You are now close to the end of an election campaign that many expected to be issue-based. How has it turned out so far?
Campaigns are supposed to be issue-based. But what we are witnessing cannot honestly be called a normal election campaign. This is more of a battlefield for access to the people. The security agencies have done everything possible to make it hard for us to reach Ugandans.
For us, this has become a fight for basic freedoms, a fight for democracy. We are blocked from venues, denied access to radio stations, hounded everywhere we go, teargassed, pepper-sprayed, beaten. Some of our supporters have been shot dead. One of our comrades was attacked so viciously that a gun muzzle was forced onto his head, causing severe injuries. So it has been extremely tough, but we keep going.
This sounds similar to the 2021 election campaigns. Did you anticipate this level of violence, and if so, what mitigating plans did you have?
We anticipated it. We are under no illusion that we live under a democracy. What we have is a military dictatorship masquerading as a democracy, occasionally opening a small window to pretend that there are free and fair elections.
Our plan was simple: not to give up. Even if there is only a one percent chance of freedom, the fight is worth taking. Interestingly, the first two weeks were relatively peaceful, apart from roadblocks. Then all hell broke loose, and it has continued that way.
In your manifesto, you speak strongly about unemployment, healthcare, and opportunities for young people. Critics say these are sweeping statements. How practical are they?
I understand that criticism, but it often comes from people who have never taken time to read or understand our manifesto. These are not slogans; they are sector-by-sector solutions grounded in the realities of Uganda, especially the reality that nearly 72 percent of our population is young. For us, youth are not a problem to be managed; they are the solution to Uganda’s future.
On unemployment, our approach is very practical. We are focusing on sectors that already employ many Ugandans, but are neglected by government policy. In agriculture, which employs [68 percent of Ugandans, according to Uganda Bureau of Statistics], we are prioritising value-added agro-processing for coffee, dairy, fruits, cassava, maize, and fish in production zones, labour-intensive small-and-medium enterprises, not just big factories that employ a few people.
We shall make sure our education is skills-based and leverage the creatives in music, film, fashion and so on to solve unemployment. I come from the creative arts and I know how much potential it has in creating jobs.
Uganda’s GDP is growing at slightly over six percent, according to the government. If elected, at what rate do you envision your government will grow the country’s wealth, and how?
Growth is not just a percentage in a government report; growth must be felt in people’s pockets and homes. You can announce 6.3 percent GDP growth, but when more than 70 percent of young people are unemployed or under-employed, and millions of Ugandans are trapped in subsistence living, then that growth is clearly not working for the majority.
In our first five years, Uganda should be targeting sustained GDP growth of 8-10 percent, but more importantly, growth that is inclusive, job-creating, and resilient. This is achievable if we deliberately shift the economy from consumption and raw exports to production and value addition.
We must prioritise value addition, labour-intensive cottages, and small-scale industries, as well as small-and-medium enterprises and also deal with over-taxation in the sector, which will increase production and solve unemployment [problem and] growth the GDP [in double digits].
Most small-scale industries collapse within the first year because electricity is expensive, taxes are punitive, infrastructure is weak, and credit is unaffordable. These are policy failures, not weaknesses of our people.
On energy, Uganda relies heavily on hydropower. What are your energy mix proposals to guarantee energy security and meet growing demand?
Uganda cannot afford to keep all its eggs in one basket. We must diversify. Today, more than 80 percent of our grid electricity comes from hydropower, yet demand is growing at about 8-10 percent every year. First, we must seriously invest in solar energy.
Right now, high taxes on solar panels and batteries discourage investment. We will remove punitive taxes on renewable energy equipment so that Ugandans can generate their own power and lower their costs.
And we must explore other clean alternatives – biogas from agricultural waste, especially in cattle-keeping and sugar-producing regions.
The current government prides itself on security and stability. As president, how would you handle the security question?
Security should never be something a government boasts about because it is the first duty of any government to protect the people and their property. It is not a favour from a regime; it is a constitutional duty. The problem in Uganda today is not lack of security structures. We actually spend the biggest portion of our National Budget on security. The problem is how that security is used, or actually misused.
The first loophole we must close is the politicisation of the security forces. Today, the military and police are routinely deployed to break up our rallies, arrest Opposition leaders, intimidate voters, and even interfere with elections. That is not their job. As president, I will ensure the UPDF secures our borders, not ballot boxes, and that the police protect citizens, not suppress them. Any officer who engages in partisan politics will be held personally accountable.
What about during demonstrations on the streets and the case of citizens looting shops and all that?
Peaceful demonstrations are not illegal in Uganda. They are a constitutional right. That means citizens have the right to protest, demonstrate, and express dissatisfaction with those in power.
But that right must be exercised in a way that does not interfere with the rights of other Ugandans by looting shops and destroying property, because that is criminal.
How will you solve that problem because your group has been accused of the same?
As president, my approach will be very clear: peaceful demonstrators will be protected, not brutalised. The role of the police during demonstrations will be to manage crowds, ensure safety, and protect lives and property, not to punish citizens for expressing their views.
Criminal acts like looting will be handled by the law. If someone steals, burns shops, or vandalises property, they must be arrested, investigated, and prosecuted individually, produced before court within 48 hours, as required by the Constitution. I am a lawyer, and I know what the law provides for. That is what constitutional governance looks like.
Governance is another major concern. Uganda’s Constitution gives the President immense powers. Would you reduce the powers of the president?
Absolutely, the powers of the presidency in Uganda must be reduced, and this is not a matter of opinion; it is a matter of survival of our democracy. Our Constitution was never designed to create a king. It was designed to create a servant leader, accountable to the people and restrained by strong institutions.
The 1995 Constitution had safeguards, term limits under Article 105 and later age limits under Article 102(b). These were not cosmetic clauses; they were meant to prevent the dangerous concentration of power in one individual. Once those safeguards were removed, the presidency became unchecked, and everything else began to collapse.
Today, the President appoints the Electoral Commission, which is supposed to supervise elections in which he is a contestant. That is a clear conflict of interest. The President appoints judges, heads of commissions, accounting officers, and even influences security deployments during elections. That is why elections are militarised, courts are under pressure, and Parliament often behaves like a rubber stamp. This is not a theory – we have seen it happen repeatedly in Uganda.
So yes, we will tame presidential power, practically and deliberately.
How will you do that?
The President will no longer appoint the Electoral Commission. Commissioners must be selected by an independent process involving civil society, professional bodies, and Parliament so that elections belong to the people, not the incumbent.
Judicial independence must be restored. Judges should be appointed through a strengthened Judicial Service Commission, insulated from State House influence. Courts must be places of justice, not fear.
We also must and will restore constitutional safeguards, including term limits and age limits, so that no one ever personalises power again.
We shall go back to the people and ask them for what they want to be restored in the Constitution because it was made by the people. They meant for leadership to be temporary, not permanent.
We will reduce the size and power of the Executive. A bloated Cabinet of more than 80 ministers exists not for service delivery but for political patronage. We will cut the Cabinet to about 20 ministers, making it lean, professional, and accountable.
What role will cultural leaders play under your government?
I am one person who respects culture so much and you can call me a cultural man because cultural leaders play a very important and irreplaceable role in a democratic society, especially in a country like Uganda, where culture is deeply woven into people’s identity, values, and social organisation. They are not just ceremonial figures; they are custodians of history, unity, morality, and social cohesion.
Under our government, cultural institutions will be respected, protected, and insulated from political manipulation. One of the biggest mistakes of the current system is that cultural leaders are often treated as political tools used when convenient – threatened, or sidelined when they speak for their people. That undermines democracy and divides communities.
What’s your game plan to manage regional politics and conflicts?
Uganda does not exist in isolation. What happens in [neighbouring] Kenya, Tanzania, or the Democratic Republic of Congo inevitably affects us; through trade, security, refugees, and insecurity. That is why our approach to regional politics must be calm, principled, and diplomatic, not impulsive or militarised.
For us to do that, we shall need to make ourselves pure and correct our internal politics and issues before we poke our noses into other people’s matters. We must engage regional neighbours with pure hands and hearts, and it’s until then that other countries will listen to us.
In case of a war, would you deploy the army?
Like I said, ours would be in terms of mediation and not cause more controversy and insecurity to the citizens of other countries. We would respect the sovereignty of other states, but in order to regain respect across borders, we must first restore the rule of law in our own country and have the moral authority to mediate outside. Otherwise, we’re now a laughing stock in the region.
How would you deal with cross-border trade and tariff barriers?
Cross-border trade is vital for Uganda, not just for big business, but for ordinary farmers, traders, and small-scale entrepreneurs who rely on markets beyond our borders to survive.
Yet, today, trade is often strangled by tariff barriers and corruption at the borders. That is why under our government, we will approach this with practical solutions that empower Ugandans and strengthen our regional economy.
We will empower our traders and farmers in that they will have a higher bargaining power in the cross-border business by speaking to the other partners to remove the tariffs. We will liberate and structure cross-border trade.
Finally, what do the last days before the election look like for you?
We expect more intimidation, abductions, militarisation, and possibly an Internet shutdown. But we have encouraged Ugandans to remain firm and demand their rights peacefully.
For me, the most important agenda is to keep hope alive. If we do not give up, we are never defeated. In a free and fair election, we can defeat Museveni. I believe we can win with up to 80 percent of the vote nationwide. Let’s keep hope alive and do everything it takes to bring about a new Uganda.