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The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) on Monday switched off Point FM, a radio station owned by ruling party legislator, Theodore Ssekikubo, shortly before it was scheduled to host opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, better known as Bobi Wine.

It is alleged that the move was aimed at blocking the National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate from addressing his supporters in Mubende District, where he had been lined up for a live talk show that evening.

According to employees at the station, UCC officials stormed the premises and confiscated the transmitter, bringing broadcasts to an abrupt halt.

‘Whenever UCC plans to switch off a radio station, it usually sends a letter or notice in advance informing the management. But in this case, they didn’t send any notice. They just came, removed the transmitter, and left without saying anything,’ one of the employees, who asked not to be named for fear of reprisal, told Monitor.

However, a letter from UCC dated October 5, 2025, and addressed to Point FM’s Managing Director, directed the station to ‘cease and desist from broadcasting operations’ over its alleged failure to complete the licensing process.

The letter, referencing earlier correspondence dated September 24, 2024, December 12, 2024, March 28, 2025, and April 16, 2025, stated that the station had continued to operate without a valid broadcasting licence.

‘The Commission notes that despite all previous correspondence, Spear Point has to date either failed or refused to complete the licensing process and is, as such, operating without a licence, contrary to Section 21 of the Uganda Communications Act,’ the letter reads in part.

The Commission also cited a response from Spear Point Limited, Point FM’s parent company, dated April 10, 2025, in which the management requested a four-week extension to complete the licensing process.

But Point FM’s manager, Sam Balaba Magala, dismissed the Commission’s explanation as politically motivated.

‘Point FM was scheduled to host the NUP president yesterday evening. But when UCC learned that Robert Kyagulanyi was going to appear on our station, they immediately switched us off to stop him from speaking to the people of Mubende,’ Magala told Monitor on Tuesday.

He added that NUP had already paid for the talk show and that the station would now be forced to refund the money.

When contacted, UCC Executive Director Nyombi Thembo said the Commission acted within the law.

‘Point FM has not had a valid licence for a long time. We have written to them several times since last year about this matter,’ he said.

The shutdown has reignited fears among opposition groups and media watchers about shrinking space for dissenting voices in Uganda ahead of the January 2026 elections.

Bobi Wine is one of seven approved presidential contenders challenging long-time incumbent President Museveni next year, joined by figures such as Mugisha Muntu, Nathan Nandala Mafabi, Mubarak Munyagwa, Frank Bulira and Joseph Mabirizi.

Lawyers representing two Kenyan activists allegedly abducted in Uganda last week have petitioned the Civil Division of the High Court in Kampala, seeking orders to secure their release from incommunicado detention. The activists, Nicholas Oyoo and Bob Njagi, were reportedly arrested shortly after attending a campaign rally for presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, known as Bobi Wine, who is the leader of Uganda’s opposition National Unity Platform (NUP).

Kiiza and Mugisha Co Advocates filed the petition, naming Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, the Chief of Defence Intelligence and Security, the Inspector General of Police, and the Attorney General as respondents. The petition includes an affidavit by Mr Koffi Atinda, a colleague of Njagi, who claims to have witnessed the arrest after Bobi’s rally in Kaliro District in eastern Uganda.

‘The respondent’s military arrest and detention of the applicants at the 2nd respondent’s detention facility since Wednesday, 1st October, 2025, in Mbuya is incommunicado detention, illegal and unlawful,’ Mr Koffi states. Mbuya is the headquarters of the Ministry of Defence and Veterans Affairs.

‘The applicants have since been in an illegal and incommunicado detention for more than 48 hours, without trial or charges,’ he adds. Mr Koffi said his colleagues, members of the African Movement, had come to Uganda to show support for Bobi Wine, whom they also consider personal friends. He recounts: ‘It’s during their stay that they were brutally arrested by men wielding guns in military and civilian clothes, around Kaliro District at Starbex Petrol Station, where they had parked their vehicle. I witnessed the arrest and survived by a whisker.

They were taken in a Toyota Hiace van, commonly known as Drone, at a terrible speed to a place one of them said was Mbuya.’ He expressed concern for the activists’ safety, citing past instances of military harassment and torture of critics of President Museveni. ‘It’s important that this honourable court brings to an end the illegal military detention of the applicants and orders their unconditional liberty,’ he pleaded.

By press time, it was unclear when the court would hear the habeas corpus application, though the Constitution mandates fast-tracking of human rights cases. The Kenya High Commission in Kampala reportedly inquired about the activists’ whereabouts following petitions from Vocal Africa and the families of Oyoo and Njagi, though no response had been confirmed. Police, however, deny involvement.

Assistant Commissioner Kituuma Rusoke told the media: ‘I am not briefed by the police that we have them in our custody. At the moment, I do not have any information that they are in police custody.’

He suggested the publication seek clarification from other security agencies. Maj Gen Felix Kulayigye, the director of public information in the Defence Ministry, said Bobi Wine had not provided proof of the alleged abduction and challenged him to provide evidence, including vehicle registration, for verification. ‘In law, the onus of proof lies in the hands of the accuser,’ Maj Gen Kulayigye said. Bobi Wine maintains that the Kenyans were targeted for supporting him and demanded their release. Conflicting accounts exist over the arrest location, with Bobi posting on X that the duo was ‘picked up mafia-style . from a petrol station in Kireka [Waliso District] and driven off to an unknown destination.’

Videos show Njagi on stage beside Bobi at a campaign rally. The activists reportedly arrived in Uganda on Monday with some Ugandans before joining Bobi’s campaign. Rights groups have circulated posters demanding their immediate release. Security agents in plain clothes have previously been accused of abducting, detaining, and torturing Opposition members, some of whom later face treason charges in court. On Sunday, Dr Hannington Mutebi, the former Assistant Bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Kampala, condemned the abductions during a confirmation ceremony at St John’s Church, Makerere.

‘The government should champion the rule of law and not abduct citizens and dissenters into safe houses and prisons. Everyone’s rights must be respected, and alleged offenders should be brought to court,’ he added.

When JOO and his estranged wife, MBO, parted ways in 2008, their property dispute highlighted a question now central in Kenyan courts: Does marriage automatically entitle a spouse to half of everything?

The Supreme Court and earlier the Court of Appeal delivered a clear answer-No. According to the courts, matrimonial property is not shared by default but through contribution. Both financial and non-financial input, including domestic work and emotional support, count, but a spouse must prove such contributions. Judges emphasised that equality does not mean duplication.

A spouse who invested money, acquired land, or developed assets cannot be stripped of half simply because of marriage. Similarly, a homemaker who sacrificed career opportunities to raise children or manage the household should not walk away empty-handed-but they must demonstrate effort, not entitlement.

Before the JOO vs MBO case, courts relied on the 2007 Echaria vs Echaria ruling, a property dispute between former diplomat Peter Mburu Echaria and his estranged wife, Priscila Mburu Echaria. The High Court initially granted Ms Echaria an equal share of their 118-acre Tigoni Farm based on Section 17 of the Married Women’s Property Act, 1882, which presumed co-ownership of property acquired during marriage.

Mr Mburu appealed, and in February 2007, a five-judge Court of Appeal bench, including Philip Tunoi, Emmanuel O’kubasu, Erastus Githinji, Philip Waki, and William Deverell, changed the landscape of matrimonial property law. The court ruled that a spouse must prove contribution to acquire a share of property registered in the other spouse’s name. Distribution should reflect the contribution of each party.

Court of Appeal judge Patrick Kiage echoed the principle in 2017. ‘The reality remains that when the ship of marriage hits the rocks, flounders and sinks, the sad, awful business of division and distribution of matrimonial property must be proceeded with on the basis of fairness and conscience, not a romantic clutching on to the 50:50 mantra,’ he said.

He added that justice ‘does not get to be served by simply cutting up a contested object. into two equal parts.’ Section 7 of the Matrimonial Property Act reinforces this: ‘Ownership of matrimonial property vests in the spouses according to contribution. and shall be divided between the spouses if they divorce or their marriage is otherwise dissolved.’

FIDA challenged the section in 2018, arguing for automatic equal rights under the Constitution, but the High Court dismissed it, noting that allowing such a claim could create a ‘loophole for fortune seekers.’ The Supreme Court, presided over by Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu, stressed that Article 45(3) of the Constitution ensures equality only at the point of dissolution and does not automatically grant co-ownership. ‘Nowhere in the Constitution. do we find any suggestion that a marriage between parties automatically results in common ownership,’ the judges said. Equity, the court added, considers indirect contributions.

Even if a spouse lacks direct financial input, their support may have enabled the other to acquire property. ‘Equity advocates for such a party who may seem disadvantaged for failing to have the means to prove direct financial contribution not to be stopped from getting a share,’ the judges said.

The court warned that interpreting Article 45(3) to allow automatic 50:50 division would encourage marriages where one party contributes nothing but expects half the property upon divorce. Such an outcome, the Supreme Court concluded, could not have been the law’s intention.

In the sweltering heat of Mbarara’s national delegates’ conference in June, the Democratic Party (DP) of Uganda laid bare its soul, or whatever that remained of it. Months later, party president Norbert Mao stunned many by openly declaring support for President Yoweri Museveni’s 2026 re-election bid.

His statement tore through the ranks of DP loyalists, deepening an already visible fracture. For many supporters, this was the final betrayal in a long story of decline and compromise. Yet, amid the noise, a small band of diehards has refused to walk away.

They find their comfort in lyrics from Kadongo Kamu legend Paul Kafeero: ‘Gwe ate bwoba olezze kabebbi ko, bwekakwononeera otuga katuge? Mbadde oyonja nozza n’okalere?’ loosely translated as ‘If you are carrying your baby and it soils you, do just strangle it?

I thought you just clean it and continue holding it?’ Kafeero’s words in a song titled Abako Mugyebale Emirimu (Endulu) , stripped of melody, have become a moral compass for these DP loyalists. They believe the party, despite its filth and fatigue, still deserves a chance to be cleaned.

The baby, however dirty, is theirs. To throw it away would be to abandon not only the party but also the ideals and memories it carries. This reflection captures what it means to belong to a party that once stood as Uganda’s conscience.

Founded in 1954, DP predates independence. It symbolised a vision of politics grounded in rule of law, social justice, and faith-based ethics.

It was the political home of Benedicto Kiwanuka, Uganda’s first prime minister and one of the earliest martyrs of conscience. Through the turbulence of coups, detentions, and ideological shifts, DP remained a moral voice, even when power eluded it. But that was then.

Today’s DP looks different. Mao’s 2022 ‘cooperation agreement’ with President Museveni blurred lines that once defined Uganda’s Opposition politics. To critics, it confirmed what they had long suspected-that the NRM had infiltrated, weakened, and domesticated the once-proud party.

They now call DP a ‘shell,’ its organs hollowed out and its purpose diluted. Still, some supporters remain. When pressed, they sound weary but not hopeless.

‘Yes, DP is broken,’ one longtime member in Masaka said. ‘But if all of us run away, who will stay to rebuild it?’ For them, political migration is no solution.

They view other Opposition parties as unstable, opportunistic, or similarly captured. To them, defecting to the National Unity Platform or Forum for Democratic Change or People Front for Freedom would be to join another house already on fire. Journalist Baker Batte, always asked why anyone would remain in DP ‘when Museveni already ate it for dinner.’

The question stings, but it misunderstands the emotional bond between party and members. Many of those who stay do so out of memory and conviction. They remember the party that stood for truth and justice not in word but in action. Their loyalty is not naïve; it is rooted in history.

To them, leaving DP feels like erasing the footprints of Uganda’s democratic journey. The struggle of Kiwanuka, Ssemogerere, and others cannot be discarded like a worn-out slogan.

History, they say, must not be buried under the weight of temporary setbacks. ‘DP was the first to speak truth to power,’ one elder said. ‘Even if it has stumbled, we cannot spit on our own grave.’

Of course, critics counter that sentimentality feeds paralysis. They argue that clinging to the past prevents political renewal. They remind the faithful that ideals mean little when leadership has sold out. They accuse the loyalists of emotional blindness, saying DP has lost its ideological spine and organisational relevance.

But the ‘Paate’ members and supporter persist. To them, DP is Kafeero’s soiled baby. You do not throw away your child because of dirt. You clean it, even if the cleaning takes time.

First, they know their party has fallen, but they also believe decline is not death. Their patience may look foolish to outsiders. But in their quiet defiance lies a belief that time still matters in politics.

Regeneration, they argue, begins with presence, not absence. They wait, not because they expect a miracle, but because they see no dignity in abandonment. And so they stay as they wait for the season when the baby is clean again.

Kyambogo University lecturer, Associate Prof Grace Lubaale, has been elected as the new Bishop of Busoga Diocese by the Anglican church.

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Dr Lubaale was elected as the fourth bishop of the diocese on Tuesday by the House of Bishops of the Church of Uganda, sitting at Lweza Training and Conference Centre.

ýHe will be consecrated and enthroned on December 4, 2025, at Christ Cathedral Bugembe in Jinja, according to a statement from the Anglican church.

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ýBorn on October 9, 1978, in Bugombya Zone, Butansi Parish, Butansi Sun County, Bugabula County in Kamuli District, Dr Lubaale got saved in December 1994, the Church said.

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ýHe was ordained a Deacon in the Diocese of Kampala in 2008, a priest in 2009, and installed as a Canon of Education and Training at All Saints Cathedral, Kampala, on November 1, 2024.

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“He is married to Clare Louise Atuheirwe, and God has blessed them with four Children. ýHe holds a Doctorate of Philosophy in Development Studies, Master of Arts in Theology, Master of Arts in Development Studies and a Bachelor of Arts with Education,” added a Tuesday afternoon statement issued by ýMr Balaam Muheebwa, the acting Provincial Secretary, ýChurch of Uganda.

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ýMeanwhile, the Archbishop of the Church of Uganda, Dr Stephen Samuel Kaziimba Mugalu on Tuesday commissioned the Provincial Tribunal to handle disputes within the Church.

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ýBefore being commissioned, the tribunal underwent orientation with Justice Mike Chibita of the Supreme Court as the lead facilitator, according to Mr Muheebwa.

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ýMembers of the Tribunal include; Canon Naboth Muhairwe the Provincial Chancellor as the Chairman of the Tribunal, Bishop Prof Fred Sheldon Mwesigwa of Ankole Diocese, Bishop Onesimus Asiimwe of North Kigezi Diocese, Bishop Pons Awinjo Ozelle of Nebbi Diocese, Bishop James Bukomeko of Mityana Diocese, Bishop George Turyasingura of East Ruwenzori and Bishop John Wilson Nandaah of Mbale Diocese.

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ýOthers are Justice Hellen Obura representing the Laity and The Very Rev. Canon. Dr Rebecca Nyegenye, representing the Clergy.

National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, has said President Museveni will be protected if he peacefully hands over power. While addressing NUP supporters at Busubizi playground in Mityana District yesterday, Mr Kyagulanyi said Ugandans will continue to suffer as long as Museveni remains in power. ‘If Museveni peacefully hands over power, we shall protect him,’ he said.

Kyagulanyi rallied supporters to turn out in big numbers to vote the NRM government out of power come January 2026. ‘You can see the poor and impassable roads among other failed service delivery systems in Buganda, but for now, I will not talk much about this because they will say I am being tribal, yet this is the area that brought Museveni into power.

Let us just vote them out of power,’ he said. ‘The teachers’ salaries will be a priority as soon as we get into power. This time you should learn to get angry as Buganda as we force out the NRM government from power. Even the salaries of the security people will have to be enhanced because this possibly explains why many of them become brutal while handling civilians. We shall also create 10 million jobs,’ he added.

Mr Kyagulanyi urged NUP supporters in Mityana to vote strictly for party flag bearers, saying they represent the true values and identity of the party. He also asked voters not to re-elect Mityana District Woman MP Joyce Bagala and Mityana South MP Richard Lumu.

Mr Kyagulanyi began his Mityana campaign in Busunju (Mityana North). He rode on a boda boda as he approached Busunju playground, drawing cheers from supporters. He later moved to Busubizi playground, where he held his main rally. His campaign trail was partly disrupted by heavy rains that made roads slippery and by security personnel refusal to allow his convoy through the town centre, where he had planned to open a party office.

Earlier in the afternoon, there was a standoff between NUP leaders and district security officials over the venue of the main rally. NUP had initially planned to hold the rally at Mityana-Ssaza Grounds in the town centre, but the district security committee directed that it be moved to Busubizi playground, about five kilometres outside town.

He arrived at Busubizi playground around 5:30pm. NUP leaders had also planned to use the event to launch Mr Kyagulanyi’s campaign in Buganda Region, the party’s stronghold. Deputy Resident District Commissioner Prossy Mwanjuzi said the original venue was too busy and would have posed serious challenges for public safety and crowd management. ‘Our responsibility is to maintain order and ensure safety for everyone. The change of venue was purely a security precaution,’ she said.

However, NUP leaders accused the district authorities of political interference and deliberate obstruction of Opposition activities. ‘Our president has every right to meet his supporters. Mityana has always been peaceful. What we are witnessing is not security management.

It is political intimidation,’ Busujju County MP David Lukyamuzi Kalwanga said. Mr Kyagulanyi is currently on a week-long campaign tour across Buganda region. Tomorrow, he is expected to hold campaign rallies in Kassanda and Mubende districts. Abdul Ssali, a resident of Katakala Ward, said: ‘The new president should prioritise good education and health care. Our people are condemned to death whenever they visit public health facilities where they find no doctors and medicine’ he said. Akram Kakande, a resident of Mityana Town, said the next president should trim the Cabinet to 22 ministers and reduce what he called exorbitant taxes levied on businesses in this country.

Daudi Mutumba, the chairperson of Kayunga Central Village, decried the rate of corruption cases. ‘There is high corruption and impunity among government officials and politicians. If the next president addresses that, a lot of resources will be saved to deliver the desired services to ordinary citizens,’ he said. Sulait Ssengendo Mambo, the councillor for Central Division, Mityana Municipality, said: ‘Corruption among government officials is destroying our economy. The new president must crack the whip because they are misusing resources that could be used for national development.’

A group of disgruntled National Resistance Movement (NRM) youths who lost in the recently concluded National Youth Council (NYC) elections have accused some party Secretariat officials of interfering in the polls and influencing the outcomes.

The group, led by Isaac Suubi, the Jinja City Youth Chairperson who contested for the NYC chairperson seat, told reporters in Kampala on October 6 that some officials have made it a habit to front their preferred candidates and inject large sums of money to ensure their victory.

‘In the end, we get lousy leaders who cannot even lead mobilisation, which is very unfortunate. We who don’t have money end up helpless, and that is why we are here to voice our concerns,’ Suubi said.

He added: ‘We want to send a strong message to the party that if our concerns are not addressed, we shall announce the next course of action, which may include shunning the party’s candidates and instead rallying behind independents.’

Daniel Moro, the Chairperson of Youth Publicity in Lira District who contested for the NYC Secretary position and lost, said they have petitioned the party several times but their complaints have not been prioritised.

‘We are seeking a meeting with the National Party Chairman so that we are listened to because we were treated unfairly, including some of our colleagues being removed from the nomination list at the last minute under unclear circumstances,’ he said.

Moro further claimed that the NYC elections were marred by irregularities, repeated delays, and financial influence, which he said undermined the democratic principles the NRM claims to uphold.

‘During the primary election, we realised that some candidates were predetermined. People from well-connected families and those linked to the Secretariat were favoured at the expense of others from humble backgrounds,’ he added.

When contacted, NRM spokesperson Mr Emmanuel Dombo said he was not aware of the youths’ complaints but advised them to formally lodge their concerns with the Secretary General.

‘I am not familiar with their complaints, but I implore them to lodge them formally with the Secretary General, who will handle them. However, if they say they petitioned and nothing was done, they may need to escalate the matter to the National Party Chairman, who is still on the campaign trail, but they will be addressed,’ he said.

The NRM conducted its NYC elections last week at the party’s Electoral Commission headquarters in Kampala, with over 400 delegates from across the country participating.

Daniel Ongom was elected Chairperson of the National Youth Council, while Jonathan Tayebwa won the position of Secretary for Student Affairs. The Secretary for Finance slot went to Godfrey Kamukama, and the Secretary for Sports and Culture was secured by Albert Loret. Other successful candidates included Sheilla Ainembabazi, Sarah Acemo, Edith Ayebare, and Priscilla Mbabazi.

At the press conference, Grace Nuwahereza, one of the disgruntled contestants and a representative of the Uganda National Students Association who had sought the position of Secretary for Students’ Affairs, said she was unfairly disqualified.

‘I picked the nomination forms very well, filled them, and returned them, but I was bounced without any explanation. The NRM party allowed us to participate in the process, but at the end of the day, they disqualified us unfairly. We deserve an explanation,’ Nuwahereza said.

Odongo Aaron Otuke, the District Youth Chairperson who contested for Secretary External Relations, said: ‘After the primaries, we tabled our concerns and were told that the National Party Chairman who must listen to our issues was on a rally, so we should wait. That is why we want them to fix for us a time so that we meet him.’

Gloria Namakula, the Secretary for Female Affairs in Hoima City who contested for Publicity Secretary, urged the party leadership to engage with the youth before they lose trust.

‘We call upon the National Chairman to give us a listening ear. Many young people are getting demoralised. When it is time for mobilisation, the party calls on the youth, but when the youth seek opportunities to lead, they are sidelined,’ she said.

Let me rub it in one more time. The 2026 election is going to setback Uganda by Shs838 billion. It shall buy us all the theatrics at nomination, the huge rallies, the promises and pronouncements, demonstrating ‘a dispensation that sticks to the tenets of democracy.’ We might also have abductions, imprisonment, and death.

After all that, Uganda’s current president, Gen Yoweri Museveni, who has been in power for 40 years, is going to be announced the winner.

Barring ‘an act of God,’ he will go on for as long as he wishes. In parliament, you will have a trend similar to the one we have witnessed for the last 30 or so years.

About 70 percent of the incumbent MPs will find themselves out of job. Uganda shall swear in a fresh lot with pomp and magisterial ceremony.

The majority of those promising to abide by the Constitution will, by a country mile, come from the dominant ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party or be independents affiliated to it. That alone will make the Opposition MPs hapless and helpless bridesmaids for the ruling NRM party.

For most parts, they will stage walkouts to demonstrate their disagreement with laws and motions passed by the ruling NRM. Many of these will be the outcome of meetings from the NRM caucus at State House with the President in charge.

At times, they will receive funds (It can go up to Shs100 million per MP) to help them consult their constituents. Once in a while, there might be physical fights with flying chairs and street demonstrations by Opposition MPs to ‘prove’ that they are fighting for democracy. But first, they will begin by electing a Speaker, of course, from the NRM.

After this, they will proceed to the most important function: determining their remuneration. It will kick off with the mandatory facilitation of Shs200 million for a vehicle befitting their status. Here we are talking about Shs100 billion in total. One or two will walk out, but then keep the money credited to their accounts.

Many will proceed to buy a second-hand Japanese ambulance and brand it with their portraits and the words donated by your loving MP 2026-2031, thus turning it into a moving billboard. They will then proceed to share out the lucrative positions of Parliamentary Commissioners and heads of committees.

For the next five years, we shall hear endless arguments about the need to curb Uganda’s bloated, rubberstamp parliament that is a burden to the taxpayer. On the lower level, the cities, municipalities, and local councils will also carry out similar rituals after ‘solomonly’ swearing in.

They will then proceed to fight over sitting allowances with threats not to sit in council if they are not paid. As of 2021, Uganda had about 2,775,492 elected officers, meaning that for every 16 Ugandans, there was an elected leader to feed off the taxpayer.

In most local governments, the lion’s share of the budgets goes towards salaries and wages, plus other attendant expenses to maintain the human resources. Meanwhile, the state of the roads and bridges will go into further disrepair with natural disasters exacerbating the predicament.

Ironically, the hospitals to which MPs ferry patients in branded ambulances will have inadequate medicine, staff, and equipment. The schools too will suffer a similar fate, Characterised by dilapidated or under the tree shade classrooms, absent or no teachers, inadequate learning materials, and high drop-out and failure rates.

The number of pupils who are functionally illiterate, the ones who complete P7 but can’t read, write and can’t solve P3 mathematical problems will remain high. At the higher level, students will strike under the weight of tuition fees that their parents find difficult to afford.

The news will be dominated by unchecked corruption and impunity. By struggles in the business sector with high taxes and low sales. An agricultural sector affected by climate change and all manner of challenges. Yes, democracy is expensive no doubt, but is it an act of folly to do the same thing over and over again expecting different of better results.

The next five years will be full of grumbling about poor service delivery. The powers that be will respond with more administrative units ‘to bring services nearer to the people’ and other selective programmes that hand out cash to an insignificant number of individuals.

Uganda, with its mounting debt, will continue borrowing and paying interest to bilateral and multilateral agencies to run the country, including for recurrent expenditure like salaries and wages. This means that there will be little money and effort towards meaningful investment into production. That we shall leave to the ‘foreign investors’ as ours is mostly about consumption.

Interestingly, some of the countries that are funding Uganda do not have the same level of obsession or compliance with ‘western democracy’ like we do. Take China, for instance. Most of the effort is geared towards massive production, creation of gainful employment, welfare, and economic growth.

The goal is eventual global domination which has been achieved. In the last 30 years (1995 – 2025), China has shot up to becoming the world’s second largest economy, past democratic Britain, France, Germany, Japan etc. It has pushed more people out of extreme poverty than the entire African population.

Yet African countries have periodic elections (funded by mostly the West) in line with the dictates of democracy. ‘Undemocratic China’ (by Western definition) is now one of the major funders of development projects in extremely poor and highly indebted African democracies. Unlike Africa and Uganda in particular, in China, the focus is the welfare of its people.

It is about bringing bread to the table of people and ensuring that they are in well-housed, employed, their children go to school, and all are in good health. Here we are keeping up appearances as a ‘democratic state,’ which in effect is empowering a cabal to run the affairs of state in perpetuity- and steal from it. This great investment affects production, infrastructural growth and social development.

The irony is that this creates armies of dissatisfied young people who have become a threat to the state and the NRM government. So, the latter has to invest huge sums in coercive instruments and use undemocratic measures like abduction, torture, and killing to secure itself in power. All this turns the whole project of democracy into a mockery.

Jinja North Member of Parliament, Mr David Isabirye Agha, has officially conceded defeat in the National Unity Platform (NUP) party primaries and pledged full support for the winner, Mr Hussein Muyonjo, popularly known as Swengere.

Mr Agha, who has served one term in Parliament, becomes the first incumbent legislator in the Busoga sub-region to publicly accept the outcome of the NUP primaries and throw his weight behind the party’s official flag bearer.

His decision comes shortly after Jinja City Woman MP, Ms Manjeri Kyebakutika, announced that she would contest as an independent candidate in the forthcoming general elections, having lost the NUP ticket to Ms Sarah Lwansasula.

Other incumbents opting to run as independents include State Minister for Cooperatives, Mr Fredrick Ngobi Gume, Iganga District Woman MP, Ms Sauda Alibawo, and Bunya South MP, Mr Iddi Isabirye.

Speaking to the press, Mr Agha explained that his decision to step down was based on an understanding reached among NUP primary contestants.

‘During the party vetting process, we agreed that whoever loses would support the winner. That’s exactly what I am doing,’ Mr Agha said.

He also dismissed circulating social media claims that he had defected to the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), where he was allegedly vying for a parliamentary seat.

‘There are fake photos on social media suggesting I’m running under a different party symbol. That’s not true. I am supporting Swengere, as I said earlier,’ he clarified.

Meanwhile, Mr Daniel Musinguzi, the NRM Vice Chairperson for Jinja City, urged party supporters not to underestimate the ongoing developments in opposition politics, warning that continued divisions within the NRM ranks could lead to a loss of the seat.

‘Among our members, three who lost in the primaries are standing as independents. If this disunity continues, we risk losing the constituency,’ Mr Musinguzi cautioned.

He appealed to NRM supporters to prioritize the party’s official candidate, Mr Edwin Lufafa, rather than splitting votes among independents.

The three independent NRM aspirants include Mr David Livingstone Zijani, the incumbent Butembe MP who has chosen to contest in Jinja North, Mr Ronnie Kakooza, and Mr Ronald Isiko.

Mr Samuel Gubi, a senior resident of Jinja North, however, downplayed the potential impact of Mr Agha’s decision to back Mr Muyonjo (Swengere) in the upcoming parliamentary race.

According to Mr Gubi, both politicians initially gained popularity not through long-term grassroots mobilization or community development efforts, but rather through their prominence as media personalities on local radio stations.

He argued that such excitement has since waned, with voters becoming more critical and discerning in their choices.

Mr Gubi added that Mr Agha’s term as MP was characterized by a growing disconnect with the electorate, leading to disappointment among constituents.

He cautioned that Mr Swengere could face a similar challenge if he fails to present a clear plan for community engagement and development, noting that media fame alone is no longer enough to secure victory in Jinja North.

Karamoja Sub-region, located in the north-eastern part of Uganda and currently comprising nine districts, has long been a stronghold of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) government.

Despite this unwavering support, many residents feel that key issues affecting the region remain unaddressed. According to the 2024 census, the sub-region has a population of approximately 1,496,117 people, with a total land area of about 27,900 square kilometres. However, literacy remains a significant concern.

As per the 2019/2020 data, literacy levels stood at just 30.4 percent, far below the national average of 76.1 percent. Male literacy was estimated at 40.3 percent, while female literacy lagged at 22.6 percent. This means only about three in 10 residents can read and write.

Karamoja is solely dependent on agro-pastoralism and has endured the effects of cattle raids, insecurity as a result of the porous borders where illegal ammunition is secretly traded, unpredictable weather patterns, which have often exposed the sub-region to shocks of famine, resultant effects of malnutrition, and child trafficking perpetuated by the high levels of illiteracy.

Mr Paul Ongorok, a resident of Abim District, said there are several factors that, under the ideal political party dispensation, would influence the 2026 elections in Karamoja but being a sub-region that almost 100 percent supports the ruling party, the issues raised by some of the locals will be ignored.

‘The issue of Abim District hospital remains a big challenge, the hospital has no standby generator, the theatre is completely dilapidated and so are the wards, often the entire hospital gets bushy with little attention paid,’ he explained.

Mr Ongorok added that the roads in the northern part of Karamoja are a testament that the area politically is stale because there are no serious Opposition leaders on ground to hold the ruling NRM accountable. He said in situations of referrals, it is a nightmare for both the ambulance driver and the sick patients themselves.

‘We are now 15 years from the time the government promised to elevate the greater northern Karamoja road from Teso to Karenga to tarmac, but nothing has come forth,’ Mr Ongorok said.

Mr William Longole, from Nabilatuk District, said the electioneering period allows people to hold those in power accountable, but unfortunately, in some places in the country, it comes with intimidation. He added that Karamoja has significant untapped agricultural potential, but the greenbelts around Karamoja are ending in the hands of a few individuals leaving the majority with rocky lands where farming can’t thrive.

Mr Longole said it is his prayer that the educated elites will use this opportunity to ask the government to ensure that there is equitable distribution of the greenbelts for purposes of food production. ‘This is not happening, we are seeing instead a few people own the green spaces, get bumper harvests, which are not used to serve people,’ Mr Longole argued.

He said it is equally his hope that the issue of human rights protection is brought to the fore by all stakeholders in this election. ‘We had the court make a pronouncement on the issue of civilians being tried in military courts. We thought by now the thousands of youth being held in the various prisons across the country would have been released, but this has not happened,’ he said.

Mr Peter Adei, the titular head of the Karamoja Cultural Association of Elders, said the absence of serious Opposition leaders and parties in Karamoja Sub-region is already an assured gift for the ruling NRM party that it will once again have a lion’s share of the vote in the sub-region. He said this also plays a big role in service delivery, because there is no opposing arm to hold those in power accountable.

According to Mr Adei, what Karamoja needs in the next term of 2026 to 3031 is to ensure that every parish has a primary school, every sub-county gets a secondary school, and each village gets clean sources of water for both human use and for the agro-pastoralists.

Mr Adei said since NRM remains the majority party in Karamoja, other parties find it difficult to access the people. ‘Those who come to contests under the Opposition tickets are never taken seriously, they are ignored and have rarely succeeded in the business of election in Karamoja,’ the elder said.

Mr Ernest Ayen, a youth chairperson for Karamoja, who is also a National Unity Platform party mobiliser, said the element of money will determine the vote in Karamoja. He added that politics have been commercialised, and the ruling party will ride on that at all levels, from the presidency to the local council 1 chairperson. ‘Secondly, they will use intimidation in areas where they will find resistance using the security apparatus, those two factors will stand out in Karamoja,’ he said.

Mr Felix Mark Lochale, LC5 chairperson for Karenga District, stated that due to irregularities in the NRM primaries, several independents are likely to win in 2026. However, at the presidential level, he believes the incumbent will retain dominance, largely due to improved security, successful disarmament campaigns, and a reduction in cattle raids. He acknowledged the government’s failure to deliver on critical road infrastructure promises, including the Moroto-Kotido, Soroti-Kotido-Karenga, and Karenga-Kitgum roads.

Mr Jimmy Ochero raised concerns over mineral exploitation in Karamoja, particularly the lack of clarity regarding the share of mining revenue allocated to local districts. He also condemned the government’s silence on surface rights, which he said continue to be violated. ‘Surface rights for agro-pastoralists are being disregarded, and our leaders remain silent,’ Ochero said.