Smokey Mountain residents protest P26-B WTE project, cite health risks

Hundreds of residents, environmental advocates and urban poor groups gathered in Smokey Mountain, Tondo, in April as part of Earth Month activities to oppose a proposed waste-to-energy (WTE) incinerator project, raising concerns about its potential impact on health, housing and livelihoods.

The mobilization, organized by groups including the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives (GAIA) Asia Pacific and the Manila Anti-Incinerator Alliance (MAIA), featured a silent protest and a community town hall (pulong bayan). Participants described the proposed facility as a ‘false solution’ to waste and energy challenges and linked it to broader policy debates on waste management and climate action.

‘Hindi buong matutugunan ang dambuhalang isyu sa enerhiya, klima, at kalikasan, hangga’t patuloy na pinagkakakitaan ang krisis at paghihirap ng ordinaryong mamamayan,’ said Mark Dorado of Kalikasan People’s Network for the Environment.

(The massive crises in energy, climate and the environment will not be fully addressed as long as the suffering of ordinary people continues to be exploited for profit.)

Community concerns: housing, livelihood and displacement

Residents said the proposed project directly affects their day-to-day lives, particularly amid ongoing uncertainty over housing and relocation.

‘Dapat tayo ang unahin, tayong mga maralita. Sana pakinggan ang panawagan naming itigil ang waste-to-energy at tiyakin ang tirahan, kabuhayan, at kalusugan,’ said Mariafe Hulipaz of Sama-Sama sa Maayos na Tahanan at Hanapbuhay (SMTH).

(We, the poor, should be prioritized. We hope our call to stop the waste-to-energy project will be heard and that our rights to housing, livelihood and health are ensured.)

‘Hindi kami papayag na aalis kami dito. Dito kami mananatili. Paano na ang aming kabuhayan at ang kinabukasan ng aming mga anak?’ said Lenie Banting of Samahan ng Magkakapitbahay sa Upper Smokey Mountain (SMUSM).

(We will not agree to leave this place. We will stay here. What will happen to our livelihood and to the future of our children?)

Smokey Mountain, a former dumpsite, is now home to an estimated 55,000 residents across several barangays, including Barangays 105, 128 and 129.

Tensions in the area have been building in recent months, with reports of demolitions and alleged displacement linked by advocacy groups to the proposed project.

‘Pagod na pagod na kami at inuubos na bago pa man magkaroon ng diskusyon at tunay na proseso. Hindi ito tama,’ said Elena Plaza, president of Nagkakaisa at Nagdadamayang Maralita Organization.

(We are exhausted, and we are being pushed out even before there can be any discussion or proper process. This is not right.)

‘Bakit parang tapos na ang desisyon kahit walang malinaw na proseso? Kami ang nawawalan ng bahay at kabuhayan,’ Hulipaz said in an earlier report.

(Why does it seem like the decision has already been made even without a clear process? We are the ones losing our homes and livelihoods.)

‘Bakit laging ang mahihirap ang inuuna at isinasakripisyo? Para kanino ba talaga ang proyektong ito?’ said Anora Madrid, vice president of Samahan ng Magkakapitbahay sa Upper Smokey Mountain.

(Why are the poor always the ones prioritized for sacrifice? Who is this project really for?)

A P26-billion project under debate

The proposed WTE facility in Smokey Mountain is estimated to cost more than P26 billion and has been positioned by proponents as part of efforts to modernize waste management, generate energy and help address flooding in Metro Manila.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. previously said the project aims to ‘turn thousands of tons of waste into clean energy, reduce flooding, create jobs, and help clean up communities.’

The project involves partnerships with private firms, including Phil. Ecology Systems Corp. (PhilEco) and Japan-based Kanadevia Corp.

However, opposition groups have raised concerns over its cost, environmental impact and implementation. They cited a 2023 feasibility study referenced in community petitions that reportedly found the project ‘not viable’ due to environmental and social risks.

Brex Arevalo of GAIA Asia Pacific raised questions about the project’s justification.

‘Ang kasalukuyang krisis sa langis ay nangyayari kasabay ng mas matagal nang mga krisis-ang mga krisis sa kalikasan, komunidad, at korupsyon. Karapat-dapat ba na gumastos nang mahigit P26 bilyon para sa plantang waste-to-energy na magdudulot ng dambuhalang dami ng abo, polusyon sa hangin, at polusyon sa Manila Bay?’ Arevalo said.

(The current oil crisis is unfolding alongside longer-standing crises-crises in the environment, communities and corruption. Is it justifiable to spend more than P26 billion on a waste-to-energy plant that will generate massive amounts of ash, air pollution and pollution in Manila Bay?)

‘Karapat-dapat ba na magtayo ng planta na konektado sa ilegal na demolisyon at panliligalig ng mga komunidad? Karapat-dapat ba na itayo ang plantang ito habang ibinabalewala ang partisipasyon ng publiko at sangkatutak na pondo ang nawawala sa flood control at imprastruktura?’

(Is it justifiable to build a plant linked to illegal demolitions and the harassment of communities? Is it justifiable to construct this plant while public participation is being disregarded and large amounts of funding are being lost to flood control and infrastructure?)

Health risks and environmental data

Concerns raised during the protest draw from research and reporting on the impacts of waste incineration.

Experts and GAIA have reported that WTE incinerators are financially costly and harmful to the environment and pose considerable health risks to neighboring communities and the general population.

‘In a typical waste-to-energy plant, the air emissions include ultra-fine particles, and these ultra-fine particles are not even required by our laws to be tested, but they can cause heart attacks, lung disease, and more,’ said Jorge Emmanuel, an adjunct professor of environmental science and engineering at Silliman University.

Emmanuel said these facilities also produce toxic ash and wastewater. Studies note that about 25% to 30% of waste processed in incinerators becomes ash, which requires disposal in specialized hazardous waste landfills-facilities that remain limited in the Philippines.

Studies have also linked dioxins, described as highly toxic pollutants, to incineration processes.

‘Dioxins, which refer to a family of 210 specific chemicals, have been found to bio-concentrate up the food chain,’ Emmanuel said.

Health effects associated with such pollutants include respiratory and cardiovascular diseases, cancers, reproductive disorders and developmental impacts on children.

A citizen-led air monitoring study cited by GAIA last year highlighted that while many residents are familiar with the smell of burning waste-the itch in their throats and the sting in their eyes-what lingers is often invisible: fine particles known as particulate matter (PM), particularly PM2.5, which can penetrate deep into the lungs and even enter the bloodstream.

These particles, including PM10, PM2.5 and PM1, are many times smaller than the thickness of a human hair, which measures about 50 to 70 micrometers. Because of their size, they can bypass the body’s natural defenses and reach internal organs.

‘Because it is so small, particulate matter can easily permeate every organ in the body, with disastrous consequences on human health,’ GAIA said in its study.

GAIA also documented PM2.5 levels reaching as high as 106 micrograms per cubic meter in some communities in Dumaguete, where a pyrolysis-gasification plant with no known safeguards was built beside the city’s central waste facility-about seven times higher than the World Health Organization’s guideline of 15 micrograms per cubic meter.

Waste crisis and policy gaps

The debate over WTE comes amid broader challenges in the country’s waste management system. The Philippines generates around 61,000 metric tons of waste daily, including millions of plastic items such as 163 million sachets and 48 million shopping bags each day.

Despite the existence of Republic Act 9003, or the Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2000, implementation gaps remain. A Commission on Audit report found that only 39.05% of barangays were served by materials recovery facilities (MRFs) as of 2021, while only 29.25% of local government units had access to sanitary landfills.

Environmental groups said these gaps contribute to continued reliance on disposal-based systems rather than waste reduction and recycling.

‘All these illegal policies of imposing garbage fees and operating WTE incineration in Manila are not necessary if the city stops relying on direct waste hauling and disposal to landfills and prioritizes reducing waste at the source, segregation, and recycling,’ Mayang Azurin of GAIA Asia Pacific previously stated.

Legal and policy questions

Under RA 9003 and the Clean Air Act of 1999, incineration is prohibited. However, policy developments, including guidelines issued in 2016, have allowed certain WTE technologies, leading to ongoing debate over regulatory consistency.

In December 2025, House Resolution No. 592 was filed, seeking an investigation into reported demolitions in Smokey Mountain and issues related to the proposed WTE facility, citing possible violations of environmental laws and of the rights of the urban poor.

Advocates at the Earth Month protest also pointed to what they described as links between WTE promotion and both corporate and government interests.

‘The global crisis and war for dirty oil expose the impacts of our dependence on polluting systems. But solutions should not come at the expense of vulnerable communities already facing economic and climate risks,’ said Mela Llamado of Youth Advocates for Climate Action Philippines (YACAP).

‘Any ‘modernization’ that does not include the community’s welfare is just greenwashing,’ said Alyssa Darunday of Panatang Luntian Coalition.

Calls and demands

Participants called for the suspension of the WTE project, the protection of communities from displacement and the implementation of alternative waste management approaches.

‘Ngayon pa lang sa nararanasan natin, nahihirapan na tayo. Paano pa kung matuloy ang waste-to-energy? Ang usok nito ay maaaring magdulot ng sakit,’ said Jenniclear Gamoc of Anakbayan Manila.

(Even now, with what we are experiencing, we are already struggling. What more if the waste-to-energy project pushes through? Its emissions could cause illness.)

‘Dapat bigyang prayoridad ng gobyerno ang libreng paninirahan, healthcare, edukasyon, at iba pang demokratikong karapatan ng mamamayan lalo na ngayong nasa krisis tayo,’ said Macoy Cabangon of BAYAN Manila.

(The government should prioritize free housing, health care, education and other democratic rights of the people, especially in this time of crisis.)

‘Ang tunay na makatarungang transisyon ay may pagrespeto sa karapatang pantao at pagprotekta sa kalikasan na siyang nag-uugnay sa ating lahat,’ said Kweyn Tagaduar of EcoWaste Coalition.

(A truly just transition respects human rights and protects the environment, which connects us all.)

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MAIA reiterated its demands, including upholding the incineration ban, ensuring in-city housing for residents, and addressing reports of harassment and displacement.

Walk for Peace’ begins island-wide journey from Dambulla today

A week-long ‘Walk for Peace’ commenced across Sri Lanka today (22), led by Ven. Pannakara Thero and a group of senior Buddhist monks under State patronage, with events planned through 28 April.

The spiritual procession, carrying a sacred Bodhi sapling from the Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi, will travel across key cities of the country promoting unity, compassion, and harmony.

The journey will begin from Dambulla to Matale today, before proceeding to Kandy tomorrow. On 24 April, the walk will resume from the Temple of the Sacred Tooth Relic, with Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya expected to attend.

The route will then pass through Kegalle, Yakkala, and Mahara, culminating at the Kelaniya Raja Maha Vihara on 27 April. The final day, 28 April, will feature a public gathering at Kelaniya, followed by a national ceremony at Independence Square under the patronage of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

The visiting monks are scheduled to remain in Sri Lanka until 1 May, after which the sacred relics and Bodhi sapling will be taken to the US.

A wide range of State and private institutions, including the Presidential Secretariat, the Clean Sri Lanka programme, several key ministries, the Tri-Forces, Police, and the National Design Centre are supporting the initiative.

President Dissanayake, in a message shared on X, expressed his full support for the initiative, describing it as a journey that promotes mindfulness, loving-kindness, unity, and harmony. He invited all Sri Lankans to reflect on the enduring values of peace and compassion, adding that the walk conveys a powerful message to the global community.

Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Veterinary Association announced special arrangements to ensure the wellbeing of ‘Aloka,’ a rescue dog participating in the procession. The association said a 24-hour ambulance service, medical teams, essential medicines, and a dedicated emergency response unit have been deployed to guarantee the animal’s safety throughout the journey.

Sylva, Others Charged Over Plot To Oust Tinubu

The federal government is set to try seven of the detained suspects linked to an alleged plot to overthrow the President Bola Tinubu-led administration for concealment of treason, terrorism and money laundering.

The suspects are former Governor of Bayelsa State, Timpre Sylva; Major General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (rtd); a retired Navy Captain, Erasmus Ochegobia Victor and Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim. Others are Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni and Abdulkadir Sani. A 13-count charge was filed against them on Tuesday.

It was gathered that six of the alleged coup plotters, who were investigated by both the Nigerian military and the Department of State Services, were accused of terrorising the citizens, and plotting to sack a democratic government.

The charges filed against them border on treasonable felony, conspiracy to overthrow the government, conspiracy to commit terrorism and other offences related to security threats.

Daily Trust reports that the military high command, through its former Director, Defence Information, Tukur Gusau, had on October 4, 2025, revealed that 16 officers were arrested and detained over undisclosed offences.

Gusau, a retired Brigadier-General, had simply said they were arrested and detained over issues that border on ‘indiscipline and breach of service regulations’.

The retired senior military officer also said, ‘Investigations have revealed that their grievances stemmed largely from perceived career stagnation caused by repeated failure in promotion examinations, among other issues.’

However, several weeks after the denial, reports uncovered that those detained were allegedly involved in a plot to overthrow the present government led by Tinubu.

It was also uncovered that the detainees were attached to the Office of the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu.

Suspects charged after 6 months

Amid outcry by the family members of the detainees, the process to arraign seven of them, already charged before a Federal High Court in Abuja, has commenced.

The families of the detained officers had protested at the National Assembly on Wednesday, April 1, demanding that justice be served. The protesters, comprising children, wives and relatives of the detainees, sought a speedy trial of the accused officials.

The wife of one of the detainees, who gave her name simply as Nana, said they were calling for fairness in their trial.

‘We are here to plead with the government to please charge our husbands to court. We are not saying they should just be released like that. Necessary action should be done. But since the government said it has evidence against them, they should be charged to court. This is because they are innocent until proven guilty. If there is any evidence, let there be an open and free trial, please,’ she said.

In the suit filed on behalf of the federal government by the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), the seventh person, former Governor Sylva, is said to be on the run. He is being tried in absentia.

Sources confided in Daily Trust last night that the government has activated the International Police (INTERPOL) to go after the former Bayelsa governor and extradite him back to Nigeria to face the full wrath of law.

The charges read, ‘That you, Major General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (rtd), Captain (NN) Erasmus Ochegobia Victor (rtd), Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim (Ap776373), Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni, Abdulkadir Sani, Timpre Sylva (still at large) and others, sometime in the year 2025, in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, conspired with one another to levy war against the state to overtake the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 37(2) of the code cap 38 LFN 2004.

‘That you, Major General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (Rtd), Captain (NN) Erasmus Ochegobia Victor (rtd), Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim (Ap776373), Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni, Abdulkadir Sani, Timpre Sylva (still at large) and others, sometime in the year 2025, in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, knowing that Colonel Mohammed Alhassan Ma’aji (N/10668) and others intended to commit treason, did not give the information thereof with all reasonable dispatch to either the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, or a Peace Officer and thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 40(b) of the Criminal Code Cap C38 LFN 2004’.

‘That you Major General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (rtd), Captain (NN) Erasmus Ochegobia Victor (rtd), Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim (Ap776373), Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni Abdulkadir Sani, Timipre Sylva (still at large) and others, sometime in the year 2025 in Abuja within the jurisdiction of this honorable court conspired with one another to commit an act of terrorism against Federal Republic of Nigeria and thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 26(1) of the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

‘That you, Abdulkadir Sani, on or about the 23rd day of September, 2025, in Abuja, within the jurisdiction of this Honorable Court, indirectly retained the sum of N2,000,000.00 (Two Million Naira) only in your Jaiz Bank Account Number 0005620270 from A and A Express Link Concept, which sum you reasonably ought to have known forms part of the proceeds of an unlawful act to wit: terrorism financing, and thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(2)(d) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022 and punishable under Section 1 8 (3) of the same Act.

‘That you, Bukar Kashim Goni, in September, 2025, in Abuja, within the jurisdiction of this Honorable Court, indirectly retained the aggregate sum of N50,000,000.00 (Fifty Million Naira) only in your First Bank Account Number 3021511166 from A and A Express Link Concept, which sum you reasonably ought to have known forms part of the proceeds of un unlawful act to wit: terrorism financing, and thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(2)(d) of the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022 and punishable under Section 18 (3) of the same Act.

Why other detainees are yet to be charged – Officials

Giving an insight into why some of the detainees are still in detention, officials within the DSS and the military told Daily Trust that joint investigations are ongoing.

They submitted that they are yet to get to the root of the matter involving other detainees, saying they would also be charged when the investigation on them is concluded.

‘Joint investigations are still ongoing. We can’t just charge the ones we have not finished investigating. We’ve concluded an investigation on those seven people we charged,’ an official within the DSS explained.

When asked when they would conclude investigations, the source said he could not say because of the complexity of the matter.

He added, ‘This is an issue that borders on national security, so thorough investigations have to be conducted. It is important that the investigators take their time.’

Identities of those charged

Sylva, a holder of the Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON), was born on July 7, 1964 in Brass, Bayelsa State (formerly Rivers State, from which Bayelsa was created in 1996). He had his education in Bayelsa and Lagos, the former capital of Nigeria.

A chieftain of the All Progressives Congress, he graduated from the University of Port Harcourt in 1986. He was a member of the Old Rivers State House of Assembly in the early 1990s and became governor of Bayelsa State in 2007.

He won a fresh governorship election in the state in May 2008 after an Appeal Court nullified his victory. However, his tenure was terminated in January 2012 by the Supreme Court, with an acting governor appointed to oversee the state until another election was held in February 2012.

Sylva served as the Minister of State for Petroleum Resources of Nigeria from 2019 to 2023. He was declared wanted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in November 2025 over alleged money laundering.

Retired Major-General Gana is from Niger State. He holds the traditional title; Danmagayaki of Nupe. Daily Trust gathered that his son is currently serving as a Colonel in the military and being held over his alleged involvement in the plot.

Also, Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, who was arrested in the alleged coup plot is a serving officer of the Nigeria Police Force from Taraba State.

‘Suspects deserve fair hearing’

Reacting to the development, a human rights activist and former National Chairman of Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), Mr. Malachy Ugwummadu, in an interview with one of our correspondents, said it is imperative that the federal government factors in the rights of those charged.

He ‘The charge of treason or treasonable felony, including conspiracy to commit the same offence are largely very weighty charges. You can do that with the punishment ascribed to those categories of offence – essentially, they are capital punishment. That will indicate the gravity of the offence.

‘However, it is gratifying that the country has not condescended into extra-judicial activities like murder. The country has decided to subject the alleged criminal activities of the suspects to the crucible of trials, requiring that they be afforded a fair hearing, in particular.

‘In the determination of rights of every Nigerian, whether an alleged criminal or an innocent person, such a person must be given fair hearing by a competent court of law, constituted in such a way as to guarantee its independence and impartiality.

‘That is what Sections 36 and 46 are all about. So, if the government has decided to treat these people, recognising that their presumption of innocence still lies in their favour, that’s the right way to go in a civilized society.’

A notary public and former chairman of the NBA in Bauchi State, Jibrin S. Jibrin Esq, said there is nothing legally wrong with the arraignment of the coup suspects before the Federal High Court.

‘One of the reasons for holding this view is that the offences with which they are alleged to have committed goes beyond mere military disobedience. It has to do with an attempt to topple and change the system of government known to law in the country.

‘Another factor to consider as to why the Federal High Court is the most appropriate forum to try the coup suspects is the fact that the various decrees enacted under the General Babangida and Sani Abacha juntas under which persons suspected of plotting coup plot were tried have been abrogated or repealed by the extant grundnorm which is the 1999 Constitution.

‘So looking at the circumstances and the nature of allegations involved, I hold the view that the federal government is right to have filed the charges against the suspects at the Federal High Court.’

Apple’s next CEO is the quiet engineer in the room

On a gray Monday in Cupertino this spring, Apple did something it has only done a handful of times in its history: it told the world who would run the company next. When the press release hit inboxes-Tim Cook to become executive chairman; John Ternus to be chief executive officer-it looked, at first glance, almost boring. No coup, no activist slugfest, no outsider visionary parachuted in from the cloud. Just a quiet insider, a hardware guy, formally taking a job that rumor-watchers had already half-awarded him for months.

But inside Apple, the elevation of John Ternus was anything but routine. It was a decision about what kind of company Apple wants to be in the 2030s: one where the most powerful person in the building still thinks in aluminum, silicon, and heat, not just in subscriptions and services.

If Tim Cook’s origin story is about spreadsheets and supply chains, John Ternus’s begins in chlorinated water. In the mid-1990s, on winter mornings at the University of Pennsylvania, he was in the pool with the men’s varsity swim team, chasing marginal improvements that would never make televised highlight reels. Swimming is a brutal sport: the repetitions are mind-numbing, the gains microscopic, the victories measured in hundredths of a second. It’s you, your lungs, the clock-and the knowledge that everyone else is doing the same thing before dawn.

Ternus studied mechanical engineering, the kind of degree that comes with more problem sets than parties. For his senior project, he worked on a mechanical feeding arm controlled by head movements, designed to help people with quadriplegia eat independently. It was a small thing, easily lost among the standard catalog of student prototypes, but it wired a particular instinct into him early: technology is at its most consequential where human bodies meet mechanical constraints. That combination of empathy and rigor would quietly echo through his later work.

What he did not do, crucially, was start a company. There were no dorm-room startups, no mythology-ready founding story. After graduation, he went to work, not to pitch.

The first stop was a now-vanished name in the long prehistory of virtual reality: Virtual Research Systems. It was the 1990s, and VR was still a clunky promise-bulky headsets, grainy displays, nauseating lag. The job was not about sleek experiences; it was about physics. How do you mount optics and screens on a human head without wrecking someone’s neck? How do you keep a device firmly attached and still tolerable after 20 minutes? At the time, it was just work. He learned the stubbornness of materials, the trade-offs between field of view, weight, and cost, and the sobering fact that you cannot charm physics with a product launch. That humility-hardware doesn’t care how good your story is-would serve him well later, when the stakes were measured not in prototype units but in tens of millions of devices.

In 2001, Apple wasn’t yet the planetary object it would become. Steve Jobs had been back for a few years; the original gumdrop iMac had shocked the beige PC world; the iPod was on the cusp of changing how people thought about music and about Apple itself. Into that still-fragile company, John Ternus arrived as a product design engineer.

His early work was not on the soon-to-be-iconic iPhone or iPad, but on the things that made the ecosystem feel serious: the Apple Cinema Display, for example, a hushed slab of metal and glass aimed at creative professionals who cared less about marketing adjectives and more about color accuracy and reliability. It was an object that needed to disappear-visually and aurally-so that editors, designers, and producers could focus on what was on the screen. Making something disappear, it turns out, is complicated. The display had to be thin but rigid, cool but quiet, mass-manufacturable yet premium. That’s where Ternus lived: in the gap between industrial design’s sketches and the manufacturing line’s tolerance stack-ups. Apple’s product design culture at the time has been described as part monastery, part knife fight. Industrial designers pushed for impossible thinness, invisible seams, unbroken planes of aluminum. Engineers pushed back with thermal envelopes, antenna geometries, battery chemistry. Ternus’s job was not to choose a side; it was to make the two sides coexist in actual objects that could be built by the millions.

As Apple’s hardware ambitions grew, so did Ternus’s portfolio. He moved into managerial roles, then into leadership positions on Mac hardware programs, including the G5-based iMacs that turned the desktop computer into something like a single sheet of floating screen. These projects forced him to engage deeply with Apple’s far-flung manufacturing partners, learning the choreography of component sourcing, assembly lines, and quality control that underpins every gleaming product on a launch slide.

Along the way, he had the chance to do something symbolic: take a private office. He didn’t. Coworkers noticed that he stayed out in the open, at a desk among his team. In a company where proximity to power often translates into actual power, this was not a small choice. It signaled how he wanted information to flow and how approachable he expected to be. Good engineering cultures depend on people surfacing bad news early; nothing kills that faster than a leader who is literally and figuratively behind a closed door. His version of authority is quieter, flatter, more about density of context than volume of voice. By 2013, Ternus had climbed to vice president of hardware engineering. The company was now in its iOS golden age. The iPhone had detonated the phone industry. The iPad, launched in 2010, was trying to decide what it wanted to be when it grew up: a couch computer, a laptop replacement, a professional tool for illustrators and video editors.

Ternus’s remit spanned the iPad line and portions of the Mac business, plus something new and slightly weird: AirPods. At launch, AirPods looked like the punchline to a joke-expensive white toothpicks dangling from early adopters’ ears. Within a few years, they were everywhere, a pair of white exclamation points hanging from commuters and teenagers, as recognizable as the iPod’s white cables once were. They became both a cultural signal and a financial one: a major chunk of Apple’s wearables business, a pillar of a category that, if it ever spun out, could stand as a large company on its own.

The fact that the same executive was overseeing the guts of a MacBook Pro and the click of a tiny, magnetized AirPods case says something about Apple’s internal logic. To Apple, these are not separate product stories; they’re different surfaces of the same system. Ternus had to think in that system-level way: about radios and batteries, sure, but also about how someone moves from a Mac to an iPad to AirPods to a Watch without thinking about the transitions at all.

If there is a beating heart of Apple’s business, it’s the iPhone. Getting near it is like being invited onto the bridge of a ship in heavy seas. In the late 2010s and around 2020, responsibility for iPhone hardware increasingly flowed toward Ternus. Suddenly, the person who had been sweating hinge tolerances on laptops and fit-and-finish on displays was in charge of the physical manifestation of Apple’s most important product line.

This would have been a big job even in a stable technical era. But Apple was about to undertake a chip-level revolution in a different product line: the Mac’s shift from Intel processors to Apple’s own silicon. Deciding to abandon Intel after 15 years was one of the most consequential technical and strategic calls of the Cook era. The transition risked breaking developer workflows, confusing consumers, and fragmenting the Mac base. But the upside-a family of chips designed in lockstep with the operating system and the hardware-was enormous.

You could feel, in Apple’s first Apple-silicon announcements in 2020, a kind of pent-up relief. In one of those tightly produced keynotes, Ternus stood in a white-walled lab, gesturing over exploded diagrams of M-series chips and logic boards, explaining how unified memory meant the CPU and GPU stopped fighting over the same scraps of RAM. He talked through performance per watt in a way that felt less like marketing and more like someone finally allowed to brag about work that had been happening in secret for years.

The gambit worked. Reviewers and users loved the battery life and performance. Developers ported their apps; consumers mostly did not care about instruction sets, only that the new MacBook Air was weirdly fast and refused to get hot. For Apple’s board, this was a critical data point: Ternus had just helped guide one of the company’s riskiest multi-year engineering projects to a clean landing.

In 2021, Apple made it official: John Ternus was promoted to senior vice president of hardware engineering and joined the elite group of executives who sit one step below the CEO. On paper, his portfolio now encompasses almost everything you can hold that has an Apple logo on it: iPhone, iPad, Mac, AirPods, Apple Watch.

In practice, that means he is the person who has to referee conflicts between battery life and camera modules, between industrial design’s hunger for thinness and wireless engineers’ need for antenna volume, between environmental goals and supply-chain realities. He also had to become more visible. For most of his career, Ternus was an internal name, familiar to Apple watchers but not to the general public. As SVP, he climbed onto Apple’s polished virtual stages more often, narrating the evolution of iPads and Macs with a tone that was confident but intentionally un-flashy. There are executives who treat product launches like performances; Ternus is not one of them. His energy reads more like ‘respected lab lead,’ which is exactly what many engineers want in their boss.

Succession at Apple is a slow-motion sport. Tim Cook took over from Steve Jobs in 2011, but the handoff had been telegraphed years in advance. Under Cook, speculation about his own eventual replacement became a kind of parlor game. For years, chief operating officer Jeff Williams-another operations savant, often described as ‘Tim Cook 2.0’-was the presumed heir. There were other names, too: software chief Craig Federighi, marketing lead Greg Joswiak, services boss Eddy Cue.

Ternus was the new variable. As he accumulated responsibility for more hardware lines, and as Apple-silicon Macs landed cleanly, analysts and reporters started saying the quiet part out loud: this is what grooming a successor looks like. With Williams edging toward the phase of a career where boards think in five- and ten-year increments, the younger hardware chief began to look like the more logical long-term bet.

Apple is not a company that likes surprises. By the time the company formally announced that Cook would become executive chairman and Ternus would be CEO, it felt less like a twist than an acknowledged reality. The machine had been quietly routing itself toward this outcome for years.

On paper, the obvious move in 2026 might have been to elevate a services, AI, or operations executive. Apple’s services revenue has exploded under Cook; the company’s future differentiation will be defined at least as much by what happens in software and models as by what’s machined out of aluminum.

But Apple is not a cloud company that happens to make hardware. It is a hardware company that uses software and services to make its devices more valuable. The iPhone is still the sun in the Apple solar system. The Watch, the Mac, the iPad, AirPods, whatever comes after Vision Pro – they orbit around a core belief that you can win on design and integration, not just raw compute and price. Choosing a hardware engineer as CEO in 2026 is a statement that this identity is not up for renegotiation.

It is also a statement about where Apple thinks the next decade of computing is going. Generative AI has made the cloud feel magical again, but it has also made latency and privacy newly painful. There’s a reason Apple talks so much about ‘on-device intelligence’: the company wants to handle as much as possible locally, on chips it designs, under power and privacy constraints it understands. The person who has spent years wrestling with thermal envelopes and board layouts is well positioned to understand what ‘AI on your wrist’ or ‘AI in your glasses’ actually entails – not as a slogan, but as a set of hard trade-offs between battery capacity, heat, and model size.

The job Ternus is walking into is larger than any single product line. As CEO, he will have to navigate regulators who want to pry open the App Store, governments that demand data access, and a supply chain still deeply entangled with China as geopolitical tensions shift. He will be asked about labor practices at overseas factories, about climate targets, about misinformation traveling through devices his company makes.

He will also have to decide what ‘next’ means. Apple is famously late and then very good. It rarely races to be first into a new category, preferring to watch competitors take the initial hits, then arrive with a version that feels finished. In an era of AI-infused everything, though, the timeline for ‘finished’ is compressing. His first years in the top job will collide with a run of high-stakes launches – from Apple’s long-rumored foldable iPhone to more affordable spatial-computing hardware – all expected to lean heavily on on-device AI. The future he has to design for is one where people expect their devices to anticipate, adapt, and respond almost invisibly.

If John Ternus succeeds, the story of Apple under his watch may not have an obvious plot twist. It will look, from a distance, like a series of incremental engineering decisions: a more efficient chip here, a thinner display there, a new sensor tucked into a familiar form factor. Look closer, though, and you may see something else: an engineer who never stopped thinking about bodies and machines – about how we wear our computers, how we look through them, how much of our lives we entrust to their silent decisions – quietly steering one of the world’s most powerful companies toward a future where the most radical thing it can do is make that power feel invisible.

Sri Lanka’s bumpy road to a political reset

As it nears completion of eighteen months in power, the National People’s Power (NPP) Government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has kept Sri Lanka’s fragile economic recovery on track but is struggling to live up to bold promises of ‘system change’. Dissanayake’s election in September 2024 was made possible by Sri Lanka’s 2022 economic collapse and the subsequent popular uprising that toppled the president and ruling family. The two-thirds parliamentary majority the NPP won later in 2024 created a rare opening to address longstanding governance challenges, whether the protection of top officials involved in serious crimes, the concentration of powers in the presidency or the ethnic fault lines underlying the country’s civil war. So far, however, the Government has made little progress on key reforms. To show that it is willing to do politics differently and regain momentum, the NPP should reinforce its anti-impunity campaign to include investigation of wartime atrocities, strengthen independent oversight of the state and do more to protect the economically vulnerable.

Dissanayake’s and the NPP’s 2024 campaign platform was extremely ambitious. It promised to bring relief from economic austerity, end deeply entrenched corruption and impunity for crimes by the politically connected, restore the rule of law, put an end to ethnically divisive politics, and adopt a new constitution that reduces the concentration of power in the executive. Previous governments had promised much of the same, without ever delivering. But the NPP’s outsider status and limited involvement in past administrations made them, for many voters, more credible agents of systemic change.

By the time of local elections in early May 2025, these high hopes had faded somewhat: the NPP’s share of the vote fell to 43%, placing it well ahead of its rivals but far short of its 61% share in the parliamentary vote the previous November. The reduced support stemmed partly from the sweeping nature of the new Government’s promises of a reset in governance. Lack of experience in State office fed optimism that the NPP could break with traditional politics. But it also hindered the Government in managing the machinery of state and arguably contributed to the authorities’ poor preparation for and slow response to November’s devastating Cyclone Ditwah. The party’s rhetoric about ‘clean’ governance has, in turn, allowed critics who see it as self-righteous to seize on any misstep as proof of its supposed hypocrisy and dishonesty. NPP responses to such accusations have often sounded arrogant and defensive.

The economy

On the economy, the NPP has sustained the fragile recovery, but only by abandoning key electoral promises. Facing the realities of a weak fiscal position and an uncharitable global financial system, Dissanayake and the NPP shifted gears, embracing the reforms prescribed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as part of a 2023 bailout, which they had earlier criticised. Their pragmatism has won praise from the IMF and other creditors, helping ensure economic stability in the short term. Sticking so closely to the IMF program, however, has left them with little money to address the needs of millions of newly impoverished Sri Lankans. With a debt burden that remains, even after successful restructuring, one of the highest of any middle- or low-income country, Sri Lanka remains dangerously vulnerable to external shocks, such as storms supercharged by climate change and now the Middle East war.

Governance and fighting corruption

As wfor the NPP’s signature issue of fighting corruption and restoring the rule of law, newly invigorated police and anti-corruption agencies have produced a notable increase in arrests and investigations. Previously unencumbered by the corrupt relationships that have plagued parties with long histories in power, the NPP must now prove itself capable of answering accusations about its own procurement deals. To fulfil its pledges to hold accountable those responsible for the 2019 Easter bombings and political killings during previous administrations, the NPP Government will also need to face down powerful sections of the national security apparatus, particularly following February’s arrest of the former intelligence chief.

Should it extend its anti-impunity campaign to military atrocities during the civil war, the challenge will be even greater, given the military’s political clout and its prestige among the Sinhalese majority population. Tamil families of the forcibly disappeared and other rights activists in the north continue to face harassment and surveillance by the military and counter-terrorism police. A key test of Dissanayake’s leadership will be whether, building on speeches denouncing war and stressing the need to prevent ethnic or religious conflict, he can take the first step toward accountability for wartime abuses. Legal and constitutional reforms designed to meet Tamil and Muslim aspirations will require distancing the NPP from the long history of Sinhala nationalism of its main constituent party, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People’s Liberation Front), while still managing the expectations of the NPP’s predominantly Sinhala and Buddhist voter base.

Reinvigorating reforms

With its continued popularity and large parliamentary majority, the NPP is better placed than preceding governments to take on these challenges. But if it wishes to reinvigorate its reform project and preserve its credibility as an agent of change, the NPP should tone down the moralising and instead move to strengthen the independence of the police and oversight bodies to the point where they can hold the incumbent Government and ruling party to account. To reinforce its anti-impunity drive, and build trust with Tamils and Muslims, the government should provide backing for exhuming mass graves and pursuing any criminal prosecutions that might follow. It should either withdraw or amend its draft anti-terrorism legislation to remove the threat it poses to democratic norms, while ending intimidation of rights activists by counter-terrorism police.

To share the burden of economic recovery more fairly, the NPP should push for wealth taxes, while preparing a case with its international creditors for greater debt relief. Foreign powers could in turn do more to support governance reforms as well as renegotiate debt payments to create more fiscal space for the Government as it deals with post-cyclone rebuilding and the effects of the Middle East war.

Dissanayake and the NPP are learning how hard system change can be. Still, with careful doses of political courage, a bit of luck and support from abroad, they have the chance to move Sri Lanka further away from its violent and unstable past.

The curious irony of sovereignty in a banana republic

When several Ugandans hear the phrase ‘banana republic,’ or the localised version of matooke republic, many assume it is a light-hearted jab at our love for matooke. But the term has nothing to do with growing bananas. Its roots lie elsewhere, in a darker chapter of history that still echoes in political commentary today. The expression ‘banana republic’ was coined in 1904 by American writer William Sydney Porter in his story The Admiral. It described the small Central American nations, whose economies, governments, and even elections were effectively run to serve the interests of a single foreign corporation: the United Fruit Company.

The so-called banana republics were not sovereign states in any meaningful sense. They had puppet presidents installed or toppled at the convenience of the fruit barons, sham elections, and entire national policies bent toward maximising banana exports while ordinary citizens lived in poverty. The country existed, in essence, as a private commercial outpost for distant capitalists. Over time, the label expanded to any nation marked by weak institutions, foreign economic dominance, and a ruling elite that appeared more accountable to outsiders than to its own people.

Fast-forward to Uganda. The phrase has resurfaced in local discourse. It has been invoked by critics who argue that Uganda’s political economy bears uncomfortable similarities to the old model: heavy reliance on foreign capital, strategic sectors dominated by external players, and a perception that key decisions sometimes align more with international interests than purely domestic ones. Now on that basis comes the Sovereignty Bill. The Bill seeks to do exactly what its name suggests: protect Uganda from foreign interference.

As we have heard from ministers, the government frames the Bill as a straightforward assertion of Article 1 of the Constitution: Power belongs to the people, not to outsiders with chequebooks. Supporters say it is long overdue in an age when foreign money can quietly shape elections, advocacy, and public discourse. Here lies the irony. The very government accused by critics of operating within a web of foreign economic and political influence is now the one tabling legislation to crack down on foreign funding and ‘foreign agents’ operating outside state approval.

If parts of the state are already seen by some analysts as compromised by external forces, then this Sovereignty Bill becomes a striking case of the accused stepping forward as the prosecutor.It raises an obvious question that the Bill itself does not directly answer: Why focus regulatory fire-power on NGOs, opposition figures, churches, and diaspora remittances while leaving untouched the much larger flows of foreign capital into banking, extractives, or infrastructure deals that critics say define the country’s real dependencies?

What the Bill has done, above all, is force Ugandans to stare directly at the gap between rhetoric and reality. In a country where the term ‘banana republic’ is sometimes thrown around precisely because of perceived foreign sway, the government’s attempt to legislate sovereignty becomes either a genuine course correction or a selective shield. The conversation should not be reduced to for-or-against shouting matches. It should instead probe deeper: What does genuine sovereignty look like in a globalised world where no economy is an island? How do we distinguish legitimate foreign partnership from undue influence? And can a law that claims to protect the people’s will actually strengthen institutions, or does it risk concentrating power further in the hands of those already holding it?

The matooke on our plates will remain delicious regardless. But whether Uganda truly escapes the political shadow once cast by the original banana republics depends less on any single Bill and more on the honesty with which we confront these ironies.

Nigerian Shippers Council urges speedy cargo clearance

The Chairman of the Governing Board of the Nigerian Shippers’ Council (NSC), Dr. Ibrahim Shehu Shema, has called on all port operators to urgently speed up cargo clearance to keep Nigeria’s power projects on track.

He made this appeal while touring facilities at CMA CGM’s Apapa office and APM Terminals.

Also at the facility tour, the NSC’s Executive Secretary, Dr. Pius Akutah, endorsed a $600 million terminal upgrade proposal submitted by APM Terminals to the Federal Government.

The exercise, the board’s first major port visit since its inauguration a few months ago, was designed to assess compliance with modernisation standards, evaluate operator performance, and take stock of investment commitments across the sector.

The board’s findings confirmed that while the industry is growing in terms of exports, fresh capital, and digitisation, it is still grappling with container return queues, berth depth constraints, and the pressing need to expedite cargo clearance for power sector equipment.

Expanding on the urgency of cargo movement, Shema linked port efficiency directly to Nigeria’s broader economic and energy ambitions, stressing that all stakeholders must prioritise the swift handling of critical imports, particularly power equipment.

‘The power projects are a very important component of this investment. There is a deliberate intention to improve power supply, power generation, power distribution, and power transmission. I was urging all port and terminal operators and shippers, and indeed even the contractors who are asked to bring this equipment, that everything should be done to speed up the process of how the goods come into the country, how fast they are delivered to site, such that the power projects cannot be stopped,’ Shema said.

‘It’s very important for all stakeholders to understand this, because the government is seriously interested in the expansion and stabilisation of power supply in Nigeria,’ he added.

The former Governor of Katsina State further tied the sector’s performance to President Bola Tinubu’s blue economy agenda, calling for deliberate policies to unlock growth, particularly through dredging to accommodate larger vessels and increase trade volumes.

He said: ‘There must be deliberate policy, as directed by President Bola Tinubu, that we should expand into the Marine and Blue Economy sector in order for Nigeria to make continued progress.

‘There must be deliberate policy, as directed by President Bola Tinubu, that we should expand into the Marine and Blue Economy sector in order for Nigeria to make continued progress,’ he said.

‘There is the issue of dredging of some parts of the sea area where it will enable bigger and much bigger size ships to come with bigger quantum of goods into the country, and that will expand trade and potential for revenue generation for the country.’

Shema added that his interactions with operators revealed strong investor interest and readiness to commit more capital, provided the right policy environment is in place.

‘Most of what I have seen here is quite impressive. It means that government is very serious about this aspect of the revenue generation for Nigeria in the blue economy sector. There is no question about the fact that the foreign investors are interested to invest even more in this sector. We are quite happy to hear from most of them that this investment is ready and waiting to be carried out with policy adjustments that can support such investment,’ he said.

On his part, Akutah reinforced the board’s position, describing the $600 million APM Terminals upgrade proposal as a clear signal of investor confidence in Nigeria’s port sector.

‘As much as Mr. President and his team are going around the world looking for investors, looking for foreign direct investment to come into the economy, we are glad that companies operating already in Nigeria are also bringing in more capital to reinvest. So it’s heartwarming, really,’ he said.

Akutah singled out export performance as the most encouraging signal of the day, noting that both facilities visited had reported growth in outbound cargo.

‘You heard that everywhere you went today, at the CMA CGM and here at APMT. You heard that the export cargo is doing good. It’s going up by at least 30 per cent already. So we are very hopeful that in a few years’ time we will have balanced our receipt of payment in terms of trade,’ he said.

According to him, the Council will sustain its inspection visits as a tool for real-time monitoring, noting that operators are increasingly aligning with modernisation standards and technological innovation.

At the CMA CGM facility in Apapa, Managing Director Hinelder Ferreira provided an overview of the company’s Nigerian operations, describing a global shipping group with presence in over 160 countries and a workforce of about 170,000. In Nigeria, he said, the company ranks third in the shipping market and is targeting second position, with over 90 employees in its shipping division.

He explained that the group’s second business line in Nigeria is port operations, highlighting its role as operator of the Lekki Deep Sea Terminal, which commenced operations on April 2023 and has since engaged more than 300 workers. Ferreira described the terminal as a game-changer, noting that the company is leveraging its global expertise to maximise its potential.

He added that the group’s third business segment is logistics, managed through its CEVA arm, has commenced operations in Nigeria with about 10 workers.

On regulatory relations, Ferreira downplayed concerns, stating, ‘I wouldn’t call them challenges, because as far as the Nigerian Shippers’ Council, for example, is concerned, we have a good rapport and a good relationship. The doors are always open on any subject that we need as a support, and this is actually what we are looking for.

‘Of course, time to time we may have different points of views, but this is part of the business and it’s part of how we can challenge each other towards the goal. And the same level of collaboration is extended as well with the other agencies,’ he added.

He acknowledged that inflationary pressures had necessitated tariff adjustments and called for broader stakeholder engagement to manage the impact on port users.

Concerns over container return delays were raised by board member and Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) representative, John Aluya, who criticised prolonged truck queues and the resulting demurrage burden on importers.

In response, Ferreira pointed to the availability of over 11 empty container depots nationwide and the deployment of a truck appointment system at Lekki designed to streamline operations. He also noted that the company has digitised its processes, reducing physical interactions and targeting a 15-20-minute turnaround time for in-person transactions.

Akutah also highlighted CMA CGM’s decision to eliminate container deposits, describing it as a significant development in addressing longstanding industry concerns.

‘CMA CGM is the only shipping company so far to do away with the container deposit. They came up with the policy decision from their headquarters to remove the container deposit. Even long before we found a solution, we are still looking for a solution to deal with that, whether it’s going to be an insurance kind of solution or whatever solution it is,’ Akutah said, adding the Council has begun registering service users to track container movements and ensure accountability.

At APM Terminals, Managing Director Kamal Alhraishat confirmed that the terminal had submitted a $600 million investment upgrade proposal to the Federal Government, declaring the company’s commitment to long-term operations in Nigeria.

Alhraishat thanked the Federal Government for the opportunity to operate the port and said APM Terminals had already transformed its cargo handling and port processes through digitisation and modernisation. He also urged the government to move quickly on dredging the terminal’s current 13.5-metre berth draft so that larger vessels could berth and the terminal could process higher cargo volumes.

Sri Lanka to see slow growth, widening fiscal deficit: Fitch

Fitch Ratings has said that Sri Lanka’s recovery remains fragile despite improved macroeconomic fundamentals, with the Middle East energy shock now testing the gains achieved through stabilisation and reforms.

In its latest Sri Lanka update on credit development, Fitch said growth is expected to slow, inflation to rise and the fiscal deficit to widen in 2026, even as the economy builds on stronger fundamentals following the 2022 crisis. GDP growth is forecast to ease to 3.7% from 5% in 2025, while inflation is expected to increase to 6% after deflation of 0.5% in 2025.

Fitch said Sri Lanka’s ‘CCC+’ rating remains constrained by high Government debt and elevated interest burdens despite the 2024 restructuring, while warning that external shocks, particularly from higher energy prices, could weigh on growth, inflation and external balances. It noted that while macroeconomic stabilisation has improved resilience compared to 2022, the economy remains exposed to energy price shocks and external risks.

The update is as follows:

High debt, improving fundamentals: Sri Lanka’s ‘CCC+’ rating is constrained by elevated general Government indebtedness and a high interest/revenue ratio even after the sovereign’s 2024 debt restructuring. Sustained reform momentum is supporting a solid economic recovery, low inflation, a substantial positive fiscal adjustment, and improvements in external finances. Prolonged energy supply and price disruptions could pose downside risks to credit metrics, but the country is in a better position to manage pressures than in the 2022 energy shock.

GDP growth to slow: The economy remained robust in 2025 with GDP growth of 5.0%, in line with 2024, supported by the ongoing cyclical recovery from the 2022 shock. Fitch forecasts growth to ease to 3.7% in 2026 as the inflationary impact of the energy shock and related fuel conservation measures weigh on growth in 1H26. Fitch expects CPI inflation of 6% in 2026 after deflation of 0.5% in 2025, led by primary and secondary impacts of higher energy inputs and base effects.

Risks from energy shock: Sri Lanka is highly exposed to the energy shock from the Middle East conflicts as a net energy importer with a reliance on imports and remittances from the Gulf. A downside scenario of a prolonged closure of the Strait of Hormuz with oil averaging $ 100 per barrel in 2026 would bring substantial risks for GDP growth, inflation and external finances. However, macro-stabilisation policies in recent years have improved resilience, with a starting point of solid GDP growth, low inflation, and primary fiscal and current account surpluses.

IMF program on track: The IMF program and broader multilateral financing continues to underpin Sri Lanka’s external financing profile. Sri Lanka reached a staff-level agreement with the IMF and concluded the fifth and sixth review tranches, which should provide about $ 700 million in financing by end-May. This comes on top of a $ 206 million Rapid Financing Instrument disbursement from the IMF in December. Moreover, Fitch expects support from other multilaterals, including the Asian Development Bank ($ 1.2 billion) and World Bank in 2026.

Current account risks contained: Fitch forecasts the current account to return to a deficit of 0.7% of GDP in 2026 after a 1.6% of GDP surplus in 2025. This is driven by larger imports from higher energy costs and materials for reconstruction following Cyclone Ditwah. Remittances have been a major source of inflows, surging nearly 23% in 2025. Fitch expects remittance flows to be steady in 2026. A prolonged conflict in the Middle East could dampen remittances, but reconstruction in Gulf countries following the conflict could boost remittances.

Foreign reserves steady: Fitch expects foreign reserves to remain relatively steady despite the return to a current account deficit as multilateral inflows provide a solid external financing backstop. Its baseline scenario forecasts FX reserves to rise slightly to $ 7.3 billion (2.9 months of current external payments) in 2026 from $ 6.8 billion in 2025.

Improved fiscal balance: Surging revenue collection drove a large improvement in the central Government fiscal deficit to an estimated 2.3% of GDP in 2025 from 6.8% in 2024. Revenue rose sharply to 16.7% of GDP in 2025 from 13.6% in 2024 buoyed by auto import duties and the economic recovery. Fitch forecasts the fiscal deficit to widen to 4% of GDP in 2026 as expenditures rise on the energy shock and cyclone response, with revenues easing as growth slows. Still, Sri Lanka is able to adhere to the 2.3% of GDP primary surplus target in our baseline.

Government debt falling gradually: Debt remains high despite the sharp fiscal adjustment and debt restructuring, though we expect gradual debt reduction over the medium term. Fitch forecasts gross general Government debt/GDP to reach about 93% in 2027. Risks to the debt outlook remain high over the medium term, particularly after 2027.

The Museveni and Gaddafi irony in Libya’s comeback

Up in North Africa, along the Mediterranean Sea, in the damaged nation of a man who managed to be close to both the military dictator Idi Amin and his political enemy, President Yoweri Museveni, something remarkable is happening. That man, eccentric and volatile Muammar Gaddafi, who was nevertheless quite pan-African, was killed in 2011 in the Libyan chapter of the Arab Spring popular protests that swept away other autocrats in the region, like Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia’s Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali.

In the days when Libya and Gaddafi faced record sanctions from the West, Museveni was virtually the only leader who dared stick his head (joined later by South African statesman Nelson Mandela) out to advocate for the long-ruling dictator, who had been a key backer of the National Resistance Army/Movement in its bush war. However, under pressure, he too often spoke from both sides of his mouth about the man who styled himself King of Africa.

There is a popular video on African, pan-African and nationalist social media of Museveni decrying the arrogance of Nato during the uprising in Libya in 2011, which was sliding into a civil war when Nato intervened and heavily bombed Gaddafi’s forces and regime installations. In the speech Museveni delivered to the Pan-African Parliament in Midrand, South Africa, he recounts an incident from March 2011 in which a high-level African Union (AU) delegation, including several African heads of state, was flying to Tripoli to mediate a ceasefire between Gaddafi and the rebels.

Museveni says that as the aircraft carrying the delegation approached Libyan airspace, Nato ordered it to turn back. His case is that to avoid such humiliation, Africa should be united, which is the only way it will be powerful enough not to be treated so dismissively. Second, he argues that the current instability in Libya and in the Sahel, fuelled by Gaddafi’s fall, proves that the AU’s rejected roadmap was the superior path.

Libya all but collapsed with the lynching of Gaddafi in 2011. Though the picture has improved considerably, it doesn’t have a unified government. It has the Government of National Unity (GNU), based in Tripoli. Led by Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, it is the internationally recognised administration.

There is the parallel Government of National Stability (GNS) in Benghazi, in the East. The third main force is the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), led by the warlord Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. Controlling Sirte, Gaddafi’s home region, gives Haftar total leverage over the oil crescent, where the majority of Libya’s oil terminals are located.

Now, for those who think Libya is a shambles, this might come as a surprise. First, Libya holds the largest foreign reserves in Africa, at $92.9 billion (including foreign currency and gold). To put this in perspective, this is significantly higher than Algeria ($83 billion) and South Africa ($65.4 billion). Secondly, Libya has the cheapest electricity in Africa (and arguably the world) at $0.000 to $0.008 per kWh for residential use. It is cheaper than bottled water.

However, on April 11, 2026, something truly remarkable happened. The rival eastern and western administrations agreed to a unified national budget for the first time in 13 years. There is a lot of speculation about how this “miracle” happened.

The answer is oil. Libya has reached its highest production in 12 years at 1.37 million barrels per day, generating roughly $22 billion in annual revenue. This windfall will get bigger, and it is partly thanks to Nato – specifically its leading force, the USA, which wrecked Libya with bombs in 2011. While Nato’s 2011 intervention led to over a decade of fragmentation, the 2026 global energy desperation, fuelled by America’s attack on Iran and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, has made Libya’s oil too valuable for factions to keep fighting over. By accident, those who broke Libya are fixing it.

There are two lessons for Uganda here. First, that the country that eats together stays together; secondly, all this (the reserves, energy policy, and all) is driven or managed by the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA) and the Central Bank, acting as a massive buffer that has allowed the country to survive years of civil war without total currency collapse. The fact that Libya leads in these categories despite having no unified government for 13 years suggests that the “administrative state” (the Central Bank and the National Oil Corporation) has been more resilient than the political state.

Gaddafi, the man who famously told Museveni in 2008 that “Revolutionaries do not retire”, didn’t think of the coda to that prophecy: that “the revolutionary will eventually perish, and the nation’s survival instincts will eventually outlive his ghost”.

Still, I imagine Museveni might justly chuckle at the irony that the US bombs and the crisis they brought to the Gulf are fuelling a Libyan resurrection.

OIL PRICE WATCH as of April 22, 2026

Yesterday, April 21, motorists saw another significant, double-digit rollback for diesel.

This means P112 per liter for the regular diesel and around P147 per liter for premium variants-significantly lower from previous highs of about P170 per liter. Gasoline and kerosene also saw small rollbacks of P3.41 and P2 per liter, respectively.

The big-time rollback in pump prices is attributed to the easing of tensions in the Middle East-ceasefires are being extended while select oil tankers are now starting to sail through the Strait of Hormuz despite the continuing United States blockade.

Below are the oil prices monitored and gathered by the INQUIRER team as of April 22, 2026.