Insecurity: Sending Orunmila and Ogun to the president

I don’t know who divines for the President. I also don’t know who his prophets and marabouts are. But I wish to commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to what Orunmila did when Death (Ikú), Sickness (Àrùn) Contention (Ìjà) and Loss (Òfò) waged a war of attrition against Otù-Ifè, where the Father of Divination lived at his Òkè Ìgètì home.

To overcome the problem, Ifá, through Ogbè Òtúrá, asked Orunmila to let go of his favourites such as: Eku méjì olúwéré (two smart rats), Eja méjì abìwègbàdà (Two big fish), Òbídìe méjì abèdò lùkélùké (two ovulating hens), Ewúré méjì abùmu rederédé (two heavily pregnant goats) and Elílá méjì tó f’ìwo s’òsùká (two big cows with big pad-like horns).

In the place of those fanciful items, Orunmila was asked to accept only obì mérin (four kolanuts), orógbó mérin (four bitter kola), and ataare mérin (four alligator pepper) as sacrificial items from his clients. Àgbonìrègún (another name for Orunmila) did as he was told and he overcame his enemies. Leaders must sacrifice personal fantasies for their societies to thrive.

Unless President Tinubu is ready to make allowance for governance instead of politics, kidnappers will enter homes in Ibadan, Abuja and Port Harcourt to take citizens as hostages. Until the political class places a premium on the security and wellbeing of the common man above their political ambitions, our children will not be secure in their schools, our highways will be a haven for bandits and terrorists will occupy our farmlands and ruin our harvest!

The Nigerian singer and songwriter, Simisola Bolatito Kosoko, popularly known as Simi, in what I term here as a dirge for the living, released a short song for the kidnapped Oyo school children. In the dirge, she says: Adìe kìí ta omo rè fún oúnje (the hen does not sell her chicks for food). Unfortunately, this is what the President and the his brothers and sisters in politics are doing to Nigerians: feeding the people’s safety to the gods of their political ambitions!

In the pantheon of Yoruba gods, Ògún, is in charge of war and iron. Originally from a now-extinct town known as Àpá, Ògún was the town’s lead warrior. He was endowed with all natural abilities to defend the town and he fought so many battles on behalf of Àpá and won.

At the beginning of his reign as the generalissimo of Àpá, the wise men who divined for Ògún warned him against nursing an inordinate ambition. They told him that the consequences of disobedience would be too grave for him. If he allowed ambition to take him out of Àpá, he would come back to meet a ruined town. And that is if he would ever come back. Ifá does not lie; Òpèlè does not engage in falsehood (Ifá kìí paró; Òpèlè kìí sè›ké), is the saying of our sages.

Ògún obeyed the diviners for a while. He did all he could to limit his influence to the army he led successfully. But one day, something told him that he could conquer other lands. His orí inú (inner mind) told him to leave Àpá to become lord of other towns and villages. The spirit said he could even rule over the entire world. Ògún chose to believe his orí inú.

Ògún forgot the warning of Ifá. He left Àpá without informing Alápa, the king of the town. A few of his soldiers followed him on the journey to nowhere. Along the line, he conquered towns and villages. He established kingdoms and vassal states. He made rulers and dethroned a few. His expedition was a huge success.

A man’s hubris follows him wherever he goes, is the saying of the elders. Ògún was no exception. His greatest flaw is raw, undiluted anger. When seized by fury, nothing was too precious for him not to destroy.

One day, Ògún returned from another of his numerous unprovoked wars to discover that soldiers left behind in the camp failed to prepare his meal. Enraged, he slaughtered them all. The soldiers who had accompanied him to the battlefield were appalled by the senseless brutality and voiced their indignation. In a fresh outburst of fury, Ògún turned on them as well and killed every one of them.

By the time he came to his senses, he discovered that he had no one to rule over. Then he wandered off and eventually arrived at an àbétè (a local drinking joint) in what is now present day Ìre Èkìtì. The revellers noticed his presence but paid him no attention, carrying on with their jokes, laughter and merriment. Ògún observed what he considered their ‹impudence› but chose to overlook it. He also noticed that the seemingly ‹rude› drinking party had not offered him palm wine. That, too, he let pass.

Just within earshot, someone cracked a joke. His friends laughed out loud. Ògún heard the laughter. He became enraged. Blinded by anger, he returned to the drinking party. He slaughtered all of them. Only one sober drinker escaped because the rest were already intoxicated.

Done, Ògún made for the gourd of palm wine. He lifted it to pour himself the content. To his shock, the gourd was empty! It was then he realised that he had committed multiple murder for an empty gourd of palm wine! His senses came back. He decided never to wander again. He struck his sword to the ground and fell on it. The one who escaped came back with the men of Ìrè to behold the gory scene! The place Ògún died turned to a shrine to date. This is why many believe that Ògún was an indigene of Ìrè and hence, the saying: Ògún Onírè (Ògún the king or owner of Ìrè).

What became of Àpá? Shortly after Ògún left with his soldiers, the towns he had earlier conquered seized the opportunity and rebelled. They waged several wars of attrition against the town and brought Àpá to its knees.

Àpá was in that ruinous position when an old Babalawo, named Ológbòjígòlò, came on an itinerary divination mission to the town. The old wise man was appalled at the state of things in Àpá. He located the king, Alápa, and offered to help.

For a while, Ológbòjígòlò did all he could and Àpá became great once more. But, he too, forgot what Ifá told him when he ventured out. He was warned not to eat over-ripe kola and not to marry two wives no matter how rich he became. When Àpá became prosperous again, Ológbòjígòlò became too comfortable and went against the injunctions of Ifá. In the process, he leaked the secret of Àpá’s victories on the battlefield to his new wife, who actually was a spy for the enemy.

The last battle Ológbòjígòlò fought on behalf of Àpá was the last that was heard about the town. The town was razed to its foundation and all the survivors taken into slavery, never to return! Àpá went into extinction. Its story is only told in Odù Ifá (Ifá Corpus) known as Ìròsùn Mejì, as narrated above. Ifá›s prophecy to Ògún came to pass. When a generalissimo becomes too ambitious, his homestead will come to ruin. When leaders have the mentality of self-first, the people perish under their watch!

The last one week has been tough for the entire South-West. From the videos of ‘suspected bandits’ and ‘arrested bandits and kidnapper’ making the rounds on social media, it is clear that the entire Yorubaland is under siege! No part of the region is spared; nowhere in Káàróò oòjíire land is safe anymore.

I saw the video from Ikorodu. Another one from Lagos Island was uploaded. In Oka Akoko, Ondo State, the narrator said some bandits were mesmerised by a local hunter. Somewhere in Ekiti, a suspected ‹bandit informant’ was apprehended by the people. Osogbo and Ikirun had their own share, just as Ogun State was not spared. From Ile Oluji to Okitipupa in Ondo State, nobody sleeps peacefully again. Fear pervades the land.

What we thought would not afflict us is now our common malady. The North appears relatively ‘peaceful’ now as kidnappers have shifted attention to the South, such that in Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State, a mother and her two children were kidnapped and housed among neighbours. It took almost five days before the police got the ‘intelligence’ that led to the ‘rescue!’

In all this, our Ògún, the one they said is the father of all strategists, is the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. Yes, President Bola Tinubu was not elected to protect only Yorubaland. He is not the President of the South-West, but of the entire nation. I called him the Yoruba Ògún here because his members of the Alajobi gang said that after the popular Agege bread, the next best thing that has ever happened to the entire Yoruba race is Tinubu!

But like Ògún, who abandoned his hometown, Àpá, the current generalissimo in the Aso Rock Villa has abandoned everyone for politics. Ifá warned Ògún about the consequences of over ambition. Òpèlè too cautioned Ológbòjígòlò on the danger of marrying two wives and eating over-ripe kolanut when life becomes too comfortable for him.

The two legends, like the Babalawos of old are wont to say: wón p’awo lékèé, wón p’Èsù lólè; wón wo òrun yànyàn bí eni tí kò níí kú, wón ko’tí ògboìn s›ébo (they call the diviner falsehood, they call esu- the trickster- thief; they look at the heaven contemptuously as if they will never die, they turn deaf ears to the prescribed sacrifice by Ifá). Their ends were not palatable.

Ògún died in a foreign land, his identity is still unknown to date, while his homestead is extinct. Though Ológbòjígòlò, through metaphysics, escaped death, the town he once defended was razed, the king beheaded and the people taken into permanent slavery! This is what over-ambition does; this is what happens when the leader’s personal interest overrides the health of the State.

President Tinubu is entitled to a second term in office. Nobody denies that. Nobody interrogates his constitutional right to seek the mandate of the people for a second term. But that should not be at the expense of governance. The president’s ambition should not override the good of the common people. What we are experiencing in terms of acute insecurity in the nation today is because the President and the political class have abdicated governance for politics!

The idea that Tinubu does not have the capacity to tackle insecurity will not fly. The notion that Nigeria lacks the capacity (men and material) to get out of the woods remains eternally false. What is lacking is the political willpower. The priority of the President is the main issue. If today, the President says the people’s welfare and wellbeing come first, insecurity will be a thing of the past! If he does that, his lieutenants, the governors, will take a cue; they will follow suit.

It has been 25 days since the children and teachers in the Oriire area of Oyo State were taken into captivity. The Ekiti church worshippers are more than a month old in the captivity of those who snatched them from the Sanctuary of the Lord. From Zamfara to Kebbi; from Katsina to Niger, Nigerians, in their thousands, are being held by bandits, terrorists and kidnappers. The focus of the President and the entire political class is the 2027 general elections. This is where the problem lies.

I watched the video of the retired Army spokesman, Major General Rabe Abubakar and his wife, as released by those felons who ‘captured’ them in Katsina, the penultimate week. I could imagine what was going on in the mind of the man who rose to that enviable rank in the military as he was being humiliated! The shame of the helpless condition he found himself in was written all over him. Here is a man, who, at his wedding, was given the sword to defend his wife but he is being humiliated to beg for his life in the presence of the woman he was commissioned to defend!

General Abubakar (Rtd) is not alone. Many victims are suffering the same fate in the various forests where they are held hostage! If a General, whether retired or in service becomes so vulnerable that a rag-tag army can hold him captive, the rest of us, ‘bloody civilians’, have become easily dispensable! Many women who were once victims of kidnapping don’t live to tell their ordeals while in captivity. Many passed on because they could not imagine the molestation they suffered at the hands of the ruffians that kidnapped them! This is the problem the Commander-in-Chief was elected to tackle. How the President and his fellow politicians still sleep and dream politics while the citizenry waste away beats my imagination.

Pasuma issues 14-day ultimatum over alleged intellectual property infringement

Fuji music icon, Wasiu Alabi Ajibola Odetola, popularly known as Pasuma, has issued a 14-day cease-and-desist notice to several music and entertainment firms, alleging the unauthorised use and exploitation of his intellectual property.

In a notice dated June 5, 2026, the veteran musician warned that legal action would be taken against individuals and organisations found to be using his works, image, likeness, sound recordings and other intellectual property assets without his express written consent.

The document, titled “Notice to Cease and Desist from Infringing and Declare Proof of Authorization on the Intellectual Property of Wasiu Alabi Ajibola Odetola P/K/A Pasuma,” was addressed to interested parties and the general public.

Pasuma stated that his intellectual property rights cover, among others, sound recordings, musical works, visual recordings, image rights, name and likeness. He alleged that some entities have been exploiting these rights through various digital platforms and internet-based services without obtaining proper authorisation.

According to the Fuji star, the alleged infringement spans streaming platforms, video-on-demand services, app stores, lyrics websites, blogs, gaming platforms, closed digital communities and virtual aggregation sites.

He maintained that such activities amount to illegal exploitation of his intellectual property and constitute violations of the Nigerian Copyright Act 2022.

Among the demands outlined in the notice, Pasuma directed the affected parties to immediately cease all unauthorised use of his intellectual property, remove infringing content, halt the distribution or promotion of materials linked to the disputed works, and provide a statement of account detailing any exploitation of his intellectual property.

He also requested that any party claiming authorisation should submit copies of valid written agreements within the stipulated timeframe.

The singer warned that failure to comply within 14 days of the publication of the notice, with a deadline of June 19, 2026, would leave him with no option but to pursue legal remedies.

He noted that potential actions could include applications for injunctive relief, claims for damages and other remedies available under Nigerian law.

The notice was signed by Pasuma and copied to several organisations and individuals in the music and entertainment industry, including High Kay (Q) Dancent Ltd, Sarolaj Music and Films International, Role Model Entertainment Ltd, NextXtar, Stability Production, UMIDam, Moh Saheed, OgaNla TV, Monya Shau Films and Records (Q), and G3 Entertainment Limited.

Police debunk kidnap panic at Abuja primary school

By Monday Ijeh

The Police Command in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), has debunked and clarified reports of an alleged kidnap incident said to have occured at Phase 1 Primary School, Gbagalape community, Abuja.

This clarification is contained in a statement on Thursday in Abuja, by the command’s Public Relations Officer in the FCT, SP Josephine Adeh.

Adeh explained that officers of the command attached to Nyanya Division, at about 10;30 am., received a distress call alleging an ongoing kidnapping incident at the school.

She said that on receipt of the report, the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) immediately mobilised officers and surveillance teams to the scene.

She added that preliminary investigations revealed that the pupils suddenly started shouting “kidnappers” and running out of the school premises, creating panic among teachers and members of the community.

“Consequently, the school premises was cordoned off and thoroughly searched by responding officers.

“Following extensive search and questioning of persons within and around the school premises, no kidnapping incident was established, no suspect was sighted, and no victim was identified.

“Surrounding hills, boundaries, and adjoining areas were patrolled and searched, while nearby schools were also visited as part of precautionary security measures, yet no evidence of kidnappers,” she said.

The FCT command spokesperson therefore urged the public to remain calm and refrain from spreading unverified information, capable of creating unnecessary panic and tension within communities.

She enjoined the public to promptly report suspicious activities or emergencies to the nearest police station or through the command’s emergency lines on 08032003913, 07057337653.

(NAN)

The CETA Bill at Third Reading: Is Nigeria about to Tax away jobs, investment and growth?

By Benjamin Akanji

As the Customs and Excise Tariff (Amendment) Bill (CETA) 2025 advances to third reading in the Senate, Nigeria is approaching a critical economic decision. The bill is now on the verge of passage at a time when businesses are grappling with some of the most difficult operating conditions in decades.

This is not simply a debate about taxation or public health. It is a question of economic priorities. At a time when governments around the world are strengthening domestic industries, protecting jobs, and building economic resilience, Nigeria must decide whether it wants to support production or impose additional burdens on those already producing.

The timing could hardly be more consequential.

Across the world, countries are increasingly acting in their own economic interests. Governments are subsidising manufacturing, securing supply chains, and taking deliberate steps to protect strategic sectors. Economic resilience and domestic production have become central pillars of national competitiveness.

Nigeria should be moving in the same direction.

Instead, lawmakers are considering legislation that could increase costs for one of the country’s most structured and compliant manufacturing sectors at a time when producers are already under significant pressure.

Nigeria is not an economy with deep industrial buffers. High inflation, exchange-rate volatility, rising energy costs, and elevated interest rates continue to place enormous strain on businesses. Since mid-2023, the naira has lost substantial value, significantly increasing the cost of imported machinery, raw materials, packaging, and other production inputs. Consumers are spending less, while businesses are paying more to produce.

In such an environment, policy decisions that increase pressure on productive sectors can have lasting consequences. Once factories scale down, investments are postponed, or jobs are lost, rebuilding industrial capacity becomes far more difficult.

The manufacturing sector already faces unreliable power supply, logistics challenges, multiple taxation, regulatory uncertainty, and foreign exchange pressures. These are not industries operating under ideal conditions. They are businesses striving to remain competitive while sustaining millions of jobs directly and indirectly.

Any policy that further increases costs without addressing these structural challenges risks discouraging investment, slowing production, and accelerating the shift of economic activity into the informal sector.Few sectors demonstrate what is at stake more clearly than the beverage industry.

The sector supports an extensive value chain that includes agriculture, packaging, transportation, distribution, retail, and thousands of small and medium-sized enterprises. When policies affect the beverage industry, the effects extend far beyond manufacturers and reach countless businesses and families across the country.

It is also one of the most heavily taxed sectors in Nigeria. Government tax receipts from the industry increased from 123 billion in 2022 to 127 billion in 2023, accounting for a significant share of corporate income tax and value-added tax collections. Few sectors illustrate more clearly the extent to which compliant manufacturers already contribute to government revenue.Advancing additional excise taxes under current economic conditions risks imposing immediate economic costs while offering uncertain public health outcomes.

Supporters of CETA frequently cite alignment with international health recommendations and guidance from organisations such as the World Health Organization (WHO). While the WHO plays an important role in global public health, Nigeria must be careful not to confuse global recommendations with local realities.

There is no conclusive evidence establishing sugar-sweetened beverages as the primary driver of non-communicable diseases, particularly in developing economies such as Nigeria. Obesity and related health conditions are influenced by a range of factors, including overall diet, physical activity, healthcare access, urbanisation, and socioeconomic conditions.Treating a complex public health challenge as though it can be addressed primarily through higher taxes on a single product category risks oversimplifying the problem.

Nigeria’s own consumption data raises further questions about proportionality. Per capita sugar consumption remains below the WHO’s recommended annual threshold and significantly lower than levels recorded in several other African countries. This raises an important question: is the proposed response proportionate to the problem it seeks to address?

International experience offers little certainty. In several countries where sugar-sweetened beverage taxes have been introduced, consumption patterns have often shifted rather than disappeared, while evidence of sustained reductions in obesity or non-communicable diseases remains mixed.

Public health outcomes are rarely achieved through isolated fiscal measures alone. They typically require coordinated action involving education, healthcare, nutrition awareness, preventive care, and lifestyle interventions.Health policy does not exist in isolation from economic policy.

Policies that are technically sound in theory can produce unintended economic consequences in practice. Increased production costs can lead to reduced investment, slower growth, and fewer employment opportunities. Ultimately, no international organisation bears responsibility for the Nigerian worker who loses a job or the local factory that scales back operations. That responsibility rests with Nigeria.

The Senate’s advancement of CETA also raises questions about policy alignment.The bill appears difficult to reconcile with the President’s Fiscal Policy and Tax Reform Agenda, which seeks to broaden the tax base rather than place additional pressure on a relatively small group of compliant taxpayers. Nigeria’s challenge is not low taxation. It is a tax system in which a limited number of formal businesses carry a disproportionate share of the burden while large segments of the economy remain outside the tax net.

The contradiction becomes even more apparent when viewed alongside the Nigerian Industrialisation Policy 2025, which seeks to increase manufacturing’s contribution to GDP through competitive production, value-chain development, import substitution, and enterprise growth.

Policies that increase costs and uncertainty for manufacturers risk undermining these objectives before they have the opportunity to deliver results.As CETA reaches third reading, the window for reflection is rapidly narrowing. Yet this is precisely the moment when lawmakers must ask a fundamental question: what kind of economy does Nigeria want to build?

The issue is not whether public health matters or whether industries should be regulated. Both are important. The issue is whether Nigeria should impose additional burdens on productive sectors at a time when the country’s most urgent economic priorities are job creation, industrial growth, investment attraction, and economic recovery.

The Senate still has an opportunity to pause, reassess, and ensure that CETA aligns with Nigeria’s economic realities and long-term development goals.History rarely remembers legislation by its intentions. It remembers the consequences.

As lawmakers consider the final stages of this bill, they face a choice that extends beyond taxation. It is a choice about jobs, investment, industrial growth, and the future competitiveness of the Nigerian economy.At a time when countries around the world are fighting to strengthen domestic production, Nigeria cannot afford to weaken its own.

The Constitution said yes. Botswana hasn’t

Every June, the world erupts in rainbow colours. Corporate logos transform overnight. Development partners such as UN family and International Cooperations issue carefully worded statements about diversity and inclusion. Social media fills with declarations of allyship that, come July, quietly disappear.

Pride Month arrives dressed in celebration. But for many ordinary LGBTIQ people in Botswana, it arrives dressed in something far more complicated; a question we cannot stop asking ourselves:

What, exactly, are we celebrating?

I ask this not as an outsider looking in. I ask it as someone who stood at the heart of one of Botswana’s most defining moments in the struggle for queer rights, as one of the litigants in the landmark Thuto Rammoge case against the Government of Botswana, the case that compelled the state to legally recognise LEGABIBO after it had refused to do so simply because the organisation represented lesbian, gay and bisexual people.

I was in those courtrooms. I know what hope felt like in those rooms. And I know what it feels like now, over a decade after the Thuto Rammoge judgment, and years after the decriminalisation ruling, to still be waiting for that hope to reach the people it was supposed to free.

Botswana has, without question, made historic strides. Our courts have delivered progressive rulings that would be remarkable in any context on this continent. In 2019, the High Court decriminalised same-sex relations, striking down colonial-era provisions that criminalised intimacy between consenting adults. The Court of Appeal upheld that decision, affirming that human dignity cannot be selective. Our judiciary has shown genuine constitutional courage, repeatedly and publicly. These were not small victories. They were seismic. They changed the legal architecture of this country, and they deserve to be named as such.

But here is the uncomfortable truth that my extensive years of working with communities; in homes, in clinics, in community halls, in government offices and in international development agencies has taught me: a right that exists only on paper is not a right. It is a promise the state made and has not kept.

Today, many queer people are still navigating rejection at home. Many still fear violence. Many are still denied jobs and quality, non-discriminatory healthcare not because the law permits it but it does not but because no institution is actively ensuring the law is enforced. Many still sit silently at family gatherings where pastors and relatives casually preach hatred in the name of morality. Many still shrink themselves to survive workplaces, churches, schools and communities that remain hostile because nobody in authority has told those communities that the constitution applies here too.

The law decriminalised queer existence. But it did not and cannot on its own decriminalise queer people in the minds and hearts of society. That second transformation requires something the courts alone cannot deliver: intentional, sustained implementation.

And that is precisely what has been missing.

Decriminalisation without implementation is like building a road that leads nowhere. The infrastructure exists. But the people it was meant to serve cannot get through.

We know from decades of human rights practice across Africa and globally that legal reform is the beginning of the journey, not the destination. The moment a law changes, the harder work begins: training healthcare workers to treat queer patients with dignity; sensitising police officers who are often the first point of contact for queer people experiencing violence; ensuring schools have the frameworks to protect LGBTIQ learners; equipping civil society with resources to hold institutions accountable.

This is not abstract theory. This is the practical infrastructure of equality. And Botswana has not built it with any urgency.

Meanwhile, the opposition to queer inclusion is loud, organised and politically motivated. Religious leaders and conservative voices remain deeply invested in policing queer existence. Figures like former Cabinet Minister Biggie Butale have positioned opposition to LGBTIQ rights as a rallying cry. The commentary surrounding ongoing same-sex marriage debates has been deeply revealing, spend even a few minutes in those spaces online and you encounter levels of anger, disgust and obsession directed at queer people that are, candidly, frightening. And perhaps what is most painful is not simply the opposition itself, but the intensity of the hatred.

Which raises a question that I think we are often too polite to ask in public: what is the source of that pain?

Why does the existence of queer people provoke such emotional outrage? Why does another person’s identity feel like a personal attack on people who have never met them? Why do some people experience constitutional equality as though it were an act of aggression against themselves?

These are not legal questions. They are social, psychological and spiritual questions and they point to the reality that homophobia is rarely truly about queer people. It is about fear. Fear of difference. Fear of change. Fear generated by rigid, inherited frameworks of masculinity, gender and morality. It is often unresolved anxiety projected outward and it is consistently weaponised by those who find political or religious power in keeping communities divided.

Understanding this does not excuse it. But it is important, because it tells us that legal change alone was never going to be sufficient. You cannot litigate prejudice into extinction. You have to meet communities where they are, engage them honestly, and rebuild understanding from the ground up. That is the work. Long, slow, unglamorous work and it requires government, civil society, institutions and ordinary citizens to all be part of it.

True equality is not measured by what courts declare. It is measured by whether a queer child can grow up without shame.

I want to be honest about where I am sitting emotionally as I write this, because I think honesty is what this moment demands.

For the first time in a long time, I carry real hope. President Advocate Duma Boko has, throughout his public life, stood with minorities, defended constitutional freedoms and spoken about the dignity of all people including queer people. For many LGBTIQ persons in Botswana, this matters enormously. Leadership that recognises your humanity changes the emotional atmosphere of a country. It signals to institutions that they are expected to follow. It signals to communities that equality is not optional.

Perhaps, for the first time, many queer people in this country are beginning to imagine futures beyond mere survival. And that imagination and the ability to plan, to dream, to consider what a full life might look like is itself a kind of justice.

But hope is not a policy. And good intentions at the top do not automatically translate into changed conditions at the bottom. The gap between progressive leadership and transformed lived realities must be bridged deliberately, with resources, with accountability mechanisms, with a national plan that treats LGBTIQ inclusion not as a politically sensitive afterthought but as a constitutional obligation.

That plan does not yet exist. And so we must name that absence.

Botswana now stands at a crossroads that we have, frankly, been standing at for too long. We can continue congratulating ourselves for our progressive courts while doing nothing to translate those victories into changed conditions. Or we can begin the harder, more necessary work of changing institutions, building social support structures, funding community education and ensuring that every organ of the state understands that the constitution it swore to uphold applies to every single citizen, without exception.

Because this is what equality actually looks like in practice: a queer child in a rural village grows up without shame. A lesbian woman can rent a home without discrimination. A gay man can walk into a clinic without humiliation. A trans person can exist without becoming a spectacle. A queer couple can plan a future together without negotiating their own safety at every step.

That was the Botswana many of us were fighting for when we walked into those courtrooms. It is the Botswana my late Best friend and Comrade Thuto Rammoge was hoping and fighting for. It is the Botswana we have not yet built.

Pride is not simply a celebration. It is a reckoning. It is the refusal to pretend we have arrived when we clearly have not.

This is why Pride Month still matters , not because we have fully arrived, but precisely because we have not. It matters because visibility remains an act of courage in a country where queer people still navigate daily hostility. It matters because somewhere, a young person in a small village in Botswana needs to know they are not alone and that their country’s constitution says they deserve to be here just as fully as anyone else.

But Pride must also be a moment of unflinching honesty. Honest about the gap between our legal progress and the lives people are actually living. Honest about the work that has not been done. Honest about the fact that celebrating legal victories while people suffer is a form of dishonesty; comfortable for those of us who can afford to celebrate, but meaningless for those still waiting.

Botswana’s democracy has proven it can produce progressive law. The question this Pride Month is whether it is ready to do the harder thing: produce justice.

Not justice in theory. Justice in daily life. Justice you can feel.

That is what we were fighting for. And that fight is not over.

Bo.Plug hits the streets!

Bo.Plug, Botswana’s newest advertising enterprise has officially launched, bringing a bold promise to revolutionise both informal trade and advertising in the country through professionally built workstations that double as advertising platforms.

On 25th of May 2026, the enterprise kicked off its landmark Re A Go Plug’a! activation where they partnered with 7 informal traders in the CBD and Main Mall to use the very first set of workstations. ‘Informal traders are the backbone of the everyday economy. They serve thousands of people daily providing affordable essentials, supporting families, and keeping communities moving. Yet most of them trade from improvised and unstable setups,’ said Bakang Sethole, Bo.Plug Business Developer, on the reasoning behind this venture. ‘These makeshift setups don’t reflect the scale of the traders’ effort or the economic value they create.’

With a vision to empower the informal sector, Bo.Plug developed a local solution with national impact through the design, manufacture, and maintenance of durable, professionally-designed workstations that give traders the structure and support they deserve, while creating shared value for brands and cities.

The message is simple; if you hustle, you deserve a proper workstation. Each table is locally fabricated, giving traders a professional platform while creating a circular business model that benefits brands, traders, and Gaborone city alike.

The Re A Go Plug’a! activation is expected to continue into 4 other areas of Gaborone’s highest-traffic zones, engaging a further 8 informal traders. ‘Every trader who signs up is proof that this product is needed. The activation is more than just a deployment, it’s a live demonstration of market demand, and the beginning of a movement to raise the standard for every informal trader in the country,’ concluded Sethole.

Bo.Plug not only acts as a product provider, but as a long-term partner in strengthening Botswana’s informal economy, innovating marketing efforts for corporates and local businesses alike, and creating cleaner, safer environments for Batswana to live and work in.

Bo.Plug is a Botswana-based advertising enterprise that designs, manufactures, and maintains durable workstations for informal traders. By combining practical design with social purpose, Bo.Plug creates a circular model where community empowerment, responsible branding, and urban improvement work hand in hand designed, built, and maintained right here in Botswana.

Steenhuisen confronts Botswana over vegetable ban at high-level BNC talks

Despite high-level diplomatic engagements and commitments to deepen economic cooperation, tensions between Botswana and South Africa over agricultural import restrictions remain far from settled.

it has since emerged that the issue resurfaced during the Sixth Session of the Bi-National Commission (BNC) held in Gaborone on May 21, 2026, where South African President Cyril Ramaphosa led his country’s delegation and agricultural trade emerged as one of the most sensitive issues on the agenda.

South African Minister of Agriculture John Steenhuisen used the meeting to voice Pretoria’s growing frustration over Botswana’s handling of restrictions on South African agricultural exports, particularly vegetables, saying producers and exporters have faced border restrictions without prior formal communication.

The remarks signal that the dispute, which has periodically strained relations between the two countries, remains unresolved despite previous understandings reached during the 2022 BNC process.

‘We believe that trade matters affecting our two countries should always be addressed through constructive engagement, transparency, mutual respect and amicable bilateral solutions,’ Steenhuisen said.

The minister said South Africa remained concerned about reports that agricultural products were being blocked at the border without adequate notice, creating uncertainty for farmers, exporters and retailers operating across the regional market.

In an effort to contain future disputes, the commission endorsed a Communication Protocol and approved the establishment of a Bilateral Agricultural Trade Task Team by June 2026.

According to Steenhuisen, the new mechanisms are intended to improve communication between the two governments, strengthen institutional cooperation and resolve trade concerns before they escalate into larger diplomatic disputes.

‘Greater coordination and transparency will provide increased certainty to producers, exporters, retailers and agricultural stakeholders on both sides of the border while strengthening the long-term agricultural relationship between our countries,’ he said.

Botswana has in recent years pursued an import-substitution strategy aimed at increasing domestic food production and reducing dependence on foreign agricultural products. The policy has resulted in restrictions on imports of several vegetables and other produce traditionally sourced from South Africa.

While Botswana maintains that the measures are necessary to support local farmers and improve food security, South African producers have repeatedly argued that abrupt restrictions undermine regional trade commitments and disrupt established supply chains.

The latest comments from Pretoria suggest that the matter remains a source of irritation despite broader efforts by the two countries to deepen economic integration.

Beyond the trade dispute, the BNC also focused heavily on cooperation in combating Foot and Mouth Disease (FMD), which both countries regard as a major threat to livestock production and agricultural exports.

Steenhuisen welcomed the endorsement of a comprehensive 2026-2028 Action Plan aimed at strengthening cross-border disease management and called for urgent implementation of coordinated vaccination campaigns and improved maintenance of border fences.

‘With FMD posing an ongoing regional threat to livestock production, rural livelihoods and agricultural trade, it is clear that no country can defeat this disease in isolation,’ he said.

Botswana loses ground in Africa’s industrialisation race

Botswana has slipped in Africa’s industrialisation rankings, dropping six places over the past 14 years. This decline is linked to weaker manufacturing and a more specialised export base, according to a new African Development Bank (AfDB) report.

The Africa Industrial Investment Barometer (AfIIB) and African Industrialisation Index (AII) 2025 report shows Botswana’s position fell from ninth in Africa in 2010 to 15th in 2024, despite some recent improvements.

Botswana’s industrialisation score dropped from 0.6049 in 2010 to 0.5853 in 2024. Although there was a small improvement from 2023, the score is still much lower than in 2010.

The AfDB notes that Botswana is among the countries with the biggest drops in industrial competitiveness in Africa.

‘Libya, Lesotho, Cabo Verde, São Tomé and Príncipe, Niger, Botswana, Equatorial Guinea, Sudan, Seychelles, Mali, and Madagascar experienced the biggest drop in the ranking, losing five ranks or more,’ the report states.

The AfDB says Botswana’s decline is mainly due to weaker industrial performance, not changes in supporting conditions.

‘Botswana, Lesotho, Libya, and Seychelles exhibit a similar pattern of decline, driven exclusively by underperformance in the performance dimension,’ the report notes.

Despite this slip, Botswana is working hard to move its economy beyond diamonds and into areas like manufacturing, agriculture, and technology. Through the Botswana Economic Transformation Programme (BETP), the government is changing trade rules, strengthening ties with neighbouring countries, and investing in big infrastructure projects to become a strong player in global industry.

Top officials, have said that Botswana should stop exporting raw materials. The country now focuses on processing agricultural products, adding value to minerals and diamonds, and growing advanced manufacturing.

As part of the ongoing efforts, President Duma Boko and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa have recently agreed to work more closely on trade, coordinate their industrial policies, and make the most of important minerals needed for electric vehicles and clean energy.

Meanwhile, on the report, it also says that while Botswana made progress in other areas, it has seen a ‘significant decline in productive capacity and performance in manufactured exports.’

These findings are a setback for Botswana, which has tried for years to move its economy beyond diamonds by focusing on industrialisation and manufacturing.

The report lists Botswana as one of Africa’s most specialised economies. South Africa is the most diversified, with a score of 0.555, while Botswana, Angola, and Zimbabwe have ‘very high levels of specialization’ above 0.85.

Since 2010, only Mauritius, Namibia, and Mozambique have managed to diversify their exports. Most African countries, including Botswana, have become more specialised.

These findings come as Africa overall is making progress in industrialisation. The African Industrialisation Index 2025 shows that 41 out of 54 countries improved their scores from 2010 to 2024, leading to a six percent rise in overall performance.

However, the report warns that Africa still faces big structural challenges. The continent makes up less than two percent of global manufacturing output and only 1.4 percent of global manufacturing exports. Manufacturing value-added per person is also lower than before 2014.

One key finding is that Morocco has passed South Africa to become Africa’s top industrial economy. This is due to export diversification, industrial upgrades, and steady policy implementation.

The AfIIB says Africa’s industrial future depends on stronger economic integration, better trade corridors, quality infrastructure, and common standards under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

AfDB Director for Industrial and Trade Development, Ousmane Fall, said the findings should be both a warning and a guide for policymakers.

‘This report is a roadmap as much as a diagnosis. It shows that 41 of our 54 countries are now moving in the right direction, but it also reminds us that industrialization at scale demands resilient infrastructure, value addition close to source, and finance mobilized on African terms,’ said Fall.

Dr. Harouna Kaboré, President of WITBA Invest, said Africa’s main challenge is not a lack of industrial strategies but the failure to implement them.

‘The continent’s real deficit is no longer the absence of industrial strategies. What is still lacking is execution discipline, continuity in public policy, and systemic coherence between financing, energy, infrastructure, human capital, governance, and industrial vision,’ he said.

When looking at the continent as a whole, Africa is poised for a significant transformation in both consumer markets and manufacturing. However, this transition will require time and concerted effort. The continent faces substantial challenges, such as inadequate infrastructure, fragmented markets, skills shortages, and inconsistent regulatory environments. Nevertheless, the potential benefits are considerable, and the outcomes of either success or failure will have far-reaching implications.

By 2050, Africa’s population is expected to reach 2.5 billion, with half of the population under the age of 25. This demographic trend positions Africa as one of the largest emerging consumer markets globally, characterised by increasing demand for modern goods, services, and economic opportunities.

Despite significant potential, Africa continues to rely heavily on imports of finished products. Although the continent is abundant in raw materials essential to global industries, including cocoa, coffee, cobalt, and other critical minerals, much of the value is realized outside Africa through processing and manufacturing. Currently, Africa contributes only 2% to global manufacturing output, which exposes many economies to external trade disruptions, currency fluctuations, and ongoing trade imbalances.

Establishing a robust manufacturing sector is not only an economic necessity but also a means to achieve long-term resilience and inclusive growth. Industrialisation generates employment, reinforces domestic value chains, and increases public revenues for investment in healthcare, education, and essential services. It contributes to higher living standards, poverty reduction, and the development of more balanced and self-sustaining economies. Furthermore, industrialisation supports community stability, promotes technological advancement, and provides young people with the skills required to succeed in a rapidly changing global economy.

The rationale for advancing industrialisation in Africa is increasingly compelling. The continent has the necessary resources, skilled workforce, and demographic advantages to emerge as a major manufacturing center. The primary challenge lies in converting this potential into sustained economic transformation.

Govt borrowing threatens to crowd out private sector

Botswana’s private sector is expected to face even more challenges in 2026. A new report from Business Monitor International (BMI) warns that increased government borrowing could make it harder for businesses to get loans in an already tight credit market.

The report describes an economy that is having trouble bouncing back after shrinking by about 0.7 percent in 2025. BMI predicts only a small recovery, with growth of 1.5 percent in 2026, due to weak global demand for diamonds, ongoing uncertainty in mining, and rising financial pressures.

While much of the report focuses on the banking sector, the implications extend far beyond bank balance sheets and directly affect businesses, entrepreneurs, and ordinary citizens seeking access to credit.

‘With fiscal buffers eroding and financing requirements increasing, the government is likely to maintain a significant presence in domestic debt markets,’ BMI said.

The report warns that the effects could be serious.

‘This raises the risk of crowding out private sector credit, as banks allocate a larger share of their balance sheets to government securities.’

Put simply, banks might choose to lend more to the government instead of businesses, since government loans are seen as safer and more reliable. This could make it harder for companies to get the money they need to grow or run their operations.

This warning comes when Botswana’s private sector is already in a tough spot. BMI expects household incomes to stay under pressure in 2026, which will lower demand for goods and services. Companies are also likely to delay investments because of the uncertain economy.

‘Corporates are likely to delay investment decisions amid uncertainty,’ the report states, adding that banks will continue prioritising lower-risk lending while maintaining cautious credit standards.

These sentiments come at a time when local economist Dr Keith Jefferis of Econsult has raised similar concerns in his recent reviews. He warned that increased government borrowing could further drain liquidity from the financial sector and crowd out private sector lending. With banks already operating under tighter liquidity conditions and rising credit risk, increased government absorption of available funds could limit credit extension to productive sectors, undermining private-sector-led growth.

The BMI report also points out that rising interest rates are having an impact.

Following a sharp rise in inflation, driven largely by higher global energy prices linked to the ongoing US-Iran conflict, the Bank of Botswana raised its benchmark interest rate by 200 basis points to 5.5 percent in April 2026.

BMI expects inflation to average 9.7 percent this year, well above the central bank’s target range, with another interest rate increase likely before year-end.

This means that loans will become more expensive for both households and businesses.

‘Higher lending rates will suppress credit demand and reduce affordability, particularly among households,’ BMI noted.

Businesses already facing weak sales and higher costs may find it even harder to expand or create jobs if borrowing becomes more expensive.

The banking system is also under pressure because there is still not enough cash available.

Even though the central bank stepped in and the government spent more in 2025, BMI says there are still big problems in the system. These include most deposits being held by a few banks, a reliance on short-term funding, and some banks having much more cash than others.

BMI expects loans to customers to grow by only 4.2 percent in 2026, which is much lower than the 10-year average of 7 percent.

The report is also worried about Botswana’s worsening financial situation. Lower mining income and less money from the Southern African Customs Union are putting more strain on government finances. Public debt has already hit the legal limit of 20 percent of GDP, which means the government has less room to spend and must rely more on borrowing within the country.

BMI notes that government securities already account for around one-fifth of banking sector assets.

‘Further increases would limit the availability of credit to households and businesses, reinforcing the weak credit growth outlook,’ the report warned.

While Botswana’s banks remain well-capitalised and financially stable, BMI cautions that their ability to support economic recovery will become increasingly constrained.

What it means for households, businesses, and banks?

The economy is likely to grow slowly in 2026. Households will have to deal with higher costs of living and borrowing, businesses will struggle to get affordable loans, and banks will be more careful about lending. All of this could slow down economic activity and job growth.

Many people in Botswana may have a tougher year ahead. Higher interest rates will make it more expensive to borrow for homes, cars, and personal needs. At the same time, rising prices will keep pushing up the cost of living, so families will have less buying power. As businesses slow down hiring and investment, there may also be fewer job opportunities.

It may become harder and more expensive for companies to get loans from banks. As the government borrows more, banks might prefer lending to the government since it is seen as a safer bet. This could slow down business growth, reduce investment, and limit job creation, especially for small and medium-sized businesses.

Botswana’s banks are still stable and have enough capital, but they are becoming more careful. With more government borrowing, less cash available, and ongoing uncertainty, banks will probably lend less freely. While banks might gain from holding more government debt, this could mean less support for private businesses and a slower economic recovery overall.

Botswana’s financial sector is at a critical point. Higher interest rates have helped keep deposits stable and support the economy, but they are also making it harder for people and businesses to get loans. At the same time, the government’s need for more money could make cash even tighter and make it even harder for the private sector to borrow.

Makwala Starts the Race to Philanthropy in Sport

Botswana athletics legend Isaac Makwala has taken another significant step in giving back to society through the establishment of the Isaac Makwala Foundation.

The foundation, which will be officially launched on 19 June at the Gaborone International Convention Centre (GICC), aims to preserve the sprinter’s legacy, while creating opportunities for young people across the country.

Further to this, the foundation aims to empower communities through sport development, education, mentorship, youth empowerment and social impact programmes.

Minister of Sport and Arts, Jacob Kelebeng, will officiate at the foundation’s launch, which is expected to attract stakeholders from the sporting fraternity, government, the corporate sector and the wider community.

Collen Kebinatshipi

According to the foundation, its mission is to use sport as a tool to inspire positive change, develop talent and create opportunities for young people while promoting sporting excellence throughout Botswana.

Makwala, an award-winning athletics star who has represented Botswana with distinction on the international stage, says the foundation reflects his desire to contribute to the development of future generations.

In his enduring sporting career, the solo runner, as Makwala is often remembered, became one of Africa’s most recognised sprinters. His career on the track earned him numerous accolades and brought pride to Botswana.

His influence and achievements have inspired many young athletes across sporting codes in the country. His push-up celebratory routine can often be seen imitated by the country’s upcoming stars, including the likes of Collen Kebinatshipi and rising tennis star Ntungamili Raguin, an indication to his impact on the country’s sport landscape.

The foundation seeks to build on that inspiration by providing practical support to aspiring sportsmen and women. Among the key objectives of the foundation is to nurture and amplify the enduring legacy of its founding trustee. The organisation also aims to empower young people by providing opportunities to develop skills, confidence and leadership through sport.

The foundation will focus on promoting the development of upcoming athletes in Botswana by creating programmes that support talent identification and growth. Young beneficiaries will have access to life skills training, coaching and mentorship initiatives designed to prepare them not only for sporting success but also for life beyond the field of play.

Another important objective is to encourage participation in sporting activities and foster greater community engagement. Through various programmes and events, the foundation hopes to use sport as a platform to bring communities together while promoting healthy lifestyles and positive social values.

Ntungamili Raguin

The organisation also intends to implement educational and social impact programmes aimed at addressing challenges faced by young people. These initiatives are expected to complement its sporting activities by helping beneficiaries develop important personal and professional skills.

The foundation’s leadership believes that investing in young people through sport and education can contribute significantly to national development. By creating opportunities and providing guidance, the organisation hopes to help young people realise their full potential.

A key feature of the initiative is its partnership with Precious and Partners, an award-winning Pan-African corporate law practice. The partnership is expected to provide strategic support to the foundation as it rolls out its programmes and expands its reach across Botswana.

The collaboration demonstrates the growing role of the private sector in supporting community development initiatives and youth empowerment projects. Foundation officials believe that strong partnerships will be critical to achieving the organisation’s long-term goals.

The launch at GICC on 19 June is expected to provide further details on the programmes that will be implemented in the coming months. Organisers say these initiatives will focus on creating opportunities for young people while strengthening Botswana’s sporting ecosystem.

For many observers, the establishment of the Isaac Makwala Foundation represents an important milestone in the athlete’s journey from sporting icon to community leader. It also highlights the growing trend of sports personalities using their influence and experience to make a lasting impact beyond their competitive careers.