted to the party.

Onigah explained that the party’s financial operations were guided by experienced party officials, advice from national leaders, and the National Working Committee (NWC).

Onigah appealed to party members and the general public for sustained financial backing, noting that the NDC is still constructing its organisational structures and has not secured power at any government level.

‘As a new party, we don’t have people in government yet. All of us are outside the government. So we need to contribute and ensure that our party will prevail and achieve the desired objectives,’ he added.

Reacting to the presentation, Senator Victor Umeh commended the party’s leadership for transparency and for maintaining a N6.13 billion balance.

Who is NDC DG, Ibrahim Hussain Abdulkarim?

With the release of the NDC campaign list ahead of the 2027 general elections, all eyes are on Alhaji Ibrahim Hussain Abdulkarim, who was appointed as the Director-General of the party’s presidential campaign council.

Abdulkarim is described as a businessman, public-sector advisor and political strategist, representing a modern, data-driven approach to political mobilisation in Nigeria.

Born on October 14, 1976, in Sokoto State to the family of Alhaji Hussain Abdulkarim, he earned a Bachelor of Science degree in Geography at Bayero University, Kano (BUK). He later specialised in Geographic Information Systems (GIS), spatial data management, and technology-driven development solutions.

He serves as the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of EasyGIS Nigeria Limited, a pioneering technology firm specializing in Geographic Information Systems, data management, information systems architecture, and business process improvement.

Between 2019 and 2021, he served as the Chairman of the Advisory Committee on Efficient Land Administration, Urban Planning and Development, and Improving Revenue Generation and Collection in the Nasarawa State Ministry of Land and Urban Development.

Wiretapping: Court fixes Nov 25 for El-Rufai’s trial

A Federal High Court in Abuja has fixed November 25 for former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai to open his defence in the ongoing trial over alleged unlawful interception of telephone conversations.

Justice Joyce Abdulmalik fixed the date on Monday after dismissing a no-case submission filed by El-Rufai, ruling that the prosecution had presented sufficient evidence to require him to defend himself against the charges.

The court’s decision followed arguments by the defence and prosecution over whether the evidence presented by the Federal Government established a prima facie case against the former governor.

El-Rufai is facing a five-count amended charge filed by the Department of State Services (DSS) over allegations that he unlawfully intercepted telephone conversations linked to the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu.

The case arose from comments El-Rufai made during an interview on Arise TV’s Prime Time programme in February 2026, when he said ‘someone wiretapped’ Ribadu’s phone, enabling him to listen to the NSA instructing security operatives to arrest him.

The Federal Government had called two witnesses before closing its case, prompting El-Rufai to file a no-case submission, asking the court to discharge and acquit him without requiring him to enter his defence.

Moving the application on Monday, his counsel, Paul Erokoro, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), argued that the prosecution had failed to establish a prima facie case against his client.

He urged the court to uphold the application and discharge and acquit the former governor of the five-count amended charge.

However, prosecution counsel Oluwole Aladedoye urged the court to dismiss the application, arguing that the oral and documentary evidence presented was sufficient to require El-Rufai to defend himself.

In her ruling, Justice Abdulmalik upheld the prosecution’s position and ordered the former governor to open his defence.

The court subsequently adjourned the case until November 25 for him to do so.

Corrugated carton industry under growing cost pressure

Sri Lanka’s corrugated carton industry is facing mounting financial pressure as the cost of paper and other essential inputs continues to rise. For many manufacturers, the challenge is no longer simply maintaining profitability; it is ensuring the industry’s sustainability.

While several packaging sectors have adjusted their prices in response to rising costs, corrugated carton manufacturers initially took a more cautious approach. Many held prices steady, expecting global supply-chain disruptions, geopolitical tensions and commodity-price increases to ease. That relief has yet to arrive.

Instead, the prices of key paper grades used in carton production, including Kraft Liner, White Liner, Test Liner and Medium, have continued to climb by 30-50% across different paper grades. Manufacturers are also contending with higher costs for energy, transport, chemicals, starch, inks, labour, maintenance and other operating needs in line with growing inflation and global market realities. Together, these increases are placing the sector under severe strain.

Manufacturers have worked to absorb as much of the additional cost as possible while continuing to serve customers at competitive prices. They have reduced waste, improved machine efficiency, managed energy use, optimized transport and strengthened production productivity. These efforts have helped, but they cannot offset rising costs indefinitely.

Paper accounts for a substantial share of the cost of producing corrugated cartons. Even a modest increase in paper prices can significantly affect the final cost of a carton; when prices rise across all major grades, the cumulative impact is considerable. This leaves manufacturers caught between escalating costs and intense competition. Customers need affordable packaging, while producers must recover enough to maintain quality, invest in machinery, retain skilled employees and deliver reliably.

The consequences could extend well beyond the carton industry. Corrugated cartons are an essential part of Sri Lanka’s manufacturing and export supply chain. Food and beverage producers, tea exporters, agricultural businesses, apparel manufacturers, pharmaceutical companies and many others depend on a reliable supply of quality cartons.

If carton manufacturers face growing financial difficulties, the effects may spread across these industries. Higher packaging costs could also weaken Sri Lanka’s export competitiveness, particularly when local exporters are already competing with producers that may have better access to raw materials or lower production costs.

The sector is therefore calling for a realistic understanding of the pressures it faces. Manufacturers did not rush to raise prices when costs first began to rise. They waited, hoping conditions would improve and paper prices would return to more sustainable levels. Instead, the pressures have persisted.

A responsible adjustment to carton prices may now be necessary, not simply to improve margins, but to help ensure that manufacturers can continue operating sustainably. The challenge is to balance customers’ need to manage costs with the need for carton manufacturers to remain financially viable. The industry is not asking for an easy solution; it is asking for recognition of the realities facing the sector.

A sustainable corrugated carton industry is essential to Sri Lanka’s manufacturing and export sectors. Preserving it will require cooperation among paper suppliers, manufacturers, customers, exporters and policymakers. Without appropriate market adjustments, continued cost pressures could have consequences far beyond the carton industry itself.

Sri Lanka one win away from ODI Tri-Series final

Sri Lanka need just one win from their remaining two matches to secure a place in the Pakistan ODI Tri-Series final, where unbeaten Pakistan awaits.

Pakistan have already sealed their spot with three wins from three, while England are winless and are on the brink of elimination.

Sri Lanka meets Pakistan in a second round league match at the Gaddafi Cricket Stadium today and a win will seal their spot in the final regardless of the result of their final league game against England on Thursday.

Sri Lanka’s first meeting with Pakistan ended in a 37-run defeat. It was a match which they should have won, but for a lack of common-sense thinking on the part of their batsmen, they lost it. Since then Sri Lanka have come back strongly with a sensational two-wicket win against England chasing down a record score of 430.

That win should certainly inspire Sri Lanka to push for a win against Pakistan at a venue which is of historic importance. It was here exactly 30 years ago that Sri Lanka cricket came of age when they won the Cricket World Cup beating Australia in the final.

For England without a win after three matches to have any chance of qualifying for the final, they will need Pakistan to beat Sri Lanka in today’s game and then they must defeat Sri Lanka in their final league match. Net run rate will then decide who qualifies for the final.

What a memorable ODI Tri-Series this is turning out to be. First it was Sri Lanka chasing down 430 – the second highest chase in ODI history. On Monday, it was England who scored 400+ in their last game and despite being kept under 250, looked like sure winners, only to see the game snatched away in the most unbelievable manner – Pakistan winning by one wicket.

Shadab Khan did the unthinkable. Under intense pressure, with Haris Rauf holding one end, Shadab single-handedly snatched a victory that no one thought was possible. A record last wicket partnership of 89 where Rauf’s contribution was only 7, and the rest was all Shadab’s. In a knock for all ages Shadab scored 113* off 96 balls (13 fours, 5 sixes) creating history on the way to the highest score ever by a number 8 batter in ODI cricket.

It was the 79th instance in ODI cricket history that a team has won a match by one wicket. Sri Lanka has been involved in four of them – 1999 v England, 2010 v Australia, 2015 v West Indies, 2020 v West Indies, and Pakistan in nine.

‘It would be nice if these experiences were winning games…’ said England’s white ball head coach Brendon McCullum. He admitted that his team needed to improve after three successive defeats, leaving them on the brink of elimination.

‘We’ve been open to admit we need to get better and get experience into these guys,’ McCullum said, reflecting on England’s inability to close out matches from promising positions. ‘It would be nice if these experiences were winning games from positions like we’ve found ourselves in the last three. But it’s not the case.’

‘The boys are gutted, they were gutted after the last game and they are more gutted after this one. Fought so hard for so long, found a way to be put under pressure again. We have a game in a couple of days’ time, another opportunity to try and win a game for England.’

With next winter’s ODI World Cup approaching, McCullum’s plans for England will face serious questions. There is still time to address the weaknesses, but the recent defeats have exposed problems that cannot be ignored.

Sumathi Holdings celebrates 70 years of success

Sumathi Holdings marked its 70th anniversary on 9 October, with a celebration at the Sangam Ballroom of ITC Ratnadipa, Colombo, attended by over 500 guests from Sri Lanka’s business, government, financial and media communities.

Held under the theme ’70 Years of Sumathi Legacy’, the evening looked back to 1956, when founder Mr. U.W. Sumathipala opened Sporting Star’s first betting shop on Maliban Street, Pettah – the business from which the Group grew.

The evening opened with a drone show and fireworks over Galle Face. The program that followed included an address and toast by Chairman Jagath Sumathipala, the unveiling of the 70th anniversary logo, and addresses by Directors Chadu Sumathipala and Chathula Sumathipala, accompanied by a live orchestra and performances by vocalist Umara Sinhawansa, pianist and music director Soundarie David Rodrigo, and composer and singer Nadeeka Guruge.

U.W. Sumathipala built Sporting Star into one of the country’s leading bookmakers and established it as the market leader. He also expanded into cinema, supporting the growth of the Sri Lankan film industry and into gems, representing the business at The World Gem and Jewellery Exhibition in Milan. His values of ‘Honesty and Integrity’ remain the Group’s guiding principles today.

After U.W. Sumathipala’s passing in 1979, Jagath Sumathipala joined the business at the age of 19, supported by his maternal uncle, Dharmasiri, who guided him in the horse racing operations. His first assignment was to create the Group’s own race paper, which he turned into a commercial printing company. He moved the main office from Maliban Street to Chatham Street and carried forward his father’s gem business. When his brother, Thilanga Sumathipala, returned from his studies in 1986, Jagath Sumathipala handed the racing operations over to him, and Thilanga Sumathipala built them further.

In 1987 took a new step, Jagath Sumathipala opened Sri Lanka’s first race-by-race live commentary betting shop. Building on this, the Group began broadcasting races in 1992 and by 1998 was showing every race live across all its outlets. Today Sporting Star operates more than 200 outlets across the island and, since 2019, the online platform BetSS.com.

Milina Sumathipala’s influence reached well beyond the business. She gave the entire profit of her film Ganga Addara (1980) to build a Neurosurgery Unit at the Colombo General Hospital, today’s National Hospital. In 1981, she began the blood donation drives and support for the Cancer Hospital through which more than 20,000 pints of blood have since been donated, and in 2001 she became the first woman President of the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress.

Following a restructuring in 2017, Jagath Sumathipala, together with the third generation, has shaped Sumathi Holdings into a Group of 11 principal businesses employing more than 2,000 people, across betting and gaming, healthcare, information technology, restaurants, security, printing, renewable energy, investments and film.

Much of today’s Group began as an answer to something Sporting Star needed. Security for its outlets became Lokx Security Services; printing for its racing papers became InPrint Solutions; and the technology behind its betting systems is now developed by Mainframe.

Three Group companies mark milestones of their own this year:

Great Wall Restaurants turns 35. Jagath Sumathipala set it up in 1991 on Chatham Street to bring authentic Chinese food to Colombo.

Sumathi IT turns 25. It provides network infrastructure, data communications and geospatial engineering across Sri Lanka, and introduced DJI’s enterprise drones to the country.

LifeServ turns 25. The healthcare distributor has been a leader in Sri Lanka’s drug-eluting stent market for two decades and opened an oncology division in 2025.

A third generation now leads the Group alongside the Chairman. Chadu Sumathipala leads the Group’s IT sector: he founded Mainframe, brought the Group’s key systems in-house, built BetSS.com, and set up Sumathi IT’s drone division and its first research and development centre. Chathula Sumathipala leads the Group’s services cluster and grew LifeServ built Sumathi Energy, whose projects include the 5MW Wewila solar plant and battery storage at Monaragala and Wewila.

The celebrations extended to the Group’s people. On 8 October, Sporting Star’s head office celebrated with its staff and presented long-service awards to more than 200 employees with ten or more years’ service, 31 of whom have been with the company for over 30 years. The longest-serving, R.V. Ghanasena of Anuradhapura, has been with Sporting Star for 40 years. On 10 October, Sporting Star outlets across the island held celebrations of their own for staff from Great Wall Restaurants and commemorative gifts for customers.

Sumathi Holdings Chairman Jagath Sumathipala said: ‘Seventy years ago, my father opened a single shop on Maliban Street, built on his word and the trust of his customers. Honesty and integrity built this Group, and the more than 2,000 people who stand with us today carry those values forward. As we enter our eighth decade, our commitment is to build the businesses that will serve Sri Lanka for the next seventy years.’

How can public sector become more customer-centric?

The public sector is one of the most influential institutions in the daily lives of Sri Lankan citizens. From obtaining a birth certificate, national identity card, passport or driving licence to registering a business, securing a building permit, receiving healthcare, accessing education or obtaining social welfare benefits, citizens depend on public institutions at almost every stage of their lives.

Yet, for many people, dealing with a government institution can be an exhausting experience. Long queues, multiple visits, complex procedures, excessive documentation, unclear requirements, delayed decisions and the absence of reliable information can turn what should be a straightforward public service into a frustrating ordeal. In some instances, citizens may feel that they must adjust to the convenience of the institution rather than expect the institution to respond to their needs.

This raises an important question: How can the public sector in Sri Lanka become more customer-centric? Customer-centricity is the practice of designing and delivering services around the needs, expectations and legitimate interests of the people who use them. In the public sector, the term customer does not mean that citizens are merely consumers purchasing a product or a service. Citizens are rights-holders, taxpayers, stakeholders and, ultimately, the owners of the democratic institutions that serve them. Consequently, public-sector customer-centricity must go beyond courtesy at service counters. It must become a fundamental principle of public administration, policymaking, service delivery and institutional accountability.

Sri Lanka needs a public service that does not merely administer rules but helps citizens navigate them; that does not simply process applications but resolves people›s problems; and that does not measure success by the number of files completed but by the value created for the public.

Achieving this transformation requires a change in institutional culture, leadership, employee competencies, operating procedures, technology, performance measurement and public accountability. Above all, it requires a fundamental shift in mindset: ‘from government serving itself to government serving the people’.

Customer-centricity must be driven from the top and embedded throughout the management system

Redefining the purpose of the public service

The first step towards customer-centricity is to redefine the purpose of public service.

Traditionally, many public institutions have operated around administrative structures, departmental responsibilities, established procedures and hierarchical authority. These are important elements of governance, particularly where legality, financial discipline and procedural fairness are concerned. However, they can become obstacles when compliance with internal procedures takes precedence over the legitimate needs of citizens.

A customer-centric public service begins by asking a different set of questions:

nWhat does the citizen need to achieve?

nWhy is the service necessary, and can the process be simplified?

nHow much time, money and effort must the citizen expend?

nCan the service be delivered more quickly without compromising legality or fairness?

nHow can the institution make the experience more accessible, transparent and predictable?

nHow can the service be provided in an efficient and transparent manner?

Consider a citizen applying for a government certificate. A process-oriented institution may focus on whether the correct form has been completed and submitted to the relevant officer. A customer-centric institution will examine the entire experience, from explaining the requirements and accepting the application to communicating progress and delivering the certificate. The distinction is significant. The first approach concentrates on the institution›s responsibilities; the second considers the outcome experienced by the citizen. Sri Lanka should therefore establish customer-centricity as a core public-service value, alongside integrity, impartiality, professionalism, efficiency and accountability. Every Ministry, department, provincial council, local authority and public agency should understand how its work contributes to the public good and how citizens experience its services. Professionals of the ‘Lanka Reformist Forum’ stand ready to volunteer support to Government Institutions to enhance efficiencies toward customer centricity.

This principle must also apply to services delivered by state-owned enterprises and public utilities. Whether a person is dealing with a government hospital, a local authority, a public transport service or an electricity provider, the expectation of fair and respectful treatment should remain consistent.

Changing the mindset: From administrative authority to service responsibility

A customer-centric public service requires a fundamental change in the relationship between public officials and citizens. Public officials exercise authority on behalf of the state. That authority is necessary to enforce laws, collect revenue, protect public resources and ensure public safety. However, authority must never become an excuse for indifference, discourtesy or unnecessary bureaucratic control.

The public servant’s role should be understood as one of responsible service. An officer must apply the law correctly while helping the citizen understand the process and complete the required transaction. For example, when an application is incomplete, the officer should explain precisely what is missing and how the applicant can correct it. Simply rejecting the application, without adequate explanation, may satisfy a narrow procedural requirement but does little to create a positive service experience.

Similarly, a person seeking assistance from a public institution should not be passed from one department to another without guidance. Where another agency must act, the responsible officer should explain the next steps and, where practicable, facilitate the referral.

This change in mindset must be driven by senior leadership. Ministers, ministry secretaries, department heads and institutional leaders must demonstrate through their decisions and behaviour that service quality matters. Employees will not take customer-centricity seriously if their leaders reward procedural compliance alone while ignoring delays, complaints and poor treatment of citizens. Public service is not about exercising power over the public. It is about exercising public authority responsibly, fairly and in the public interest.

Every public institution should appoint a senior officer accountable for service improvement, supported by a cross-functional team representing operations, human resources, information technology, finance and frontline service delivery

Simplifying bureaucratic procedures and reducing red tape

One of the most immediate ways to improve public-sector customer-centricity in Sri Lanka is to simplify administrative procedures. Over time, institutions often accumulate forms, approvals, signatures, supporting documents and internal checks. Some are essential for legal compliance and the prevention of fraud. Others may have survived simply because they have always been part of the process.

The government should conduct a systematic review of high-volume public services to identify unnecessary steps, duplicated documentation, excessive approval levels and avoidable delays. Every procedure should be examined against three questions:

1.Is this requirement legally necessary?

2.Does it serve a clear public-interest or risk-management purpose?

3.Can the same purpose be achieved through a simpler, faster and less costly method?

4.Can this purpose be achieved with lesser resources and in less time?

Where information is already held by a government agency, citizens should not routinely be required to submit the same information again, subject to appropriate legal authority, privacy safeguards and data accuracy. Inter-agency information sharing should reduce the burden on citizens rather than transfer the administrative burden from one public office to another.

The objective should be to make the simplest lawful route the normal route. Process simplification must not, however, become an excuse to weaken financial controls, bypass procurement rules or disregard due process. A good system eliminates unnecessary bureaucracy while retaining the controls needed to protect the public interest.

The result should be a public service that is easier to navigate, less expensive to operate and better able to deliver timely decisions.

Establishing clear service standards and citizens› charters

Citizens should not have to guess how long a public service will take, what documents are required or whom they should contact when a problem arises. Every public institution should publish a practical Service Charter that sets out its principal services and the standards citizens can reasonably expect.

nA useful charter should specify:

nThe services provided and the eligibility requirements.

nThe documents and fees, if any, required for each service.

nThe expected processing time and the conditions that may affect it.

nThe officer or unit responsible for handling the request.

nThe available methods of accessing the service.

nThe complaint and escalation procedures.

nThe institution’s commitments concerning respectful treatment, confidentiality and accessibility.

These commitments must be realistic, measurable and visible. Publishing a charter is not sufficient; institutions must monitor their performance against it. For example, if an agency commits to processing a complete application within ten working days, it should record the submission date, monitor the progress of the application and identify the reasons for any delay. If a deadline cannot be met, the applicant should receive an explanation and an updated expected completion date.

Service standards should distinguish between the time an application is under the institution›s control and time genuinely required from an applicant or another agency. This prevents institutions from improving reported performance simply by excluding difficult cases. They should be displayed at service centres and published online in accessible formats. A Service Charter is more than an information document. It is a public commitment that makes service expectations visible and creates a basis for accountability.

Building a digitally enabled, integrated public service

Digital transformation offers Sri Lanka a significant opportunity to improve customer experience while reducing administrative costs. Citizens should increasingly be able to obtain information, submit applications, make authorised payments, track progress, receive notifications and obtain documents through secure digital channels without repeatedly visiting government offices. However, digitalisation must not merely reproduce existing bureaucracy on a computer screen. If a citizen must upload the same documents to several disconnected systems, print an online application and take it to an office for a manual signature, little meaningful improvement has occurred.

Since a citizen-centric government should therefore pursue end-to-end digital service delivery, supported by interoperable systems and redesigned business processes, the current Government has taken a step forward to initiate the groundwork for a Trade National Single-Window System. This TNSWS is long-overdue and Kudos to the Government for taking the bold step to initiate it.

The NTSWS will digitally enabled public service to incorporate the following features:

A single point of access: Citizens will be able to find reliable information about relevant government services through a well-organised digital portal, even when several institutions are involved. This system will render a paperless and cashless trading platform.

Public institutions must also protect whistleblowers and people who report improper conduct, in accordance with applicable law. Employees should feel able to raise concerns about dysfunctional processes, unethical practices and risks to public resources without fear of retaliation. It is unfortunate, however, that whistle-blowers do not have protection under the Companies Act No.7 of 2007

The benefits to our people will include Single submission of information: Where legally permitted, information provided once will be reusable by authorised public agencies, reducing repetitive documentation.

Application tracking: Applicants will be able to determine whether their applications have been received, are being processed, require additional information or have been completed.

Secure electronic transactions: Appropriate services will support digital payments, electronic acknowledgements and authenticated delivery of documents.

Proactive communication: Citizens will receive timely notifications about appointments, missing information, decisions and expected completion dates.

Interoperability: Government systems will exchange authorised information through secure, governed arrangements instead of forcing citizens to act as couriers between agencies.

Sri Lanka’s Trade National Single Window initiative provides a useful context for this principle. Where traders must interact with multiple regulatory agencies, an integrated digital service can reduce duplicated submissions, improve visibility and make trade-related procedures more predictable. The same underlying philosophy can inform other public services. Nevertheless, technology must serve citizens rather than exclude them. Older people, persons with disabilities, residents of rural areas and those without reliable internet access or digital skills may need assisted digital services or traditional service channels. Digital transformation should offer citizens more choices, not create new barriers. The ultimate objective is a government that is digitally capable but remains human-centered.

Developing a service-oriented public-sector workforce

No public-sector reform can succeed without the commitment and competence of the people responsible for implementing it. Public servants work under different conditions, and many demonstrate considerable dedication despite limited resources, outdated systems and heavy workloads. Therefore, customer-centric reform should not assume that every service failure results from an unwillingness to serve. Some problems arise from inadequate training, unclear responsibilities, poor work design, staffing shortages or systems that make efficient service difficult. The government must address these issues through a comprehensive human resource development strategy.

First, customer service competencies should be developed across the public service. Training should cover communication, active listening, problem-solving, conflict management, empathy, ethical conduct and the ability to explain procedures in plain language.

Second, managers should be trained to facilitate service delivery. Their responsibility is not simply to supervise attendance, maintain files and enforce rules. They must remove operational obstacles, allocate resources, coach employees, monitor performance and encourage continuous improvement.

Third, performance appraisal should recognise service quality. Employees should be assessed not only on their technical responsibilities but also on timeliness, accuracy, teamwork, respectful treatment and their contribution to improving services.

Fourth, exemplary service should be recognised. Public institutions can introduce credible recognition schemes for employees and teams that demonstrate initiative, integrity and measurable improvements in citizen satisfaction. Recognition should be based on evidence and transparent criteria rather than personal connections or favouritism.

Training alone, however, will not transform the culture. Employees must also be given the authority, information, tools and support required to perform their duties effectively.

A frontline officer cannot be expected to resolve a citizen›s problem if every minor decision requires several levels of approval. Within clearly defined legal and financial boundaries, appropriate decision-making authority should be delegated to the people closest to the service user. The desired outcome is a workforce that understands both what it must do and why its work matters to the public.

Strengthening leadership, accountability and ethical governance

Customer-centricity must be driven from the top and embedded throughout the management system. Institutional leaders establish priorities through the objectives they set, the behaviour they model and the performance they reward. If senior management focuses exclusively on expenditure, staffing and procedural compliance, employees will naturally concentrate on those measures. If leaders also examine service delays, unresolved complaints, citizen feedback and the accessibility of services, customer-centricity becomes a genuine management priority.

Every public institution should appoint a senior officer accountable for service improvement, supported by a cross-functional team representing operations, human resources, information technology, finance and frontline service delivery. These teams should regularly examine performance, identify recurring problems and agree on corrective action. Their discussions must lead to decisions with named owners, deadlines and measurable outcomes.

Accountability must also be supported by integrity and impartiality. Citizens should receive services according to the law and objective eligibility criteria, not political connections, personal influence, social status or the ability to offer unofficial payments. Reducing unnecessary face-to-face transactions, publishing requirements and fees, introducing traceable digital payments and recording decisions can reduce opportunities for arbitrary treatment and corruption. Yet digitalisation alone cannot eliminate misconduct. Effective internal controls, independent oversight, protected complaint mechanisms and credible disciplinary procedures remain essential.

Public institutions must also protect whistleblowers and people who report improper conduct, in accordance with applicable law. Employees should feel able to raise concerns about dysfunctional processes, unethical practices and risks to public resources without fear of retaliation. It is unfortunate, however, that whistle-blowers do not have protection under the Companies Act No.7 of 2007.

Equally important is the need to separate legitimate accountability from a culture of fear. If public officers are punished indiscriminately for every mistake, they may avoid making decisions even when action is necessary and lawful. A mature accountability framework distinguishes deliberate wrongdoing, negligence and repeated poor performance from reasonable decisions made in good faith under difficult circumstances. The objective is a public service in which integrity is protected, performance is visible and responsibility cannot be avoided.

Lanka Reformist Forum (LRF)

A new Civil Society has been formed under the nomenclature of Lanka Reformist Forum. As I understand, this forum consists of professionals, business leaders and entrepreneurs who have decided to support a governance that has genuine love for the country and therefore act in its best interest. This group established the LRF in 2024 supporting the incoming NPP Government and are offering their professional services free of fees/costs for the love of our country. It is now up to the Government to harness their support to steer Sri Lanka in a righteous path where integrity, transparency and respect for the law take pride of place. I believe that the LRF is gaining strength from membership escalations and their undying commitment to bring Sri Lanka to a first world country corruption-free and where discipline and integrity must be established among school children from primary education through secondary and University levels.

When your grandchildren/great grandchildren ask you, ‘Seeya (grandfather)/Athamma (grandmother), what have you contributed toward establishing Sri Lanka as a safe and economically developed, righteous and disciplined nation?’ What will be your answer to them? Pause to think!