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DSL announces promotion of Pinidiyapathirage as Joint MD

Douglas and Sons Ltd., (DSL) has promoted Jayendra Pinidiyapathirage as the Joint Managing Director.

Prior to this promotion, he served as the Deputy Managing Director of DSL from January 2023.

Jayendra joined the organisation in March 1989 and has played a pivotal role in driving the company’s growth over the years.

In his new role as Joint Managing Director, he will work closely with the Chairman and Managing Director Saroj Perera and the leadership team to guide the organisation through its next phase of sustainable growth.

Commenting on the appointment, Perera said: ‘We are delighted to announce Pinidiyapathirage’s promotion to Joint Managing Director. His leadership, integrity and dedication have been instrumental in our achievements. We are confident that he will continue to inspire our teams and lead the company toward even greater success.’

Rising private sector governance can elevate SL’s investment appeal

Stronger corporate governance across Sri Lankan companies can help rebuild the country’s credibility with global investors, speakers told the Sri Lanka Institute of Directors (SLID) Corporate Director Summit yesterday, arguing that boardroom standards have become a determinant of national investment competitiveness as much as corporate

performance.

Opening the Summit under the theme ‘Future-Ready Sri Lankan Directors: From Compliance to Sustainable Growth,’ speakers said future boards would be judged less by compliance with governance codes than by their ability to respond quickly to disruption, challenge management, and earn the confidence of long-term investors.

Minor International Group CEO Dillip Rajakarier said every company that strengthens governance standards contributes to rebuilding Sri Lanka’s investment case, arguing that boardroom quality has become a competitive advantage rather than merely a compliance requirement.

‘Every board in this room that raises its governance standards is not just protecting your own shareholders, but you are collectively rebuilding Sri Lanka’s investment case,’ he said.

Rajakarier said investors now look beyond whether companies have governance codes and instead assess how boards perform when organisations face crises. They examine whether independent directors exercise genuine oversight, whether risk committees have the authority to challenge management, and whether board discussions encourage constructive debate rather than reinforce consensus.

He argued that boards must develop an adaptive capability that allows organisations to respond quickly to strategic shocks, saying speed has become a governance issue rather than solely a management responsibility. Drawing on Minor International’s acquisition of NH Hotels and its response during the COVID-19 pandemic, he said board structures should enable timely decisions while preserving rigour.

Echoing the investor perspective, LYNEAR Wealth Management Co-Founder and Managing Director Dr. Naveen Gunawardane said institutional investors first assess whether a company is investable before considering valuation.

He said investors scrutinise the composition of boards, directors’ industry expertise, their commitment of time and, above all, whether independent directors genuinely protect minority shareholder interests.

Dr. Gunawardane questioned the practice of directors serving on numerous boards, warning that excessive appointments could undermine effectiveness and raise doubts about directors’ ability to devote sufficient attention to each company. He also argued that independence should be judged by conduct rather than designation, particularly where boards oversee dominant shareholders and related-party transactions.

While acknowledging the importance of board diversity, Dr. Gunawardane said institutional investors ultimately place greater emphasis on competence, commitment, and genuine independence than on meeting numerical diversity targets.

Extending the discussion beyond shareholder oversight, Safesea Group Founder and Chairman Dr. S.V. Anchan said boards must incorporate geopolitical developments, technological disruption, and organisational resilience into their governance frameworks.

Drawing on the global shipping industry, he said geopolitical tensions can disrupt trade, supply chains, and financing long before their economic consequences appear in conventional data, making geopolitical risk a boardroom responsibility rather than an external concern.

Dr. Anchan said governance should facilitate timely decision-making instead of delaying action through excessive procedures and committee structures. While artificial intelligence (AI) can strengthen forecasting and operational efficiency, he said technology cannot replace human judgement, accountability, and leadership in times of crisis.

He added that future-ready boards should invest equally in people and technology while building resilient operating models capable of responding rapidly to unexpected disruptions.

Former Maldives President Mohamed Nasheed said sustainability has become a governance and business imperative rather than a corporate responsibility exercise, arguing that investors increasingly allocate capital to companies that manage environmental and social risks effectively.

‘Sustainability improves long-term profitability, reduces business risk, and strengthens resilience,’ he said, adding that it also helps companies attract investment, talent, and customer confidence.

For Sri Lanka, Nasheed said embedding sustainability into business strategy presents an opportunity to build globally competitive enterprises capable of attracting responsible investment while supporting long-term economic prosperity.

Opening the summit, SLID Summit 2026 Chair Charaka Perera said directors must adapt to AI, geopolitical uncertainty, climate change, and changing stakeholder expectations, while SLID Summit 2026 Technical Chair Sutheash Balasubramaniam said the discussions would be distilled into a boardroom insights handbook to help directors navigate emerging governance challenges.

Joining a subsequent panel discussion moderated by Janashakthi Group (JXG) CEO Ramesh Schaffter, Turkish Ambassador to Sri Lanka Dr. Semih Ltf Turgut said boards must prepare for an increasingly unpredictable global environment where geopolitical developments, technological disruption, climate change, and shifting political realities can rapidly reshape business conditions.

He said directors need a global outlook, strategic foresight, and the ability to interpret geopolitical developments and their implications for business, while remaining committed to ethical governance, sustainability, and long-term value creation.

Dr. Turgut added that these principles apply equally to corporate boards, public institutions, and policymakers as organisations navigate an era of heightened uncertainty.

Lessons from Overland Airways: The value of matching aircraft to market

THE memory of flying into Freetown, Sierra Leone’s capital, aboard Overland Airways’ state-of-the-art Embraer 175 remains unforgettable.

It was the airline’s inaugural Lagos-Freetown service on December 19, 2024. We departed from Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA), Lagos, in the afternoon, accompanied by the founder and Chief Executive Officer of Overland Airways, Captain Edward Boyo.

Every flight tells a story, but the choice of aircraft for that regional route told an even more compelling one. The Embraer 175 delivered a smooth, comfortable and efficient journey, while Captain Boyo and his crew ensured passengers enjoyed a memorable travel experience from takeoff to landing.

Beyond the comfort of that flight lay a more important lesson in airline economics. Overland Airways has, over the years, demonstrated that matching aircraft size to market demand is not only operationally sensible, but also commercially rewarding. Rather than chasing prestige with oversized aircraft, the airline has quietly built one of Nigeria’s most consistent records of stability through disciplined fleet planning.

Its fleet composition reflects this philosophy. The airline currently operates two Beechcraft 1900Ds, two ATR 42-320s, one ATR 42-300, one ATR 72-202 and two Embraer E175 regional jets. Each aircraft serves a specific market segment, allowing the airline to deploy the right capacity on the right route.

This measured approach has enabled Overland Airways to sustain operations in challenging markets, maintain respectable load factors, control operating costs and expand cautiously into regional destinations. It is a reminder that in aviation, profitability is often determined not by operating the biggest aircraft, but by operating the most appropriate one.

For instance, the Beechcraft 1900D has an 18-seat configuration, making it ideal for low-demand, short-haul. The ATR 42-320, with a 48-seat configuration, and the ATR 72, which typically accommodates 68 passengers, are well suited for short-haul operations where passenger demand is moderate. For regional services with higher traffic volumes, the Embraer E175, configured to seat about 88 passengers, offers an efficient balance of capacity, comfort, and operating economics.

With these carefully calculated aircraft model, Overland Airways has demonstrated over the years that matching aircraft size to market demand is not only operationally sound, but also commercially rewarding.

While several airlines have pursued rapid expansion with larger aircraft, Overland Airways has remained committed to operating aircraft that are appropriate for the routes it serves. That strategy has enabled the airline to sustain operations on many domestic routes that would otherwise be uneconomical.

Established in 1998 and commencing commercial operations in 2002, Overland Airways was founded with a clear objective of connecting Nigeria’s hinterland with major commercial centres. Rather than concentrating only on the busiest trunk routes, the airline deliberately opened services to destinations that were underserved, helping to stimulate economic activities in many parts of the country.

Its network today spans Abuja, Lagos, Akure, Ibadan, Ilorin, Dutse, Gombe, Jalingo, Warri and other domestic destinations, alongside regional services to Niamey, Lome and Cotonou. Many of these routes do not generate passenger volumes sufficient to justify large-capacity aircraft.

This is where Overland’s fleet strategy has become its greatest competitive advantage.

For years, the airline relied on aircraft such as the Beechcraft 1900D, ATR 42 and ATR 72. These turboprops are designed for short- to medium-haul operations and are recognised globally for their low fuel consumption, lower maintenance costs and ability to operate from airports with relatively short runways. Instead of flying hundreds of empty seats, Overland focused on achieving healthy passenger load factors with aircraft whose capacity matched market demand.

The economics are compelling. Every airline seeks to reduce its Cost per Available Seat Kilometre (CASK) while improving Revenue per Available Seat Kilometre (RASK). However, those objectives can only be achieved when aircraft capacity aligns with passenger demand. Deploying oversized aircraft on thin routes often leads to high fuel burn, excessive maintenance costs and poor yields.

Overland Airways understood this reality long before fleet optimisation became a popular discussion within Nigeria’s aviation industry.

Its choice of ATR aircraft has also delivered operational flexibility. These aircraft consume significantly less fuel than comparable regional jets on short sectors while offering reliable performance on domestic routes where flight durations are often under one hour. In an environment where fuel accounts for nearly half of an airline’s operating expenses, such efficiency translates directly into stronger financial performance.

Importantly, Overland has never allowed fleet conservatism to become technological stagnation. The recent acquisition of Embraer E175 regional jets represents a carefully calculated evolution of its business model rather than a departure from it.

The Embraer E175 occupies a unique position between turboprops and larger narrow-body aircraft. It offers higher passenger comfort, greater speed and improved operational capability while remaining economical on regional routes. By ordering additional E175s, Overland is positioning itself to grow capacity gradually without exposing itself to the financial risks associated with larger aircraft.

Equally significant is the airline’s investment in technical capability. Overland operates an NCAA-approved Maintenance Organisation from its modern hangar at Lagos’ General Aviation Terminal. This reduces dependence on external maintenance providers, improves aircraft availability and enhances cost control-an often-overlooked contributor to airline profitability.

The airline’s consistent renewal of its IATA Operational Safety Audit (IOSA) certification since 2015 further reflects an institutional commitment to global safety standards. Combined with its membership of both the International Air Transport Association (IATA) and the African Airlines Association (AFRAA), Overland has positioned itself as an airline that competes on quality as much as economics.

There are valuable lessons here for Nigeria’s aviation industry. Many airlines naturally aspire to operate larger aircraft because they project size and prestige.

However, aviation history consistently shows that profitability is determined less by aircraft size than by fleet suitability. An airline earns sustainable profits when it deploys the right aircraft on the right route at the right frequency.

Overland Airways has embraced this philosophy for more than two decades. Instead of chasing image, it has pursued efficiency. Instead of overcapacity, it has prioritised demand-driven operations. Instead of relying solely on high-density trunk routes, it has built a network that connects emerging economic centres while maintaining commercial discipline.

As Nigeria’s domestic aviation market becomes increasingly competitive, rising fuel prices and currency pressures will continue to punish inefficient fleet deployment. Airlines that match capacity to demand, optimise operating costs and invest in appropriate aircraft will be better positioned to survive and grow.

Overland Airways has shown that success in aviation is not measured by operating the biggest aircraft but by operating the smartest fleet. Its experience demonstrates that smaller, efficient aircraft deployed strategically can deliver operational resilience, sustained profitability and expanded connectivity.

For Nigeria’s aviation industry, the message is straightforward: sustainable growth begins with fleet discipline, and in that regard, Overland Airways has long been setting the pace.

CSE breathes after CBSL keeps rates steady

The Colombo stock market ended a three-session losing streak to close yesterday in the green buoyed by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s monetary policy decision to hold rates steady.

The ASPI ended up 0.02% or 3.83 points at 21,149.56 but the S and P SL20 ended down 0.21% or 12.39 points at 5,932.62.

Turnover was over Rs. 3.5 billion on over 91.1 million shares traded. Foreign investors were net sellers on a net outflow of Rs. 241 million.

First Capital Research said investor sentiment remained positive following the Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s decision to maintain policy interest rates, supporting buying interest despite the mixed performance of the benchmark indices.

Both HNW and retail investor participation remained high during the session, contributing to overall market activity. The main positive contributors to the ASPI were SEYB, LION, PKME, CARG, and SEMB.X.

The real estate management and development sector led the daily turnover with a share of 65%, amid higher number of crossings seen in ONAL, followed by the banking, and diversified financials sectors collectively contributing 15%.

Meralco eyes Albay for possible investment in local power utility

Manila Electric Co., is keeping its target of expanding outside Metro Manila and nearby provinces, with Albay as its latest focus.

Speaking to reporters last week, Arnel Casanova, senior vice president and head of strategic distribution utility partnerships at Meralco, said that local government executives in Albay had approached the company to beef up Albay Electric Cooperative (Aleco).

A member-owned distribution utility, Aleco delivers electricity to three cities and 15 towns in Albay.

‘They say they are struggling because businesses planning to move into their municipalities are unable to invest due to unreliable power supply,’ Casanova said.

‘We’re studying that, and hopefully, Aleco will be welcoming us to provide us with the necessary information so we could make a better proposal,’ he added.

At present, Meralco serves more than 8.2 million consumers in the capital region, including Bulacan, Cavite, Rizal, and portions of Laguna, Batangas, Pampanga, and Quezon.

To recall, the power distribution giant also submitted an unsolicited proposal to partner with South Cotabato II Electric Cooperative, Inc. (Socoteco II), whose franchise area covers General Santos City and Sarangani province. Its board, however, turned down Meralco’s offer.

Casanova said the group sent a letter to Socoteco II, urging the latter to launch a competitive selection process instead.

‘To ensure that the process will be more transparent, we encourage them to actually bid it out,’ he said.

The official also reiterated Meralco’s interest in joining the public bidding of Batangas II Electric Cooperative Inc.

Batangas has been experiencing frequent and prolonged outages, affecting businesses.

If Meralco gets hold of these power cooperatives, it would infuse capital to boost their infrastructure, including equipping them with smart systems, smart grids and line upgrades, among others.

In a previous briefing, Meralco maintained that pursuing partnerships with power cooperatives was meant to address their years-long electricity issues.

Gov’t budget deficit widens to P264.3B in June

The Marcos administration’s budget deficit widened by 9.4 percent to P264.3 billion in June as government spending outpaced revenue collections, according to the Bureau of the Treasury (BTr).

Latest data showed expenditures rose 5.5 percent to P578.7 billion, driven by higher National Tax Allotment shares for local government units, increased subsidies to state-run firms, and payments to suppliers and contractors for transportation infrastructure projects.

This outpaced the 2.46-percent increase in revenues, which reached P314.5 billion in June. Of the total, tax collections contributed P299.3 billion, while non-tax revenues amounted to P15.1 billion.

In the first half of the year, the fiscal deficit widened by 2.79 percent to P786.8 billion. This was 0.17 percent below the government’s P788.2-billion deficit program for the period.

Exam leaks, job crisis ignite biggest protest against Modi’s third term in India

Thousands of students and young people have taken to the streets across India in the biggest public challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government since he secured a third term, with protests initially sparked by a medical entrance examination scandal but now reflecting broader anger over unemployment, governance and the country’s education system.

The protesters are demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan after authorities cancelled the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), India’s highly competitive medical entrance examination, following the discovery of a question paper leak. Nearly two million students sat for the exam in May before it was scrapped, throwing admission plans into uncertainty and fuelling nationwide outrage. Several student suicides have also been linked to the examination crisis, intensifying calls for accountability.

What began as anger over the NEET scandal has evolved into a wider youth movement known as the ‘Cockroach’ movement, with demonstrators arguing that repeated examination leaks expose deep-rooted corruption and inefficiency in India’s recruitment and education systems. Protesters say years of cancelled examinations, paper leaks and delayed recruitment have robbed millions of young Indians of fair opportunities for education and employment.

Another major driver of the protests is India’s worsening youth unemployment. While the country remains one of the world’s fastest-growing major economies, many graduates struggle to find quality jobs. Demonstrators say economic growth has failed to translate into employment opportunities, leaving educated young people frustrated about their future. The movement has therefore broadened its demands beyond education reforms to include greater transparency, job creation and improved governance.

The protests gained further momentum after activist Sonam Wangchuk, who had been on a hunger strike in support of students, was removed by police and taken to hospital ahead of a planned march to Parliament. Thousands of supporters subsequently converged on New Delhi despite authorities denying permission for the demonstration. Clashes broke out when police used batons and tear gas to disperse crowds attempting to breach barricades, leaving scores of protesters and security personnel injured.

Opposition parties have backed the demonstrations, accusing the Modi administration of failing India’s youth and demanding sweeping reforms to the examination system. The government has pledged action against those responsible for the paper leak and promised reforms, but protesters insist cosmetic measures will not address systemic failures that have undermined public confidence.

Political analysts say the movement has become a symbol of wider discontent among India’s young population, who account for more than half of the country’s 1.4 billion people. With Parliament in session and key state elections approaching, the protests are expected to keep pressure on the Modi government as demands grow for accountability, educational reforms and better employment prospects for millions of young Indians.

Minority caucus, PC elections, SJB and the new Constitution noose

The CPA’s latest poll made headlines. The headline-getter was the contrast between President AKD’s approval rating and that of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa. ‘…The survey found that 75.5% of respondents are satisfied with President Dissanayake’s performance, compared to 29.4% for Opposition Leader Premadasa’.

The proof of the pudding is in the eating. If AKD was even remotely as popular as the CPA figures claim, it just does not figure why the ruling JVP-NPP fails to:

Minority bloc

Six parliamentary parties representing the Tamil and Muslim people have constituted themselves into a single political platform. I call it a minority bloc or caucus.

In a revival of an old term, it is billed an in-gathering of the Tamil and Muslim parties, collectively representing the ‘Tamil-speaking people’. It consists of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Tamil Progressive Alliance, All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA), and the Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC). The leading personalities of the new bloc are M.A. Sumanthiran, Jeevan Thondaman, Rauff Hakeem, Mano Ganeshan, Selvam Adaikalanathan, and Rishard Bathiudeen.

Coverage in the mass media and social media have focused on a supposed split in the Opposition where several parties belonging to Sajith Premadasa’s Samagi Jana Sandhanaya are members of the new minority bloc. This is a grey area, because nothing prevents the six-party bloc acting as a caucus on minority issues while remaining with and within the Samagi Jana Sandhanaya, or returning to it at a national election. But it could also mark an exit from the SJS.

Social media shows a paranoid alert about a convergence of minorities and a near-hysterical call for majority unity to counter it.

As a student of politics, I see nothing amiss in the formation of a minority caucus in the legislature. The USA has long had a respected Congressional Black Caucus.

Tamil Nadu factor

Gajendran Ponnambalam and his party are not members of the new bloc. In fact, the timing of its emergence seems to make it something of a counter to the splash that Ponnambalam made in Tamil Nadu when he met the youthful new Chief Minister.

On his trip to Chennai, Ponnambalam called for political parties in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka to form a joint forum which will commit itself to Federalism for the Tamil people of Sri Lanka.

Whether this will happen some way down the road one doesn’t know. But the opening for him to raise such a slogan across the water, comes with the political vacuum at the provincial level in Sri Lanka, with the extended deep-freeze of Provincial Councils by the Anura Dissanayake administration.

If we had elected Provincial Councils up and running, that would have been Sri Lanka’s answer to this new demand. The Government and our able High Commissioner would only have needed to point to the PC system which emanates from the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord. Now, we have nothing to say in our defence; no political shield to raise. The situation is wide open for radical Tamil nationalists like Gajan Ponnambalam to overtly solicit Tamil Nadu political interference in our politics.

While Ponnambalam beckons Tamil Nadu political interference-and he may not be the only one, as it might prove politically contagious among Tamil politicians-the SJB’s Dr. Harsha de Silva has resumed his public crusade to hook up Sri Lanka’s economy with that of Tamil Nadu. Such entanglement would only give Chennai a greater handle over Sri Lanka, and it would be hopelessly naive to imagine that Tamil Nadu’s pan-Tamil nationalism and competitive electoral compulsions will not drive its economic behaviour in the direction of the assertion of control over the neighbour.

Why would any patriotic Sri Lankan politician, Govt or Opposition, wish to confer Tamil Nadu with a potential handle over Sri Lankan affairs-economic, ethnic and geopolitical?

PC elections vs. new Constitution

As for the minority caucus (or ‘Minority Six-Pack’), my critique is not its formation, but the content of its agenda. Firstly, it has a glaring gap. Secondly, it is headed in two contradictory directions.

Its joint communique says:

‘ ‘…any new Constitution should provide the maximum possible devolution of powers within a framework that ensures justice, equality, and meaningful power-sharing’.

‘…The representatives…expressed hope that a common approach on these issues would contribute to reconciliation, democratic governance, and the protection of the rights of all communities in Sri Lanka…’

A country’s Constitutional framework-and certainly that of Sri Lanka and any country of the global South-must have as founding objectives, the safeguarding of National Independence, unity, territorial integrity and ensuring the sovereignty of the people. However, the minority platform does not have any such overarching national/State goals. It reduces the aims of the Constitutional framework to justice, equality and meaningful power-sharing, with no commitment to the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka as a single country. ‘Reconciliation, democratic governance, and the protection of the rights of all communities’ are valid and valuable but the absence of an overarching commitment to Sri Lanka as a State, a country, not simply a (geographic) place, is a dangerous political Freudian slip.

The minority platform wants the Provincial Council election expeditiously held. It also wants Constitutional reform or a new Constitution. ‘…They have identified three immediate priorities: Constitutional reform with meaningful power-sharing; the conduct of PC elections without further delay; and the resolution of land issues affecting Tamil, Muslim, and Malaiyaha Tamil communities….’ (https://www.ft.lk/news/Tamil-parties-urge-President-to-fulfil-pledges-bring-new-Constitution-hold-PC-polls-and-grant-land-rights/56-794632)

The last time the Tamil and Muslim parties sought a new Constitution making for greater power sharing than in the existing Constitution (i.e., the 13th Amendment) was 2015-2019. The upshot is that they are now lobbying plaintively for the holding of Provincial Council elections which they had enjoyed even in wartime but find jammed-up indefinitely by the ‘more meaningful’ amendments they helped introduce. The new, non-unitary Constitution project also helped elect Gotabaya Rajapaksa President.

The time before that, when they held out for a new Constitution during the tenure of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the upshot was that her ‘quasi-federal’ political packages were blocked and the backlash secured Mahinda Rajapaksa the candidacy and the presidency.

The Tamil parties forgot the truism that ‘a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush’. The bird in the hand is/was the 13th Amendment. Looking for a bigger bird, the Tamil and Muslim parties seem to have lost the one they held in their hand-the system of elected Provincial Councils (1987). Now they want a bigger bird while also wanting the old one back!

There isn’t a shred of evidence that a new or reformed Constitution would make for greater power sharing with the provinces than the existing 13th Amendment.

The Minority Bloc plus outlier Gajan Ponnambalam fail to recognise the obvious: the 13th Amendment which they want replaced-qualitatively superseded-was the product of a set of forces, factors and circumstances which no longer exist and have been supplanted by forces, factors and circumstances which have moved decisively in the opposite direction.

Black July’83, the LTTE and other armed organisations, the Eelam war, Indira’s India, a pro-devolution left and a ruling UNP that had agreed to devolution in principle, all made for the 13th Amendment enabling devolution to elected provincial administrations within a unitary State -but not beyond.

None of those factors exist anymore. Some exist in reverse. India’s priorities vis-a-vis Sri Lanka have changed. The Eelam war was lost by the secessionists and won by the State. Prabhakaran is dead, the Tigers decimated, the non-LTTE Eelam movement extinguished. The ruling JVP is not ambivalent about devolution as was the UNP, or pro-devolution as was the left led by Vijaya Kumaratunga, but was bitterly hostile to it and remains opposed to provincial devolution as a concept.

The only new card for the Minority Caucus to play is the young Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, but what MGR couldn’t do in wartime with Prabhakaran in play, it is impossible for Thalapathy Vijay to achieve in post-Prabhakaran peacetime.

It would be a commendable feat to retrieve the 13th Amendment, but to expect a new Constitution or a reform to go beyond the 13th Amendment and the unitary State in terms of power-sharing is wildly irrational.

If there is a new system of devolution, it will surely have a smaller unit and/or lesser degree of power-sharing, not a greater one. If it comes to a vote at a referendum, greater devolution will be shot down, as will a new Constitution if it entails greater devolution with or without the executive Presidency. After a defeat, it may be zero-devolution or small-unit devolution that survives. Why should the minority caucus take that risk?

The Minority Six should stick to two of their three demands-hold PC elections swiftly and expedite the processing of return of lands. An all-parties campaign, national and international, demanding Provincial Council elections within a transparent, compressed yet reasonable time-frame, could be legitimately initiated by the parliamentary minority caucus.

SJB’s ‘New Constitution’ illogic

Sri Lankan politics lacks rational thinking. We already have a Constitution which makes for power-sharing (the 13th Amendment) though the latter needs to be unfrozen and reactivated. In any walk of life, when one asks for something new, one must do so either when the old no longer exists and there’s an absence to be filled, or there’s certainty that the new which one will get in exchange for the old, is better than the old which exists.

What gives the minority bloc or the SJB the slightest notion that the new Constitution they are urging the JVP-NPP to introduce, will be better, especially in respect of power-sharing, than the current Constitution?

One can understand the Opposition making a case for a new Constitution, presenting its own ideas, and pledging implementation at an election campaign, when seeking office. That is what JR Jayewardene did in his 1977 election manifesto, having first surfaced the idea in 1966.

But that is not what the SJB and minority bloc are doing. They are lobbying the incumbent President and Cabinet to bring in a new Constitution.

Logically, this means that the SJB trusts the JVP-NPP to produce a Constitution that is more progressive, advanced and enlightened than that which JR Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa and the UNP introduced (1978), and modified through the 13th Amendment (1987).

Is it only me, or isn’t it surreal to see the SJB expecting-trusting-AKD, Tilvin and the JVP to produce a better Constitution than JR, Premadasa and the UNP?

Isn’t it surreal to see the six-party minority platform expecting-trusting-the JVP which tortured and killed pro-autonomy leftists well before the Indian intervention (university student leader Daya Pathirana) and have never apologised for it, to be architects of a better Constitutional arrangement for greater power-sharing than JR, the UNP and the Government of India produced in 1987?

What of the Opposition’s well-founded fears and warnings that the JVP-NPP is driving towards an authoritarian if not totalitarian system, and that there are many signs of that in the JVP’s politicisation of the power-structures and programs as well as in its public discourse?

The Opposition simply cannot have it both ways. If the JVP-NPP is creeping towards some form of dictatorship, why ask them for a new Constitution which they will only use to further their project of control? A new Constitution would also remove the entrenched, mandatory timeline for the holding of a presidential and parliamentary election. A new Constitution was used as a portal once before (1972) to extend the Government’s term of office. Why run that risk with the JVP-NPP which is ideologically predisposed towards totalitarianism?

Is it that the two Opposition formations -the new minority bloc and the SJB-think that a new Constitution or constitutional reform under the AKD administration is desirable and feasible because the Opposition will produce, articulate and push for enlightened proposals? It is obvious that the Opposition doesn’t have the numbers-the SJB has under 50 and the new Minority Six-Pack has around 20-so how on earth are they going to push through enlightened reform?

The JVP-NPP hardly allows Sajith Premadasa and the Opposition to speak in Parliament, so what makes the Opposition think this Government will magically metamorphose into a benign, enlightened entity which adopts the SJB and the Tamil-speaking bloc’s ‘advanced’ constitutional proposals?

The JVP-NPP doesn’t need the numbers; they have their own. A new Constitution would reflect the JVP’s and its NPP fellow-travellers’ ideas, ideology and political interests, and entrench a monopoly of power. What kind of Opposition can’t figure that out?

Socioeconomic majoritarianism

The Tamil-speaking parties’ platform could be completely flouting the advice given by Lord Soulbury to C. Suntharalingam in 1964. Expressing regret that he didn’t build-in more safeguards for the Tamil minority into the Constitution, he recommended a strategy of mainstream affiliation and participation. His example was the Northern Ireland Protestants’ cooperation with the UK Conservatives in Westminster. (The Catholics leaned towards UK Labour). Lord Soulbury explicitly recommended that the Tamil parties work with the UNP. The UNP space being occupied by its successor the SJB, the delinking/distancing by the minority bloc from Sajith’s SJB implies a rejection of Soulbury’s strategic counsel.

On the other hand, the distancing of the minority bloc from the SJB may be a blessing in disguise. The TNA/ITAK’s lobbying for a new non-unitary/quasi-federal Constitution in place of optimising the 13th Amendment-the result of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord-did enormous damage to the administrations of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Maithripala Sirisena, while supporting Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNP ‘like a rope supports a hanging man’ (as Lenin’s sardonic line goes).

Without the minority parties, Sajith/ SJB can no longer count axiomatically on the minority vote. The SJB is liberated from the liability of bearing the tattoo of ‘minoritarianism’ that eroded Ranil Wickremesinghe’s UNP for decades.

This means that the SJB will have to compete for Sinhala votes with Anura Dissanayake’s JVP-NPP, Namal Rajapaksa’s SLPP and Dilith Jayaweera’s Sarvajana Balaya on a level playing field.

This does NOT mean that the SJB has to resort to ethnoreligious/ethno-lingual nationalism. What it does mean is that the SJB has to revert to the Ranasinghe Premadasa strategy of socioeconomic majoritarianism, rather than ethnoreligious majoritarianism.

President Premadasa’s strategy was the alliance of the socioeconomic majority of the majority, with the majority of the minorities, in a patriotic, populist, pluralist bloc.

ERC should audit ‘pass-through’ costs – Gatchalian

Senate President Sherwin Gatchalian sought more powers for the Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC) to audit not just distribution fees, but also the pass-through costs of generating electricity.

Pass-through costs are fees added directly to the bill of energy consumers based on a utility company’s expenses from producing said utility, such as production and delivery rates from power plants and distributors.

‘Pass-through charges need to be audited. We, consumers, need to be assured that what is being passed on to us is not excessive. It’s common sense, if you’re a businessman, of course you want to pass on the highest amount to the consumer so that you can earn a high profit… but the regulator is there to ensure that you earn a decent amount but not too much,’ Gatchalian said during the Senate energy panel hearing.

The hearing aimed to discuss ways to strengthen the ERC amid rising fuel prices.

He was talking to ERC Chairperson Saturnino Juan, who admitted that the agency has ‘not thoroughly’ checked the right prices for fuel pass-through.

‘There is that need for us to come up with audit steps to determine really what should be the appropriate pass-through,’ Juan also told the panel.

Gatchalian criticized the lack of the ERC’s powers, pointing out that it makes the government ‘blind’ to the pass-through charges that affect energy consumers.

‘I believe that the price that is passed on to us because it is not checked, we do not know what is really being passed on to us… The ERC should not only look at the distribution charges, but they should also look at the pass-through. Because we are blind. The government is blind when it comes to pass-through,’ the senator pressed.

Energy panel chairperson Sen. Erwin Tulfo also chimed in, grilling Juan on the lack of checks and balances to the pass-through charges.

‘You could have prevented that- this abuse of the electricity price… If you only did your job even though you had no power, you could have done something. You could have told the public,’ Tulfo stressed.

He then asked Juan: ‘Do you agree with me that it is abuse?’

Juan replied that he ‘had no basis’ to say so, prompting a sharp reaction from Tulfo, who said: ‘You have no basis, but the people know that they were abused and shamelessly ignored.

Ekiti: Police arraign ex-APC gov aspirant over alleged cyberbullying

A former governorship aspirant of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Ekiti State, Abimbola Olawumi, has been arraigned before a Chief Magistrate’s Court in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital.

She was docked over allegations of cyberbullying, criminal intimidation and making false accusations against the Chief Executive Officer of YSJ Farms Limited, Mrs. Yemisi Joluwe, and two other individuals.

Olawumi, who sought the APC governorship ticket ahead of the 2026 election but was disqualified before the party’s primary, was arrested in Abuja on Wednesday by operatives of the Ekiti State Police Command.

She is currently challenging her disqualification at the Supreme Court after unsuccessful legal battles at the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal.

The defendant was arraigned on Thursday before Chief Magistrate Abayomi Adeosun on a four-count charge and pleaded not guilty to all the allegations.

According to the charge sheet, the prosecution alleged that between March 2026 and the period under review, Olawumi unlawfully used Facebook and TikTok to publish the photographs, residential addresses and alleged threatening messages directed at Mrs. Yemisi Samuel Joluwe, Mr. Adeleke Ajibade and Mrs. Okewale Olayemi.

The police further accused her of falsely alleging on social media that Joluwe embezzled Ekiti State Government funds without any factual basis. The offences are said to contravene Sections 398 and 106 of the Criminal Law of Ekiti State, 2021.

When the case came up, counsel to the defendant, Odunayo Okunade, urged the court to admit his client to bail, describing the charges as bailable offences.

‘They are all bailable offences, and this court is empowered to grant these prayers. She is a senior citizen of this state and was one of the contestants for the office of Governor in Ekiti State. We urge the court to grant her bail,’ he submitted.

The Police Prosecutor, Samson Osobu, informed the court that the prosecution had no objection to the bail application.

In his ruling, Chief Magistrate Adeosun admitted Olawumi to bail on self-recognition and adjourned the matter until July 28, 2026, for further hearing.

Meanwhile, the Ekiti State Government has distanced itself from the arrest and prosecution of the former APC governorship aspirant, urging the public to disregard reports suggesting it influenced the police action.

The Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Dayo Apata, SAN, said in a statement that the government neither ordered Olawumi’s arrest nor directed her prosecution, insisting that law enforcement agencies operate independently of the state government.

According to him, the administration of Governor Biodun Oyebanji remains committed to the rule of law and the protection of citizens’ fundamental rights.

‘Ekiti State Government under the current democratic dispensation obeys the rule of law and respects the personal liberty and freedom of all citizens.

‘The law enforcement agencies carry out their duties separately without any control from the State Government.

‘We advise the public and the media to ignore false stories linking the Ekiti State Government to this arrest,’ Apata said.