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At 11 years old, Warin* a 5th-grader from Bangkok, weighs 74kg and stands 153cm tall. Like many children struggling with obesity, her daily life is marked by fatigue, joint pain and the constant sense of being different from her peers.

“I don’t like being bigger than other kids,” Warin said. “Friends tease me often, saying I’m too big. It makes me feel uncomfortable. and I get tired easily when I have to run or play with them.”

Warin’s struggle with weight began early. By age six, she had developed a strong craving for snacks like chips and fried chicken, while rarely touching vegetables. At school, even though the cafeteria serves balanced lunches, she often feels hungry after and drifts towards shops selling sweets, pancakes, cakes and fried snacks.

“Every day, after lunch, I go and buy snacks. There are so many shops inside the school selling all kinds of food like pancakes, cakes, fried chicken, French fries and fish balls,” she said.

At home, the pattern continues. She eats dinner with her family, but snacks soon follow. Her mother described her as having a “screen-snacking habit”, often eating more than three packs of crisps while playing games for hours at night. Lately, the family has stopped buying crisps and stocked the fridge with fruit, hoping to help Warin break the habit.

“The hardest thing is the environment,” her mother said. “We can try to control what’s in the house but once she’s at school or outside, it’s impossible to watch her all the time. Asking a child to resist that temptation alone is very difficult.”

Her parents are concerned about her health. Warin snores at night, which can affect the flow of oxygen to her brain and she often tires easily. Last year, she attended a short camp for overweight children where she learned to read food labels and follow a 2:1:1 eating model of vegetables, rice and protein. Unfortunately, the lessons quickly faded after she returned home. The family has consulted a doctor about her weight and plans to follow up again.

Warin’s story is far from unique. Childhood obesity is one of the fastest-growing health crises in Thailand and around the world. According to Unicef’s new report Feeding Profit: How Environment Is Failing Children, there are now more obese children than underweight children worldwide for the first time. Some 188 million school-age children and adolescents can be classed as obese.

In Thailand, the number of overweight and obese children has doubled in the past 25 years, placing the country among the top four in Asean. According to the National Statistical Office in 2021, 43% of Thai adolescents consumed fast food at least four times a week. The World Obesity Federation warns that if this trend continues, more than 60% of Thai children could be obese by 2035.

The consequences can be devastating. Overweight children are more likely to develop diabetes, high blood pressure and heart disease. Many struggle with joint and bone problems, poor sleep and psychological challenges such as stress, bullying and low self-esteem. The economic impact is also alarming: obesity is estimated to cost Thailand around US$8 billion (259.4 billion baht) annually, a figure projected to rise to $21 billion by 2030.

Experts say the issue goes beyond individual choices. Over the past 15 years, convenience stores and hypermarkets have grown rapidly, processed food sales have risen 70% per person and online fast-food delivery has surged more than 650% since 2013. These shifts in the food environment make it increasingly difficult for children to make healthy choices.

“Children often don’t choose what they eat, food environments choose for them,” said Sirirath Chunnasart, Unicef Thailand’s Adolescent Development Specialist. “If we want healthier generations, we need to change the environment around them, not just tell them to eat better.”

Some schools, however, are taking the issue seriously. Bangkok Christian College, one of Thailand’s oldest private schools, has introduced a range of policies to promote healthier eating over the past several years. Sodas are banned and all beverages sold at the school must contain no more than 10% sugar. Sugar has also been removed from condiments in the cafeteria. Nutritionists help design balanced menus and parents are involved in the food selection process.

Colourful posters in the cafeteria remind students to “eat less sweet, oily and salty foods and add more fruits and vegetables”, while staircases are marked with calorie counts to encourage physical activity.

“What we have observed is that overweight children often struggle with concentration in class and experience physical fatigue,” said Waraporn Subsomboon, the school’s principal. “But after making changes, we’ve seen improvements. Students are more focused in their studies, their weight has gone down, they’ve learned to make healthier food choices and understand what is good for them and what they should avoid. Socially, they have also become more confident.”

The Ministry of Public Health recently recognised Bangkok Christian College as a Model School For Good Nutrition Practice 2025, highlighting its efforts to promote healthier eating habits among students and setting an example for other schools nationwide.

At the national level, Thailand has introduced a sugar tax on sweetened beverages, which has already reduced sugar levels in drinks by around 10%. The Ministry of Public Health is also advancing legislation to regulate the marketing of unhealthy foods and drinks to children, in line with the World Health Organization’s recommendations.

Currently, Unicef Thailand is supporting the Bureau of Nutrition and other stakeholders such as the NCD Alliance in advocating for the enactment of the Draft Act On The Marketing Of Food And Beverages Affecting Children’s Health, while also engaging young people and parents through the Kin Rai Dee (What’s Good To Eat) campaign. The campaign promotes simple daily habits like reading nutrition labels, choosing balanced meals and reducing junk food consumption, targeting Gen Z and parents of young children to make healthier food choices.

For Warin, she hopes to run alongside her friends without feeling out of breath and has recently shown an interest in boxing as a way to get active again. It may be a small step, but with the right support, it could be the start of a journey towards a healthier life.

“I want to learn boxing, give it a try, and see how it goes,” Warin added. “It feels like a good way to use my energy.”

To experts like Sirirath, childhood obesity is not just a health issue, it is about children’s right to grow, learn and thrive.

“The scale of the problem requires serious commitment and collaboration between government bodies, schools, businesses, families and children themselves. That’s the only way we will create healthier food environments and ensure that nutritious choices are affordable and accessible,” Sirirath said. “If the law passes, children like Warin will have a real chance to succeed, not only in managing their health, but in reaching their full potential.”

*not her real name.

Chainoi “Rockman” Worawut dropped a unanimous decision to Japan’s Yukinori Oguni in an eight-round super bantamweight contest on Wednesday at Korakuen Hall on the Treasure Boxing 10 card.

All three judges scored it 78-74 for the 37-year-old former IBF champion, who relied on composure and timing to pull away in the later rounds.

The fight delivered early drama when a fierce exchange in round two sent both men to the canvas in a rare double knockdown that stunned the Tokyo crowd.

Worawut, 28, began the fight on the front foot, pressing forward with heavy shots and making the early exchanges competitive. But as the rounds wore on, his pace slowed. Oguni, showing the ring craft that once carried him to a world title, found the cleaner punches and steadily banked the middle and late rounds.

The victory breathes new life into Oguni’s career and keeps alive the prospect of another world title challenge.

For Worawut, it wasn’t the result he wanted, but at 28 he still has time on his side. The next step may be to rebuild on home soil, pick up a regional belt and earn a second shot at the world stage. One tough night in Tokyo won’t define him, how he responds to it will.

Ratchaburi and BG Pathum United suffered their second successive defeats in the AFC Champions League Two on Thursday.

Ratchaburi went down 2-0 at home to Japan’s Gamba Osaka in Group F, while Pathum were defeated by Singapore’s Tampines Rovers 2-1 in Group H.

At Ratchaburi Stadium, a 64th-minute strike by Shuto Abe and a second by Ryotaro Meshino in stoppage time secured the victory for Gamba as the Japanese side joined Vietnam’s Nam Dinh FC on maximum six points.

The visitors broke the deadlock with their first shot on target in the 64th minute when Abe launched a 20-yard rocket past Ratchaburi keeper Kampon Phatomakkakul into the top right corner after a poor clearance by Scott Allardice.

Meshino squeezed his shot between two defenders and past Kampon in the fourth minute of stoppage time to ensure the visitors picked up three precious away points and hand the home side their second successive defeat in the group.

Pathum United also remain winless after two games in Group H with a 2-1 defeat to Tampines Rovers at Bishan Stadium.

Trent Buhagiar headed home in the 42nd minute, while Hide Higashikawa added a second in the 57th minute to consign the Rabbits, who scored a late consolation through captain Chanathip Songkrasin, to their second defeat.

Pathum coach Supachai Komsilp announced his resignation during the post-match press conference, saying he’s “taking responsibility for the team’s poor performance”. His assistant Vladimir Vujovic has been appointed as interim coach.

Port keen to recoil

Port will face promoted Kanchanaburi Power at their PAT Stadium in Thai League 1 today.

The home team will be looking to bounce back from a loss against BG Pathum United in the previous game, while Kanchanaburi beat Lamphun for their first win of the season last weekend.

Also today, Chonburi will visit Uthai Thani in a battle between two bottom clubs, while Chiang Rai will host Rayong and Ayutthaya will face Sukhothai.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has declared sustainability will be the new cornerstone of Thailand’s economic strategy and emphasised the need to build resilient foundations in industry, trade and investment to navigate global volatility.

During a seminar titled “A Call for Adaptation: The Sustainability in Trade and Industry at the Sustainability Expo 2025 (SX2025) at the Queen Sirikit National Convention Center, Mr Anutin delivered a keynote speech on the topic of “Elevating Industry, Trade and Investment Towards Sustainability”.

Mr Anutin, who is also the interior minister, said that the modern world is fraught with uncertainty, stemming from the threats of war, economic competition, trade barriers, and geopolitical pressures. Thailand can no longer afford to remain passive. Without urgently laying new foundations, the country risks falling behind on the global stage, he said.

“Sustainability is not a political fad, but the nation’s way forward,” he said.

He said that despite the government having only four months, it must still pursue “quick wins”. Simultaneously, it is necessary to establish long-term policies that will not be overturned with future administrations to ensure continuity and build investor confidence.

Mr Anutin said that Thailand’s approach to development has three dimensions: a stable economy, a sustainable environment and improved quality of life.

He said that Thailand is at a crossroads. The world is facing uncertainty caused by war, economic competition and climate change. “The question is. which direction will Thailand take?”

“We must pursue sustainable development,” he said, expressing a belief shared by many that “this is not a choice, but the only way forward”.

This means creating jobs and income, ensuring that Thai people enjoy a good quality of life, and preserving the world so that future generations can live in good health. However, the greatest challenge is that today’s world is far more complex than before, he said.

On the same platform, Mr Anutin also addressed trade and investment, saying that Thailand must become a strategic hub, both by land and sea.

“If Thailand remains merely a country through which investors move goods, we gain nothing. We must make them stop, utilise, invest, produce and create jobs in Thailand,” Mr Anutin said.

He also highlighted Thailand’s strengths in culture, religious diversity, and political stability as social capital not easily found elsewhere in the region.

He acknowledged that the public sector must support all levels of investors and entrepreneurs through investment promotion measures.

“We need a government strong enough to support capital but not so passive that capital dictates everything. If we allow full competition, Thailand will become the region’s most capable country,” Mr Anutin said.

The creation of a Thai sovereign wealth fund (SWF) has been debated in the country for several years.

Most recently, Supavud Saicheua, chairman of the National Economic and Social Development Council, reiterated his support for the proposal, pointing to Singapore’s success as a model. Established in 1981, Singapore’s SWF has grown to manage assets of roughly US$1.2 trillion, contributing returns equivalent to 20% of government revenue.

The Joint Standing Committee on Commerce, Industry and Banking also voiced its backing, viewing an SWF as an additional tool to manage capital flows and foreign exchange.

Payong Srivanich, chairman of the Thai Bankers’ Association, said such a fund could help raise demand for US dollars, giving the central bank another instrument to stabilise the baht and manage currency fluctuations.

He also urged the regulator to develop new instruments to maintain financial stability in a rapidly changing global environment.

What is a sovereign wealth fund?

These funds are set up by a government to manage the nation’s assets. The key features of SWFs are state ownership and financing by sources such as international reserves, revenue from oil exports (in the case of oil-producing countries), fiscal surpluses (with a portion allocated for the fund), or returns from state investments.

An SWF can invest in various asset classes such as equities, bonds, real estate and foreign funds.

The returns from SWFs can be used to cushion against future economic crises and serve as a mechanism to save natural resource revenues (such as Norway’s oil income) for future generations. Many countries operate SWFs, including Norway, the United Arab Emirates, China and Singapore.

What is the difference between international reserves and an SWF?

An SWF focuses on investing in assets that generate high returns while addressing the country’s long-term goals. These funds typically invest for the long term (often more than 20 years), can accept higher investment risks and can tolerate short-term losses. SWFs tend to invest in less liquid assets such as common stocks and private sector debt instruments in order to maximise returns.

In contrast, international reserves are focused on short-term investments, generally with an average maturity of less than five years. They have limited risk tolerance, prioritise minimising short-term losses and invest mainly in highly liquid assets such as foreign currencies and gold. Their purpose is to ensure exchange rate stability and provide immediate liquidity in the event of a currency crisis.

Does an SWF pose risks to a country’s international reserves?

Somjai Phagaphasvivat, an international economics analyst, said managing an SWF is not easy. If poorly managed, he said such a fund can affect international reserves.

SWFs have existed for a long time, and while some countries have suffered losses from mismanagement, others have generated profits, with Singapore a notable example, attributed to highly skilled personnel capable of managing such a large fund.

Mr Somjai recommended a clear bottom line: “If we invest in something risky, it must not jeopardise the majority of our reserves.”

Supporters of establishing a Thailand SWF argue concerns over the potential impact on reserves are an excuse to oppose its creation. However, he said an SWF does not use all of a country’s reserves — it only manages the surplus portion of reserves exceeding a necessary level in order to maximise returns.

International reserves play a vital role in maintaining macroeconomic stability, particularly as a buffer against economic crises, stabilising the value of the baht and in meeting external debt obligations during emergencies.

Typically funding for an SWF comes from reserves exceeding the internationally recognised adequacy level (as determined by the Bank of Thailand), or from fiscal surpluses.

Through careful consideration and guidance by clear criteria, Mr Somjai said an SWF can channel surplus funds into generating long-term returns, without affecting the core functions or stability of the country’s international reserves.

He said the most critical challenge is Thailand’s inexperience in independently managing funds for diversified global investments. However, the country does have some foundational elements that can be built upon.

Thailand has a few institutions with experience in managing large funds, as the Bank of Thailand manages international reserves, while the Social Security Office and Government Pension Fund have expertise in both domestic and international investments.

Mr Somjai said what matters most is not only past experience, but establishing sound governance from the outset, consisting of three prongs:

Independence: Management of an SWF must be completely separate from politics to prevent interference and misuse of funds for inefficient populist projects.

Transparency: Clear laws and mechanisms must be in place to ensure public disclosure of investment activities and returns.

Expertise: The fund must have a professional board and management team with global investment expertise, guided by well-defined investment policies.

What are some examples of successful SWFs?

Singapore and Norway are both examples of successful SWFs, though their structures and factors for success differ according to each country’s context.

Norway’s fund is called the Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG), but is widely known as the Oil Fund. It was established with a long-term goal: to transform revenues from oil and natural gas sales into wealth for future generations, ensuring the income from finite resources does not benefit only the current generation.

Separation from politics is the most critical factor. Norway has a strong governance system, where parliament and the Finance Ministry set broad investment policy guidelines. However, the day-to-day fund management — such as asset selection and stock trading — is delegated to Norges Bank Investment Management, an independent unit of Norway’s central bank, ensuring professional investment decisions free from political interference.

There is also transparency and accountability, as every investment of GPFG can be closely scrutinised. Investment data and returns are regularly disclosed to the public on a quarterly and annual basis, allowing citizens and parliament to monitor operations at all times.

The GPFG also has strict guidelines prohibiting investments in companies involved in human rights violations, arms manufacturing, tobacco or environmental destruction. This enhances the fund’s credibility and legitimacy on a global scale.

Meanwhile, Singapore’s SWF structure consists of two main funds with similar roles: Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) and Temasek.

Both are independent private entities managed by professional teams. They are not considered direct government agencies, even though the Finance Ministry is a shareholder.

GIC acts as the manager of Singapore’s foreign reserves, focusing on globally diversified investments to generate long-term returns, while Temasek Holdings is a holding company that makes strategic investments in domestic and international companies, aiming to create added value and improve the management of those companies.

Despite their high degree of independence, both funds are supervised by the president of Singapore, who has the authority to review board and senior management appointments. This ensures reserve funds are not misused and investment decisions do not adversely affect the country’s capital.

Operating as private companies allows GIC and Temasek to make investment decisions quickly and flexibly in global markets, investing efficiently in emerging industries, unlike funds strictly regulated by the state.

Although the structures differ, both Singapore and Norway have achieved success based on similar principles: separating fund management from political influence, having clear long-term goals and ensuring professional governance.

An electric fence has been identified as the cause of injury to an elephant found in a weakened state in Khao Yai National Park, the Department of National Parks, Wildlife and Plant Conservation reported on Saturday.

Veterinarians were urgently dispatched to inspect the adult male elephant discovered at tambon Pong Talong in Pak Chong district of Nakhon Ratchasima on Friday. The pachyderm was found lying on its side with an open wound at the end of its trunk, having urinated on itself and experiencing diarrhoea.

Veeraya Ochakul, head of animal conservation for the First Conservation Area Administrative Office, said the elephant likely encountered a high-voltage fence. Its condition was consistent with electric shock when vets first examined it.

It is suspected that the elephant contacted a fence set up by local farmers to protect their fields.

Latest reports indicated that the elephant is once more able to stand and is in recovery.

Authorities have pledged to return it to a safe section of Khao Yai National Park once it receives all necessary medical care.

After delivering a policy statement in parliament early this week, the Bhumjaithai-led (BJT) coalition is now in full gear. With both populism and nationalism at play in the Thai-Cambodian conflict, the party finds its popularity surging like never before.

BJT leader Anutin Charnvirakul has pledged to honour the memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the People’s Party (PP) that requires it to play an interim role, which means it has four months to run the country, in addition to a charter-rewriting commitment and maintaining the minority government status.

However, political pundits have already started discussing the possibility that the party could lead the next election with Mr Anutin forming another government and even completing a regular four-year term.

In fact, the BJT has every reason to aim high, having swept more than 120 MPs into its camp ahead of the next election, almost double its tally from the previous poll.

Such a scenario could play out, should the party enjoy massive success in the Northeast, the traditional stronghold of the embattled Pheu Thai Party, and the South, formerly the Democrats’ base. Besides, the BJT is busily rebranding itself to cater to new supporters, securing more places for its list-MPs.

The next election is set to take place amid a changed political landscape. The previous poll saw a struggle between the old and new guard as the ex-junta clique experienced its sunset moment.

Pheu Thai entered a deal with the conservatives to secure a chance for its former leader, Thaksin Shinawatra, to return home after nearly two decades of exile. Thaksin was to lead a political game against the then-Move Forward Party, which has effectively since been rebranded as the PP. But his attempts flopped.

So the “Thaksin factor” has now gone, and the ideological warfare between the left and right-minded camps is notable despite the various parties showing more flexibility in making decisions, as evidenced in the case of Pheu Thai and the old guard, as well as the PP aligning with the BJT to propel the latter to the top administrative position.

More importantly, it’s clear the public is paying scant attention to ideology, but is extremely obsessed with the Thai-Cambodian conflict and the need to solve economic difficulties.

This is the best time, the golden moment, for the BJT. Should it make the right decision on the two aforementioned issues, it’s not too hard for the party to amass political gains in the next election, expected around March or April next year.

In fact, now that the party is in power, and given its close affiliation with major institutions, the BJT already has an advantage over its political rivals. That said, Pheu Thai, the former ruling party, is aware of its fate.

The BJT’s rising popularity is attested in survey polls by Nida on Sept 19 and 24. The biggest group of respondents, 27.28%, remains undecided about who they should support as a suitable prime minister for the time being. About 22.8% chose PP leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, followed by Mr Anutin (20.44%), Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan of the Thai Sang Thai Party (7.16%), and Chaikasem Nitisiri of Pheu Thai (6.76%).

It should be noted that the PP still enjoys top rank in the survey polls, but its popularity has been dented significantly, from 46% in the previous polls to 33%. More than 21% of respondents said they have still not made a decision. While the BJT came fourth in the poll, with 13.24%, slightly lower than Pheu Thai, which gained 13.96%, such a narrow gap between the two parties — arch-rivals sharing the same political base — is unprecedented.

And while the BJT has never performed that well in previous opinion surveys, it came third in the 2024 election, given its extensive network and political resources.

Meanwhile, the outcome of the by-election in Si Sa Ket province confirms the rise in the BJT’s strength. Support for Pheu Thai, the incumbent, remains undiminished, as it gained some 30,000 votes. However, the BJT performed much better, sweeping over 40,000 votes — an increase of almost 10,000 votes from the previous election.

One additional seat from the Si Sa Ket by-election may not make much difference in terms of government stability, but the BJT’s victory has shaken Pheu Thai’s confidence.

Pheu Thai MPs in the northeastern region who are thinking about leaving the party will be able to make a decision more easily, either to join the BJT or the Klatham Party under Thamanat Prompow’s command.

Evidently, all major parties, such as the United Thai Nation (UTN) and Palang Pracharat (PPRP), are experiencing losses as several factions under their umbrella are approaching, or even joining, the BJT. For instance, Suchart Chomklin, who led his Group of 16 out of the PPRP, was appointed as a deputy prime minister as well as minister of natural resources and the environment. Several other factions, including those led by Ekanat Promphan, as well as Santi Prompat, are following suit.

Several factions approaching the BJT enjoy the so-called ban yai status, referring to politicians with extensive networks, influence and resources. This gives the BJT the chance to grow even larger in the near future.

The BJT has adopted a set of populist policies, such as the co-payment plus scheme, as well as cheaper train fares, among others, as part of its “Big Quick Win” formula, citing the need for economic stimuli. Such policies could easily translate into more support when voters cast their ballots in a few months’ time. Moreover, the party’s idea of holding a referendum for the cancellation of two MoUs with Cambodia is seen as a tactic for political gain through ultranationalism as well.

It’s very likely the BJT will polish its image, presenting itself as a high-quality party, not just a ban yai party with influential networks. It will have to take this opportunity to introduce a myriad of flagship policies, particularly a strong economic development package, for the next election in order to secure a bigger victory, thus fulfilling its political ambitions.

Meanwhile, Mr Anutin must maintain a balance and not overuse taxpayers’ money on unjustifiable populism. Rather, he must present himself as a politician with a sense of professionalism. Besides, he has to avoid interfering in the investigative process regarding the notorious Khao Kradong land seizure case and alleged fraud during the Senate election. If not, any missteps could become a deathtrap for him and his party.

Several weeks ago, a thoughtful Facebook post by renowned Thai author and thought leader Roundfinger went viral. His thoughts on “longevity” sparked engagement and discussion. He observed that achieving longevity is increasingly becoming costly, both in terms of money and time, and there’s an increasing pressure to spend on health and to showcase one’s healthiness through metrics and productive morning rituals.

The word longevity has somehow woven itself into Bangkok’s lifestyle currency, its own layer of “social credit”, so to speak. How we choose to live, spend and design our time is a reflection of who we are. Last year may have been all about the Loro Piana loafers, but this year, more people are looking up Whoop bands and investing in IV drips and ice bath sessions. These things cost money, and against the backdrop of a broader economic slowdown, these lifestyle costs can add up.

It’s interesting to consider how a term like longevity can spark such intense debate and online discourse, with some arguing that wellness courses and gadgets are something only the wealthy can afford to spend time on, while others argue that it’s simply a mindset and that it costs nothing to follow a disciplined diet and run every morning.

Our lives are increasingly quantified. We buy smartwatches to track our sleep and heart rate, go the extra mile to reach 10,000 steps, and stay attuned to our mental health through in-app check-ins and productivity platforms.

Is this the true meaning of urbanites? Constantly tracking and calculating each routine like a ritual? We’d be willing to bet that someone you sat across from at a dinner party this year has mentioned reading “ultra-processed” or “outlive” and is now determined to make changes to their diet.

The fact that this word sparked so much conversation is revealing. It shows that the social discourse for Thais is changing. From debates about the value of international schools to politics, longevity and wellness, these online conversations often offer a window into how Thais are spending their money, attention and time. They may explain how specific trends emerge under the F and B, retail and hospitality umbrellas.

The arrival of the highly anticipated Dusit Central Park complex speaks volumes about this wellness trend. Many people are equally excited about the expansive green space and sprawling urban park as they are about the retail and F and B concepts.

This brings us back to the foundation of this new weekly column under the concept of “The Good Life”.

It got me thinking about how this term varies for different groups, but the shared sensibilities of good air, time well spent, health and freedom are increasingly cited as the true markers of wealth. This concept has long been prevalent in developed Western capitals, but we are now seeing more of this discourse reflected in Thai society, a welcome shift in mindset.

While we cannot control PM2.5 levels or traffic, we can (in our own ways) explore what it means to pursue “The Good Life”. If you get a high from beating your sleep track score and it improves your health, keep doing it. If you enjoy living in moderation and still allow yourself the occasional yakiniku, then keep doing it. Today’s social media-centric world can make you feel like everything needs to be tracked and quantified, but living a good life sometimes is about finding that balance and going by your own terms, not by what the app tells you to do.

Each week, we’ll explore the vision of living “The Good Life” through a contemporary lens, leaning into the subtle (and sometimes loud) trends that are shaping Bangkok, whether through headlines, trending themes or social conversations. We hope that the very basis of taking care of oneself remains, regardless of how you choose to pursue it. Next week, we look forward to exploring how else Bangkok continues to strive and live well through emerging trends.

The sudden decision by Thamanat Prompow, the patriarch of the Klatham Party, to defect from the Pheu Thai-led government and throw his support behind a new minority coalition with Anutin Charnvirakul as premier has jolted the already fragile Thai political landscape.

At face value, it is a significant coup for Mr Anutin and his Bhumjaithai Party, who need all the support they can get to cobble together parliamentary legitimacy.

Yet under the surface lies a deeper question: is Thamanat truly shifting allegiance, or is he positioning himself as a Trojan Horse, working covertly to safeguard the interests of Pheu Thai and its de facto leader, Thaksin Shinawatra?

Thamanat is no stranger to controversy, nor to the art of political manoeuvring. His career has been marked by both scandal and resilience.

Despite a criminal conviction in Australia decades ago, he rose steadily in Thai politics, leveraging local patronage networks in the North and with his ability to build and dismantle alliances. The Phayao MP once served as secretary-general of the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP), which was the main party of the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration.

However, even at the height of his time in the PPRP, there were suspicions about his true political loyalties. During a no-confidence debate against Gen Prayut, Thamanat was accused of playing a pivotal role in attempts to orchestrate his downfall. Opponents say his actions were less about party loyalty than about engineering a pathway favourable to Pheu Thai, which has long sought to reassert itself as the dominant political force.

Those accusations cemented Thamanat’s reputation as a political operator whose public affiliations often concealed private allegiances.

Central to the speculation about Thamanat’s current move is his long-standing close relationship with Thaksin. While many politicians maintain pragmatic ties across party lines, Thamanat’s association with Thaksin has proven remarkably durable, surviving his years in the PPRP and now his defection from the Pheu Thai-led administration.

To many watchers, this connection is not merely social but strategic. Thaksin has historically relied on figures like Thamanat to act as intermediaries within hostile or uncertain political environments.

By cultivating leaders with strong regional networks and a reputation for pragmatism, Thaksin has been able to maintain influence even when Pheu Thai has been in opposition or constrained by coalition dynamics. Thus, Thamanat’s sudden embrace of Bhumjaithai raises the possibility that he is not abandoning Thaksin but instead positioning himself to monitor, influence or even undermine Mr Anutin’s fledgling coalition from within.

If Thamanat is indeed a Trojan Horse, the implications for Mr Anutin’s administration are serious.

Leading a minority coalition is already a precarious endeavour, reliant on fragile parliamentary arithmetic and a constant need to negotiate with smaller partners. The entry of a figure like Thamanat, whose loyalty is suspect, could exacerbate his fragility rather than strengthen it. The risks manifest in several ways.

First, Thamanat may act as a conduit of information, relaying internal coalition strategies back to Pheu Thai. Second, he could subtly steer policy debates or legislative votes in ways that weaken Bhumjaithai’s credibility while leaving Pheu Thai in a stronger position for a future election. Third, he could use his party’s bargaining power to destabilise Mr Anutin’s coalition at critical moments, such as during budget debates or no-confidence motions, echoing the tactics he reportedly deployed against Gen Prayut.

In short, while Mr Anutin may view Thamanat’s support as an immediate boost, it could prove a poisoned chalice.

To be sure, not all interpretations cast Thamanat as a covert operative. There are plausible reasons why he might genuinely have broken with Pheu Thai.

Pheu Thai’s internal power dynamics, especially the dominance of Thaksin’s family and close allies, have left limited space for ambitious secondary players. Thamanat, who sees himself as a kingmaker, may have concluded that his ambitions would be permanently capped by Pheu Thai.

Moreover, Mr Anutin offers an alternative platform. The Bhumjaithai’s reputation as a pragmatic, deal-oriented party aligns well with Thamanat’s own style. The promise of influence in shaping agricultural or regional development policies – areas central to Thamanat’s political base – could have persuaded him that his future lies outside Pheu Thai’s orbit.

The truth could be somewhere in between. Thamanat has built his career on calculated ambiguity – remaining close to Thaksin while aligning with governments that seem ideologically opposed to Pheu Thai. This dual positioning allows him to hedge against political volatility. If Mr Anutin’s minority government survives, Thamanat can claim a role in sustaining it. If it collapses, he can plausibly pivot back to Pheu Thai, citing his enduring ties with Thaksin.

Such ambiguity is not merely self-serving; it reflects the broader reality of Thai politics, where no alliance is ever fully stable and where political actors often prioritise survival over ideology.

Ultimately, whether Thamanat is a Trojan Horse or a genuine defector will be revealed in his actions over the coming months. Should he consistently vote in support of Mr Anutin’s initiatives and defend the coalition in moments of crisis, sceptics may rethink their suspicions. But should he waver at critical junctures, or should rumours emerge of clandestine coordination with Pheu Thai, the Trojan Horse theory will gain renewed credibility.

So far, so good for now

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul has seen his popularity rise sharply, with the latest Nida Poll showing his approval rating more than doubling in just three months.

In the third quarterly survey on political popularity, about 20.4% of respondents backed Mr Anutin as prime minister, up from just 9% in the second quarter before he took office.

He now trails only People’s Party (PP) leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut, whose support dropped from 31.4% to 22.8%. Another 27.2% of voters were undecided, a group, analysts say, the Bhumjaithai Party can win over if it does things right over the next four months.

According to Suvicha Pouaree, director of Nida Poll Centre, there are three reasons behind the surge in Mr Anutin’s popularity.

First, being prime minister gives him an aura of leadership. As prime minister, his profile is no longer that of a coalition partner but of the country’s leader, with every decision and public appearance carrying weight.

Second, his pledge to revive the popular spending-stimulus Khon La Khrueng co-payment scheme within his short government stint has resonated with low- and middle-income earners. Introduced during the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration, it subsidised 50% of the cost of food, beverages, and general goods for participants in a bid to support small vendors and street food operators.

The upcoming scheme, tentatively set for a launch late this month or early next month, is expected to benefit 13 million state welfare cardholders and 20 million members of the general public.

At the same time, patriotism has surged amid the border conflict with Cambodia, and people are looking for firm leadership to handle the situation. Many Thais also believe Mr Anutin is prepared to take a tough line, even keeping border checkpoints closed without hesitation, a stance that has further boosted his popularity.

Mr Suvicha said that this short period in office – a product of the agreement he struck with the main opposition People’s Party in return for backing him becoming prime minister – before a House dissolution, is a ‘golden window’ for Mr Anutin, unless there are serious blunders.

‘People will not criticise him harshly unless something goes badly wrong,’ Mr Suvicha said.

Olarn Thinbangtieo, a political science and law lecturer at Burapha University, said Bhumjaithai’s rising popularity is tied to disarray within the Pheu Thai Party, while conservative actors such as the United Thai Nation (UTN) Party led by Pirapan Salirathavibhaga and the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) led by Gen Prawit Wongsuwon have haemorrhaged members and are in no position to lead the bloc.

This void will most likely be filled by Bhumjaithai as conservative voters are expected to rally behind a party with the strength to win the next election and head the next government.

He said MPs and ban yai – powerful political families in the provinces – have been quick to defect to Bhumjaithai or signal their support, which enhances the party’s chances of becoming the main party in the next coalition government.

The latest is a faction known as the ‘Group of 16’ led by Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suchart Chomklin, who confirmed that he and his team of MPs will soon move from the UTN to Bhumjaithai.

On Wednesday, Mr Anutin offered a warm welcome to veteran politician Santi Promphat, who quit the PPRP for Bhumjaithai. Mr Santi tendered his resignation as PPRP secretary-general on Monday before obtaining membership of Bhumjaithai the following day.

Mr Santi, whose son, Pattana Promphat, currently serves as public health minister, controlled a faction in the PPRP, and it is unclear if the group will follow him to his new home.

As for the Group of 16, talks are reportedly under way to straighten out whether and how incumbent MPs in the group can retain their right to contest their constituencies in the next election. While Mr Suchart has resigned from the UTN to become a minister, the MPs in the group remain with the UTN.

‘Even if it is not the best option, Bhumjaithai is currently the only viable party for voters in the conservative camp,’ Mr Olarn said.

Nationalist sentiment has been particularly helpful to Mr Anutin, according to Mr Olarn.

A strong performance by newly appointed Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow at the United Nations General Assembly recently – where he firmly rebutted Cambodia’s allegations against Thailand – has reinforced the sense that Thailand is regaining dignity on the world stage.

However, the analyst noted that risks persist regarding the Khao Kradong land dispute and alleged Senate election collusion, which could damage Bhumjaithai’s credibility.

The Khao Kradong land dispute in Buri Ram involves the Chidchob family, who wields major influence over Bhumjaithai, whereas alleged vote rigging in the Senate elections last year represents the largest case of electoral fraud this country has ever seen, implicating 229 people, including 138 current senators and individuals linked to Bhumjaithai.

If the government can effectively implement crucial policies and keep dealmakers and old-style politicians from dominating the party, it can maintain public confidence and political momentum.

Mr Olarn said Bhumjaithai will need to recruit a new generation of candidates with clean images, balancing its reliance on ban yai networks with fresh faces that can appeal to younger voters and the undecided 27%.

‘The government has made an impressive start. Mr Sihasak did a remarkable job at the UN General Assembly, boosting public confidence and enhancing the country’s standing on the global stage. This has been a huge boost for the government,’ he said.