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With the passage of the Genius Act, the United States will allow all manner of companies to issue their own money in the form of crypto assets known as “stablecoins”.

With a single piece of legislation, Congress has made the US financial system more vulnerable to crises, increased the chances of government bailouts for tech platforms and further entrenched Silicon Valley’s already substantial political power.

Nor do the risks end there. By blessing a less regulated alternative to bank deposits, Congress may have created conditions that will choke off the flow of credit to productive enterprises, as well as circumscribing the US Federal Reserve’s ability to conduct monetary policy through open market operations.

Moreover, the House of Representatives recently passed the Clarity Act, which would upend securities laws by creating gaping loopholes for assets whose ownership is recorded on a blockchain. The bill is not guaranteed to pass, now that other financial market players seem to be waking up to the dangers that could be unleashed by destroying the integrity of US capital markets. Yet the risk of it becoming law cannot be ignored. If it does, we will effectively be reverting to the “buyer beware” markets of the 1920s.

Making matters worse, these laws will inevitably create pressure for other countries to follow suit. Special interests and various constituents will pepper foreign lawmakers with arguments about not wanting to be left behind on innovation, and with concerns about local currencies being supplanted by US dollar-denominated stablecoins.

But it would be wrong to view America’s new crypto laws as examples of shrewd innovation measures or wise geopolitical policies. On the contrary, these bills are advancing at a time when the US is gutting public funding for scientific and technological research, raising serious doubts about the country’s commitment to innovation. Moreover, the dollar’s dominance rests on political and economic foundations, not the currency’s technological plumbing, and the administration’s trade policy and attacks on central-bank independence may end up threatening those foundations.

Even the crypto industry could come to rue these laws’ passage. It has prospered, so far, from playing by a more lenient set of rules than its regulated counterparts in the traditional financial sector. Will it lose that edge as these laws unleash broader financial deregulation? In financial markets where no one can trust anything, why should we expect crypto, which already has a bad reputation among the vast majority of Americans, to boom?

If these laws are not in the long-term interest of the American people or even the crypto industry, what is motivating their passage? No doubt the crypto industry desires this legislation because it sees an opportunity for short-term profits and does not care about the legislation’s likely long-term effects.

But we also should factor in some of the unusual ideologies that hold sway in Silicon Valley. Consider the “Network State” movement. Championed by some key figures in the crypto industry, such as Brian Armstrong, the CEO of the crypto firm Coinbase, it aims to build social networks linked by cryptocurrencies that would opt out of the jurisdiction of national governments and eventually gain diplomatic recognition from real nation-states.

True adherents of this movement have no interest in making nation-states work better, and they would surely see the chaos following a financial crisis as an opportunity to advance their vision.

There is also an eschatological dimension to many Silicon Valley elites’ worldview. As the philosopher Émile Torres points out, Silicon Valley types increasingly subscribe to the belief that true AI will end the world as we know it. In this context, a global financial crisis would seem like a non-event. If you are convinced that our current way of life is ending, it makes sense that you would fixate instead on ensuring that our cyborg descendants can prosper in other galaxies.

In addition to the obvious consumer-protection and financial-stability risks posed by embracing deregulated crypto markets, these ideological motivations should concern foreign lawmakers who are contemplating their own crypto legislation.

For many, the point of US-style crypto laws is to construct monetary and financial systems that lie beyond the boundaries of democratic accountability.

Anyone concerned about their own democracy and sovereignty would do well not to follow America down this path.

Pheu Thai will nominate three quality candidates for the prime ministership at the promised general election next year, party leader Paetongtarn Shinawatra said on Tuesday.

Ms Paetongtarn said the three nominees would be presented “when the time comes”, and they would not let the voters down.

“I am confident that the names will give people hope for the future,” the former prime minister said at an event to revamp the party in prepration for the coming polls.

“I would like to be a candidate. Sadly, I cannot,” she added.

Ms Paetongtarn was ousted from Government House by the Constitutional Court in August for serious ethical breaches in a leaked phone conversation with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen in June, when tensions rose at the border.

The ruling effectively ended any chance of her returning to the premiership, but she remains Pheu Thai leader.

The party has given former transport minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit the responsibility of taking the party into the election.

Opposition leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut is urging the government to withdraw its plan to hold a referendum on the controversial memorandums of understanding (MoUs) with Cambodia signed in 2000 and 2001, saying such complex international issues fall squarely within the government’s remit — not the public’s.

Mr Natthaphong, who heads both the opposition and the People’s Party (PP), voiced strong reservations about Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s proposal to let the public decide on whether Thailand should retain or revoke the two MoUs — known as MoU 43 and MoU 44 — which define frameworks for resolving land and maritime boundary disputes with Cambodia.

Citing a recent Nida Poll, he said around 70% of respondents admitted they had little or no understanding of the MoUs’ content, with 44% saying they did not understand them at all.

This, he said, raises serious doubts about whether a referendum could genuinely reflect the people’s will.

“A referendum can only represent the people’s voice when voters are well-informed,” he said. “Educating and engaging the public is far more important than the act of voting itself.”

He noted that the MoUs are filled with technical and diplomatic details that cannot be explained in short public forums or campaign-style communication. Some sections are so sensitive that parliamentary discussions have had to be held behind closed doors.

Without full, balanced information, he warned, the results would be superficial and misleading.

Mr Natthaphong added that responsibility for the MoUs lies with the executive branch.

“The people have already entrusted the management of international relations and national security to the government. Passing the decision to the public is an abdication of responsibility,” he said.

He also voiced concern that holding the referendum alongside the next general election would confuse voters, who must already cast two ballots for constituency and party-list MPs.

“The public would be overwhelmed by multiple complex issues at once,” he said. “We must question whether this serves national interests or political agendas, especially when parliament will be dissolved in four months.”

The PP leader reaffirmed that his party would oppose the government’s referendum plan if it proceeds without ensuring the public receives accurate and comprehensive information from all sides.

However, he said, the party respects democratic principles and will accept the outcome if the process is transparent.

“If the process is flawed, we risk getting results which are meaningless and damaging,” he said, urging Prime Minister Anutin to allow qualified personnel and institutions — such as diplomats, security agencies, and relevant ministries — to handle the issue professionally.

Echoing these concerns, PP party-list MP Rangsiman Rome said holding a referendum without adequate public understanding would be dangerous.

He noted that the House of Representatives has already formed a special committee, chaired by Chaichanok Chidchob, Minister of Digital Economy and Society and Bhumjaithai Party Secretary-General, to study the potential consequences of cancelling the MoUs and compile expert opinions.

“Even many MPs do not fully understand the details,” Mr Rangsiman said. “For a referendum to be meaningful, people must know exactly what they’re voting for. Otherwise, it’s just symbolic.”

Senator Pisit Apiwattanapong said the government should first explain whether the MoUs benefit or harm national security. “If you ask those who know versus those who don’t, the answers will differ,” he said. “It’s the government’s duty to educate the public.”

Quoc Dat Tong, Senior Financial Markets Strategist at Exness, analyses how geopolitics, policy shifts, and trade disruptions are transforming oil markets and reshaping global economic stability.

When tensions in the Middle East began to escalate earlier this year, markets braced for the familiar chain reaction: fears of disrupted supply, speculative spikes in crude prices, and renewed volatility across global assets. In oil, these shifts are amplified. A targeted attack on infrastructure, a diplomatic breakdown, or a sudden production cut by an OPEC member can trigger price movements that ripple from regional economies to the world’s largest financial centres.

Today, those ripples are colliding with other fault lines, creating one of the most complex oil market environments seen in years. Understanding this landscape means understanding not just OPEC’s influence, but the geopolitical forces shaping its every move.

When Oil Supply Meets Geopolitical Turbulence

In oil markets, a ‘shock’ is less about surprise and more about scale. It’s an event sudden enough to jolt supply, demand, or both. Wars, sanctions, unrest, and infrastructure attacks can choke supply almost overnight. On the other side of the equation, shifts in economic policy, trade restrictions, or even sudden surges in industrial activity can upend demand patterns just as quickly.

In practice, these shocks rarely happen in isolation. A supply cut triggered by conflict can also spark speculative buying, amplifying price swings. This is why understanding the source, whether it’s pipeline sabotage, a tariff dispute, or a regional conflict, is crucial for anyone trying to navigate oil’s notoriously sensitive price dynamics.

Geopolitical Shocks and Knock-on Effects

The last few years have shown just how quickly a single geopolitical event can redraw the oil map. The Russia-Ukraine conflict is a prime example. Prior to the war, the EU sourced a quarter of its crude oil and 40% of its diesel from Russia. Within months, sanctions and outright bans from the US and EU cut those flows almost entirely.

In response, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) released 60 million barrels from strategic reserves to ease prices. But the real shift was structural. Gulf states increased imports of discounted Russian crude, rerouting refined products back to Europe. Prices briefly spiked above 110 USD per barrel before settling into a lower range as new trade patterns took hold.

Three years on, the EU has replaced much of its Russian fossil fuel imports with alternative suppliers and, crucially, ramped up renewable energy. Green energy’s share of EU production has more than doubled since 2021, and if that trajectory continues, it could further soften oil demand and prices in the years ahead.

Recent Events Affecting Oil Prices

When tensions flare in the Middle East, oil markets react. Prices shift on mere whispers of supply disruption, shipping routes are reassessed, and traders weigh the likelihood of escalation. In a commodity as globally integrated as oil, even localised conflict can send ripples across the globe, reshaping trade flows and market sentiment in real time.

Recent flare-ups involving Israel, Iran, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia have done just that, heightening supply fears. These developments come on top of unrest in Libya and Venezuela, both oil-producing countries, compounding uncertainty in a market already sensitive to political risk.

OPEC’s Balancing Act: Unity, Strategy, and Survival

The organisation’s ability to stabilise prices for members adhering to agreed production quotas. But compliance isn’t always guaranteed. Iraq, Kazakhstan, and Russia have all been frequent overproducers, sometimes driven by economic necessity or political pressure. Even Saudi Arabia, OPEC’s de facto leader, has exceeded agreed limits.

Managing this balance is even more complex when members are under sanctions or engaged in conflict. Russia’s current status-under heavy Western sanctions but also the world’s third-largest oil producer-complicates OPEC’s decision-making. The group must avoid alienating Western buyers while also protecting its members’ economic interests.

Adding to the challenge, major oil producers outside OPEC+, such as the US, Canada, and Brazil, collectively account for 40-50% of global production. This means OPEC’s ability to control prices is never absolute.

Oil Affects the Price of Everything

Oil’s political and economic weight comes from its role as the foundational input across industries. From transportation to manufacturing, agriculture to energy production, oil price movements ripple through nearly every supply chain. Even the process of extracting and transporting oil depends on oil itself.

Higher prices increase costs across the board, while lower prices can ease inflationary pressures. Oil price shifts also influence currency markets, particularly commodity-linked currencies like the Canadian dollar, Australian dollar, and Norwegian krone. Because oil is priced in US dollars, a stronger dollar tends to push oil prices higher for non-dollar buyers, dampening demand and consequently prices.

Trading Oil in a Fractured Geopolitical Landscape

The interplay between OPEC policy, geopolitical risk, and macroeconomic forces makes oil one of the most challenging yet potentially rewarding commodities to trade. Price movements can be swift, driven by factors far beyond supply and demand fundamentals.

For traders, sustainability and growth in this market require more than following production reports or price charts. They demand an understanding of political risk, economic policy shifts, and global trade flows. In today’s environment, where regional conflicts, sanctions, and shifting alliances are redefining supply chains, oil can be seen as a geopolitical barometer.

Artist Pakawan Thongvanit, known as Atelier Pakawan, is recognised for her lovely, detailed illustrations with warm and soothing colours. Both her illustrations and ceramics are influenced by Japanese culture and art techniques because she spent four years in Seto, a city which is renowned for pottery.

Pakawan recently launched a book titled Kon Thai Kon Nan Thii Pai Rian Pan Thii Yipun (The Thai Who Went To Study Pottery In Japan) and is currently holding the exhibition ‘Clay No Tabi: A Journey Through Clay’. On display at MMAD Box by Happening on the 2nd floor of Seacon Square, the exhibition reveals content from the book and showcases sculptures and ceramic work.

‘After I returned from Japan in 2018, I tried to write this book but I felt depressed because I missed my life and friends in Japan,’ explained Pakawan.

“To avoid negative feelings, I decided to put the project on hold. Last year, Vip Buraphadeja, the editor of Happening, asked me to try and write the book again, thus, I was able to finish it. Working on the book reminded me of my classes and sculptures that I created while in Japan. Thai viewers have never seen the sculptures at this exhibition before along with other ceramics work using sometsuke, known as the blue and white technique.’

Previously, Pakawan worked as an interior designer but she was not the right fit for the job, and there was nowhere to channel her creativity. She spent her free time creating illustrations and came up with the idea to put them on ceramic tableware. She thought of purchasing tableware and discussed the idea with her father who suggested she take a ceramics course instead, so that she could create the whole piece by herself.

Pakawan enrolled in a course at Som Ceramics where she learned the whole process and realised she enjoyed working with the medium. When she was looking for further education in the UK or the US, her father told her to consider Japan since their pottery is unique.

‘At that time, I focused on studies in the UK and the US because I could not speak Japanese, but Seto has a pottery studio which accepts international students for one month. The master there could speak English. I discovered the Setomono Matsuri, one of the largest Japanese pottery and ceramics festivals, is held in September so I decided to be there then,’ she said.

After Pakawan finished her course in Seto, she aimed for a diploma in ceramics at a professional training college. This two-year course required Japanese language skills, so she learned Japanese for one year in Thailand and one year in Seto before being admitted to the college.

During the first year, students learn all techniques including rotating plates, hand shaping and casting moulds. In the second year, students become more independent and they can work on their own style. This is when Pakawan created sculptures for the first time.

‘The master asked students to think what a sculpture is. In Japan, the word sculpture can refer to any object, so I think my sculptures can be an object that I like which happens to be shape of fruits. There are many decorative techniques that can be used for ceramics such as glaze and pattern drawing. Decorative techniques require using a sharp tool to scrape into dark stoneware clay and fill with liquid white clay.’

Pakawan named the stoneware collection of her fruit sculptures Dessin, which she explained comes from the French word for drawing.

‘I kept the colours monochrome to echo the look of pencil sketches. The process of making these textures feels very much like drawing to me. The collection won the Mayor’s Prize at the 70th Seto City Art Exhibition. It was the first time I won an art award. I was impressed with my experience in Seto, which is a small town, but it really supports art.’

Since the exhibition was inspired by her book, Pakawan also created a book sculpture titled An Open Book to celebrate her first publication.

‘A book has angles and corners which are forms that I have never been good at. I prefer forms of curves and roundness. I designed bookmarks to look like stems of flowers. An Open Book has a crack which happened during firing. As a perfectionist, showing flawed work is not ideal but there was no time,’ she confessed.

As a ceramist, Pakawan also learned to move on quickly when her work does not meet expectations.

‘Making ceramics teaches us to be patient and to let things go and move on. When we open a kiln, we experience either success or disappointment, and disappointment comes often.

“Making ceramics is like science which requires experimentation. We can somewhat predict the outcome, but many times, the outcome is not as we expect. After we feel disappointment, we take a moment to grieve and then get over it.

“This taught me to not dwell on disappointment for too long. When we feel sad, we should start working on something,’ explained Pakawan.

For the exhibition, Pakawan created four new pieces inspired by the different seasons in Japan. Each piece consists of a drawing on dark clay on the left and a drawing on white clay on the right. There are the spring, autumn, rainy and winter seasons. Summer season was skipped because Pakawan does not appreciate it much.

‘The first piece, Haru, means spring in Japanese. Spring symbolises a new beginning. It is a season for a new semester in schools and when new employees start working. Though flowers bloom and the season is bright, as a person who is over anxious when things change, I had to give myself a pep talk in front of the mirror before heading out to ceramic classes,’ Pakawan explained.

‘Tsuyu represents the rainy season. The rainy season in Seto is different from Bangkok because it drizzles all day. The atmosphere is gloomy, but the good thing is that hydrangeas, one of my favourite flowers, can be found on every corner. To graduate, all students had to make a 40cm plate with a pattern. I designed a pattern inspired by hydrangeas in a minimal style, because it was difficult to replicate an exact pattern. That minimal pattern became my signature style.’

A collection of white and blue ceramic cups were also well-received by viewers. Many cups sold out on the first day of the exhibition and some have unusual handles which do not look functional.

‘The master told students that if we focus only on function, we won’t be able to come up with new designs. If we create cups that are not easy to hold, it may bring new drinking experiences. There are various ceramic cup designs in Japan. I played with shapes and handles that I had never designed before,’ Pakawan said.

‘For the exhibition, I feel I have done my best, so I don’t expect much. I will wait and see if it is the beginning of something new.’

Higher Education, Science, Research and Innovation Minister Surasak Phancharoenworakul announced a “half-cost agricultural drone” scheme to promote smart farming.

Speaking on Monday, Mr Surasak said the program will subsidise drone services to aid farmers in boosting their productivity and reducing chemical exposure.

The programme’s pilot phase will begin in the Central region, with plans to expand nationwide.

He said it will also allow agricultural drone service providers, including SMEs and startups, to participate and grow their businesses.

The drone initiative is part of the new government’s “Quick Win” policies, which Mr Surasak’s ministry plans to implement alongside other measures with the aim of achieving tangible results within four months.

Also among the policies are upskilling and reskilling programmes that will be launched through universities and science parks nationwide as a response to technological disruptions from artificial intelligence.

Mr Surasak said these programmes will focus on market-relevant skills and help unemployed individuals re-enter the workforce or transition into becoming SMEs or startup entrepreneurs.

Funding and business incubation will be provided by agencies like the Technology and Innovation-based Enterprise Development Fund and the National Innovation Agency.

For higher education policies, the ministry has a range of policies, such as subsidising fees for the 2026 Thai University Centre Admission System exams, targeting 730,000 students. The ministry also plans to launch the Green University initiative in support of Thailand’s goal to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has welcomed politicians from Nakhon Ratchasima and Khon Kaen, including current and former Pheu Thai MPs, who have declared their intention to join his Bhumjaithai Party ahead of the next general election.

The Bhumjaithai leader was at party headquarters in Bangkok on Tuesday to greet the newcomers, who included Kosol Pattama, a Pheu Thai MP for Nakhon Ratchasima; and Phongsakorn Anannopphorn, a former Pheu Thai MP for Khon Kaen. Also on hand were Thawirat and Tattirat Rattanaset, sons of veteran Nakhon Ratchasima politician Wirat Rattanaset, a former deputy leader of the Palang Pracharath Party.

Mr Anutin said the prospective new Bhumjaithai members were making the move because of the government’s readiness to dissolve the House within four months from Oct 1, adding that all political parties must begin preparing for an election expected early next year.

Early dissolution of the House is a key element in the agreement Bhumjaithai made with the opposition People’s Party in return for the latter’s support of Mr Anutin as prime minister.

The arrival of the Rattanaset family members is expected to strengthen the party’s political base in Nakhon Ratchasima, but Mr Anutin declined to comment directly, saying only that the party was committed to serving the public interest.

‘We are a party that embraces diversity – from young generation people using technology to seasoned MPs familiar with local communities,’ he said. ‘Our strength lies in accessibility and responsiveness to public needs.’

Asked about the possibility of more defectors joining, Mr Anutin said Bhumjaithai was open to anyone who was genuinely committed to serving the nation and the people regardless of political background.

‘We do not impose rigid qualifications. If someone is ethical, not self-serving, and works for the public, we are happy to welcome them,’ he said.

Bhumjaithai currently has 69 MPs in the House, compared with 140 for Pheu Thai and 142 for the People’s Party. When asked if Bhumjaithai aimed to secure at least 100 seats, or even become the largest in the House after the next election, Mr Anutin deflected again.

The priority, he said, was to support candidates and ensure voters understood the party’s policies. ‘Our door is always open to people trusted by the public and willing to work for them,’ he said.

‘We must choose candidates who understand public service. Our doors are always open to those who believe they can contribute to the country.’

Mr Kosol, younger brother of former Pheu Thai list MP Noppadon Pattama, told reporters that he was uncertain whether other Pheu Thai members would also switch camps.

He added that Mr Noppadon had been approached but was preoccupied with family matters.

The Pheu Thai MP said his decision to align with Bhumjaithai was based on personal comfort and mutual respect.

Mr Noppadon, a former foreign minister and legal adviser to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, announced his resignation as a Pheu Thai list MP last month, citing his commitment to legal and development work.

Mr Anutin also confirmed that more members of the United Thai Nation Party (UTN) had expressed interest in joining Bhumjaithai.

Under the terms of its agreement with the People’s Party, Bhumjaithai is supposed to refrain from any attempts to form a majority in the House over the next four months. Some critics say Bhumjaithai risks breaking the agreement by sucking in more MPs.

Mr Anutin shrugged off the criticism, saying, ‘If we can suck in good MPs to serve the people, we are proud of that kind of party.’

Has the Asean chair upped the ante on the bloc’s strategy regarding Palestine?

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim was blunt at the recent Doha Emergency Summit on Palestine regarding Israel’s airstrikes on Qatar. The Asean chair called the bombing “lawless, barbaric and indefensible”, decrying the attack on Doha and the peace-mediating efforts.

His words had a deeper meaning because Israel has openly declared time and time again that there will never be a Palestinian state. In fact, no other Asean leader has made such a statement. Could his call serve as a precursor for his Asean colleagues to reconsider the bloc’s position towards the Middle East situation?

Since 2004, in its annual joint communique, Asean has been supporting the two-state solution for Palestine. At the latest Asean ministerial meeting in July, Asean reaffirmed its longstanding support for the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their rights to self-determination and to their homeland.

“We urged all parties concerned to redouble efforts towards a peaceful resolution to the conflict, with the aim of realising the two-state solution in accordance with international law and the relevant UNSC and United Nations General Assembly resolutions,” the communique stated.

On Sept 12, all Asean members were among the 142 UN members voting for the resolution endorsing the New York Declaration, which outlines time-bound and irreversible steps toward a two-state solution. It also condemns Hamas for its Oct 7, 2023, attack on civilians, demands the release of all hostages, and rejects territorial or demographic changes imposed by force.

For nearly eight decades, since the 1947 UN partition plan, this idea has been on the table but has never been implemented. Reasons were aplenty, including unpredictability on the ground and changing power dynamics, coupled with recent major geopolitical shifts. Today, the two-state solution has been rejuvenated due to the ongoing worsening conflict in Gaza.

With more than 65,000 Palestinians killed and millions displaced, international sympathy for the Palestinians has surged. The latest Israeli blockade of flotillas bringing humanitarian aid to the Palestinians has also been largely condemned. Asean citizens, including Malaysians and Indonesians, also joined these humanitarian efforts. At the last count, 160 out of 193 UN members recognised Palestine as a state.

However, some Asean members face dilemmas with the current situation in the Gaza conflict. Both Thailand and the Philippines sit at the heart of Asean’s Catch-22. Both are US treaty allies, and they depend heavily on Israel for their labour markets and security matters.

Today, 46,000 Thais are working on Israeli farms and construction sites. Another 30,000 Filipinos work there as caregivers and domestic staff. When the Gaza conflict began, 46 Thai workers were killed and 31 taken hostage.

Although it was a national tragedy, which was widely covered by the Thai media, it has not deterred Thai workers from seeking employment in Israel. In fact, the numbers increased compared to the level before the Oct 7 attack two years ago. Apparently, economic factors and lack of better-paid jobs at home have defeated fear and insecurity. Manila is no different, as Filipino caregivers continue to seek jobs in Israel, fully aware of the risks.

In future, issues related to the bloc’s position and economic security could pose major challenges. During their first summit in 2023, Asean and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) issued a joint statement calling for the safety of Asean citizens in Gaza, with Thailand pushing this message at the summit. Like it or not, Asean workers are now part of the ongoing conflict. It is time to rethink the bloc’s strategy towards the Middle East.

Given the current situation, it remains to be seen how the Asean chair will manage the Palestine issue. Timor Leste, which will join Asean as the 11th member on the morning of Oct 26 in Kuala Lumpur, will increase the bloc’s membership to 10. Dilli has also expressed strong solidarity with the Palestinian cause, citing similarities in its own history of struggle.

At present, Singapore has not yet recognised a Palestinian state, although it has always supported a negotiated two-state solution to the Israel-Palestinian conflict.

According to Channel News Asia, Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan said in parliament on Sept 22 that Singapore will reconsider its position on recognising a Palestinian state if the situation continues to deteriorate, or if Israel takes further steps to extinguish a two-state solution. “We will recognise the State of Palestine when it has an effective government that accepts Israel’s right to exist and categorically denounces terrorism,” added Mr Balakrishnan.

Further strengthening the bloc’s cooperation with the GCC is pivotal at this critical juncture. Asean wishes to see a stable and peaceful Middle East region, which is reducing reliance on the West. The 676-million Asean Community is potentially a powerful economic and security partnership for the GCC. After their first summit, both sides have further utilised their cooperative framework and action plans in energy transition, investment flows, digital economic development, tourism promotion and halal industry.

Furthermore, they also increase cooperation in political-security matters such as counterterrorism, cybersecurity, and maritime security.

In the future, apart from Turkey, Asean ties with the broader Middle East countries, including Jordan and Egypt, among others, must also be part of its strategy for external relations. Asean must further augment its bargaining power with more friends from this region.

Message from Dr. Ernst Reichel, Ambassador of Germany to Thailand, on the Occasion of the National Day of Germany

Every year on October 3rd, Germany commemorates one of the most significant moments in its modern history: the peaceful reunification of East and West Germany in 1990. German Unity Day is more than a remembrance of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War in Europe – it is a living testament to the power of transformation, resilience and hope. This year, the city of Saarbrcken in the Saar region, bordering France, will host the national festivities under the theme of ‘Future through Change’. Saarbrcken – located at the military frontier in the Second World War and at the cultural intersection between France and Germany – has become an important symbol of reconciliation and peace. As we commemorate 80 years since the conclusion of the Second World War, this year, the choice of Saarbrcken as the host for this year’s Unity Day festivities is especially appropriate. The city is an important reminder of how challenges of the past can be overcome and pave the way for the future: today, it is a bridge city between France and Germany and has a growing reputation as a tech hub, renowned for its research on artificial intelligence.

Building bridges – between different ideologies, political systems and life experiences – is also at the heart of the process of German reunification. The fall of the wall on November 9, 1989, was just the dramatic climax of a development that had led to people in East Germany demanding freedom and believing in a shared future in a reunited country. The peaceful protests of that time remain a lesson to the world – that even in the face of division, change is possible when pursued with courage and conviction. The historical demise of the so-called German Democratic Republic in East Germany, by its own population, also serves to show that if inevitable change is not put in motion in time and gradually, by constitutional means, it tends to arrive abruptly, in the form of crisis and upheaval.

There is never an ‘end of history’: history is far from complete or set in stone. As the world is changing at an unprecedented pace, a successful future demands political, social, economic, environmental and technological transformation. Thailand is taking important steps that will lay the groundwork for this transformation; the elections next year will be a critical element in this regard. I believe that this drive for transformation, adaptation and innovation is what will be critical for the future of our two countries, Germany and Thailand, and what can unite us.

Our ties are strengthened by our shared belief in international law and the shared values that underpin it. Standing together as like-minded partners and choosing not to remain silent when facing violations of our shared principles and norms is particularly crucial in times of turbulent international developments – such as these. It is exactly middle-sized countries like Thailand or Germany, which do not have the means to push through their own arbitrary decisions in a globalised world, who must work together to accrue negotiating power. Together, they must insist on rules that apply to all states, large or small alike. In this vein, Thailand has recently put a lot of stress on the Ottawa Convention, which bans the use of anti-personnel mines. Of course, there are also other, longer-standing and particularly severe, violations of fundamental international norms that require us to take a stand as well.

As a case in point, I was particularly impressed by legalisation of same-sex marriage in January 2025. Thailand thereby took a leadership role in Asia that has reverberated throughout the entire world.

I am also pleased to see that the Thai-German bond has strengthened further through our economic ties. As the third-largest economy in the world, Germany has more than 600 companies operating in Thailand, ranging from the automotive sector to semiconductors or to food processing. Addressing the effects of climate change and supporting a transition towards green and sustainable energy in Thailand remains an important area of partnership, and I am particularly proud of our Thai-German Cooperation on Energy, Mobility and Climate. In this partnership, we are working together to progressively electrify urban transport and decarbonise industry.

In a similar vein, this year, our respective Energy Ministries established the ‘Thai-German Energy Dialogue’ with the signing of a Joint Declaration of Intent. Through this dialogue, both countries aim to work closely to reduce carbon emissions and achieve shared climate and energy goals – an important step in the direction of a green and sustainable energy transition.

Another area in which our relationship has continuously flourished is language and intercultural exchange: we are deeply connected through education, as 20,000 students are currently learning German in Thailand, and student exchanges continue to enjoy great popularity.

Beyond the big building blocks of our close and fruitful partnership are smaller, but equally important, pieces: this year, the Bundesliga Dream Programme enabled 17 young Thai footballers to experience training with top-league German football clubs, such as FC Augsburg, Eintracht Frankfurt, and VfB Stuttgart. Borussia Dortmund also established a Youth Academy at the German-language school in Bangkok, fostering young talent at an early age.

As I enter my third year here in Thailand, I am convinced that our partnership will continue to grow and flourish. My hope is that we will continue to build towards a future that is democratic, inclusive and open – where international law and human rights are respected and where we stand, side by side, to defend these values.

The People’s Movement for a Just Society (P-Move) on Monday submitted a petition to the government, urging swift action to resolve long-standing land-use disputes and accelerate the communal land deed policy.

The demonstration, held to mark World Habitat Day, aimed to highlight the struggles of communities facing insecure land tenure and inadequate housing.

Led by Jamnong Nuphan, P-Move members marched through Bangkok, stopping at key government offices to submit petitions calling for urgent intervention.

At Government House, the group handed their petition to Deputy Prime Minister Sophon Zarum and Government Spokesman Siripong Angsakulkiat.

Mr Sophon later met the demonstrators, pledging to push for immediate measures even though the current administration has only four months left in its term.

“While a full legislative amendment may not be possible within four months, we will propose laws that provide immediate solutions,” Mr Sophon said.

“Addressing outdated regulations that fail to protect people’s welfare remains a key mission of this government.”

He added that the Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul administration is committed to addressing public concerns and that P-Move’s proposals would be considered in an upcoming cabinet meeting.

“The government recognises the hardships caused by land deed issues and will prioritise this matter,” he said.

Following their stop at Government House, P-Move representatives visited Bangkok City Hall to submit a similar petition to Governor Chadchart Sittipunt, urging city authorities to address land disputes affecting low-income urban residents.

Governor Chadchart, a supporter of community-based urban planning, was urged to create a more inclusive framework that ensures fair access to land and housing for the city’s vulnerable residents facing eviction threats and informal settlements.

The final stop was the United Nations Thailand Office, where the group held an exhibition on communal land deeds and a small marketplace featuring agricultural products.

P-Move also issued a statement, affirming the right to self-determination through community land titles,.

The network is pushing for community-led resource management and a Progressive Land Tax, a Land Bank, and Community Land Titles to protect communities from land loss and ensure equitable, identity-based land use.