Troops kill 1,106 terrorists, recover 475 weapons as Abubakar hands over to Ajose

Troops of Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK) have neutralised more than 1,106 members of the Boko Haram/Islamic State West Africa Province (JAS/ISWAP), recovered 475 assorted weapons and interception of over N300 million linked to terrorist financiers during the tenure of Abdulsalam Abubakar as Theatre Commander.

Abubakar disclosed this on Tuesday at a stakeholders’ engagement and media parley in Maiduguri, held as part of activities marking the end of his tenure as the 15th Theatre Commander of the Joint Task Force (North East).

The engagement preceded the formal handing and taking over ceremony at the Headquarters Theatre Command, Maimalari Cantonment, Maiduguri, where Ibikunle Ajose assumed command as the 16th Theatre Commander.

According to Abubakar, the mandate given to OPHK when he assumed command was to facilitate the restoration of normalcy in the North-East and create an enabling environment for socio-economic activities to thrive.

He said the Theatre’s operations had contributed to the return of more than 7,000 displaced families to their ancestral communities, while previously abandoned communities had been reoccupied across all Local Government Areas of Borno State.

Abubakar also said the Theatre supported initiatives that had enabled the gradual restoration of civilian activities and public institutions across communities previously affected by terrorism.

He cited the voluntary, safe and dignified repatriation of more than 3,000 Nigerians from Cameroon, the return of the National Youth Service Corps Orientation Scheme to Maiduguri after more than 13 years, and the conduct of WAEC and NECO examinations in communities including Banki and Gwoza.

He also noted the reopening of trade routes and local markets, describing these developments as indications of improving security conditions in parts of the North-East.

On the operational front, Abubakar said troops neutralised more than 1,106 JAS/ISWAP terrorists, including some of the groups’ notable commanders, while recovering more than 475 assorted weapons and 24,409 rounds of ammunition of various calibres.

He said troops also discovered and detonated at least 295 Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs), thereby preventing potential attacks on troops and civilians.

The former Theatre Commander disclosed that more than N300 million allegedly linked to terrorist financiers was intercepted during the period, while 758 suspected terrorist logistics collaborators were arrested.

He further said sustained kinetic operations, combined with non-kinetic measures, had led to the surrender of more than 969 JAS/ISWAP fighters and their family members within the past year.

According to him, 638 civilians were also rescued from terrorist enclaves during the period under review.

Abubakar attributed the gains to sustained military pressure, improved intelligence, enhanced surveillance and cooperation among the military, other security agencies, state authorities, community actors and humanitarian organisations.

‘The Theatre had also undergone operational strengthening through the activation of Sector 4, the induction of Nigerian Army Aviation helicopters and the Nigerian Army Remotely Piloted Aircraft System Regiment’, he said.

He added that the enhancement of the Military Command and Control Centre had improved frontline surveillance, coordination and situational awareness.

The outgoing commander said the progress recorded was not the achievement of a single individual but the product of the courage, resilience and sacrifices of troops, as well as the support of stakeholders.

He expressed appreciation to President Bola Tinubu, Olufemi Oluyede, Chief of Defence Staff, Waidi Shuaibu, Chief of Army Staff, and the Borno State Government led by Babagana Zulum.

He also acknowledged the contributions of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, International Committee of the Red Cross, British Defence Staff West Africa, other security agencies, Hybrid Forces, humanitarian partners and the media.

Speaking at the engagement, Zulum, who was represented by Usman Tar, Commissioner for Information and Internal Security, commended Abubakar for what he described as responsive and decisive leadership during his tenure.

Zulum particularly highlighted the outgoing commander’s response to actionable intelligence, as well as improvements in intelligence gathering, civil-military relations and personnel welfare.

The Governor described the remaining terrorists as a residue of what had previously been a formidable adversary, while commending the military leadership for sustaining pressure against terrorist groups.

He also identified the establishment of a command-and-control centre linking formations and units across the Theatre as one of the initiatives that contributed to improved operational coordination.

At the formal change-of-command ceremony, Abubakar charged troops to maintain professionalism, discipline and dedication in the discharge of their duties.

He urged personnel to honour colleagues who had paid the supreme sacrifice by sustaining the campaign against terrorism.

The outgoing commander also appealed to troops and other stakeholders to extend to Ajose the cooperation and loyalty they accorded him during his tenure.

He described his successor as a battle-tested infantry general whose operational experience would be valuable in consolidating the gains recorded by the Theatre.

Taking over as the 16th Theatre Commander, Ajose said the mandate of Operation HADIN KAI remained unchanged, to facilitate the restoration of normalcy in the North-East and create an environment where socio-economic activities could flourish.

He commended Abubakar for the progress recorded under his leadership and pledged to consolidate the gains made in the Theatre.

Ajose said he was familiar with the operational environment, having previously served as Commander, 5 Brigade, and Chief of Staff, Force Special Forces Command, in Borno State.

He said his knowledge of the terrain and operational experience would be brought to bear on efforts to further degrade terrorist groups and ultimately bring terrorism in the North-East to an end.

The new Theatre Commander also pledged to sustain existing relationships with the Borno State Government, humanitarian organisations, Hybrid Forces, the Civilian Joint Task Force, the media and other critical stakeholders.

The change-of-command ceremony featured the signing of handing and taking-over notes, an address to troops, quarter guard, lowering and hoisting of the Regimental Colours, presentation of awards and souvenirs, and a group photograph.

Before his departure, Abubakar paid tribute to fallen military personnel at the Maimalari Cantonment Military Cemetery, where he laid a wreath in honour of officers and soldiers who died in the line of duty defending the country.

Gaya State Ensemble puts new musical spin on Uzeyir Hajibayli’s work

Azerbaijan’s much-loved musical comedy “The Cloth Peddler” is set to take on a new sound as the Gaya State Ensemble prepares to present a concert programme built around a fresh musical interpretation of Uzeyir Hajibayli’s classic work.

The new programme will feature the main solo and choral numbers from the musical comedy in a polyphonic pop-jazz style. The project has been one of the creative directions the Gaya State Ensemble has been developing for some time.

The new “The Cloth Peddler” fantasy was created by People’s Artist of Azerbaijan Rauf Babayev, a former soloist of the legendary Gaya Quartet, and Nazim Ahmadov, an artist of the Gaya State Ensemble, composer and arranger.

The new arrangements retain the musical material of Hajibayli’s work while presenting it through a contemporary pop-jazz approach. The project brings together the composer’s well-known melodies and the vocal and ensemble traditions for which Gaya has long been known.

The Gaya State Ensemble has played an important role in the development of Azerbaijani popular and jazz music.

Founded in 1956 by four students of the Asaf Zeynalli Music School – Teymur Mirzayev, Arif Hajiyev, Rauf Babayev and Lev Yelisovetski – the ensemble was granted State Ensemble status in 1972.

Gaya became known for its broad repertoire, which included Azerbaijani folk songs, works by leading national composers and popular international songs.

The ensemble also performed jazz and estrada music, often presenting familiar melodies in modern vocal arrangements. Its programmes featured works by composers such as Tofig Guliyev, Gara Garayev, Fikrat Amirov and Rauf Hajiyev, alongside international repertoire, giving Gaya a distinctive place in Azerbaijan’s popular music scene.

Veteran Nollywood actor Olu Jacobs dies at 84

Veteran Nigerian actor and film executive, Oludotun Baiyewu Jacobs, popularly known as Olu Jacobs, has died at the age of 84.

His death was announced by his son, Olusoji Jacobs, on Instagram on Wednesday, September 16, 2026.

In a statement announcing his death, the family described him as ‘The Lion of Lufodo’ and appealed to bloggers and social media influencers to respect its privacy during the mourning period.

‘It is with gratitude to God for a life well lived and fought, that we announce the passing of our dear husband, father, grandfather and uncle,’ the family said.

Born on July 11, 1942, Olu Jacobs was one of Nigeria’s most prominent actors, with a career spanning theatre, television and film.

He trained at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art in London and began his acting career in Britain, where he worked with repertory theatres and appeared in several television productions.

His international film credits included The Dogs of War, Baby: Secret of the Lost Legend and Pirates.

After returning to Nigeria, Jacobs became a prominent figure in Nollywood, earning recognition for his commanding performances and roles in numerous films.

Jacobs won the Africa Movie Academy Award for Best Actor in a Leading Role in 2007.

He also received the Industry Merit Award at the 2013 Africa Magic Viewers’ Choice Awards and the MAA Lifetime Achievement Award in 2016.

In 2011, he was conferred with the national honour of Member of the Order of the Federal Republic by the Nigerian government.

Jacobs was married to fellow veteran actress Joke Silva. Together, they founded the Lufodo Group and the Lufodo Academy of Performing Arts, which focuses on film production, distribution and performing arts education.

Naira trades flat after JPMorgan adds Nigeria’s bonds to index

The naira traded largely flat against the dollar in the official foreign exchange (FX) market on Tuesday, after JPMorgan’s decision to add Nigerian local-currency bonds to its emerging-market index.

Data published by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) showed that the naira weakened by N2.85, with the dollar quoted at N1,329.15 on Tuesday, representing a 0.2 percent loss compared with the N1,326.30 quoted on Monday at the Nigerian Foreign Exchange Market (NFEM).

Dollar liquidity improved as total turnover at the interbank segment of the FX market surged by 174.16 percent to $262.12 million on Tuesday, from $95.61 million recorded on Monday. The number of deals also increased by 57.79 percent, rising from 109 on Monday to 172 deals on Tuesday.

Although the NFEM figures for Tuesday’s deals and turnover were not available at the time of reporting, the number of deals at the NFEM window rose by 3.4 percent to 301 on Monday, from 291 deals on Friday. However, total turnover at the NFEM window declined by 7.63 percent to $423.95 million on Monday, from $458.99 million recorded on Friday.

Nigeria’s external reserves, which give the CBN the firepower to support the naira and meet the country’s external obligations, have maintained a steady growth trajectory, rising by 30.52 percent to $54.61 billion as of September 14, 2026.

The reserves represented an 18-year high, compared with $41.84 billion recorded in the corresponding period of 2025, according to data published on the CBN website.

J.P. Morgan has returned Nigerian local-currency bonds to its tracking indexes after an 11-year absence, assigning them a 7.4 percent allocation in the newly launched Government Bond Index-Emerging Markets (GBI-EM) Edge.

Ayokunle Olubunmi, head of Financial Institutions Ratings, Agusto and Co., said the inclusion will decrease demand for Nigeria’s debt instrument which will drive down the associated yields. ‘Ultimately, it will reduce funding cost as the yield is used as the basis for determining the borrowing rate,’ he said.

The inclusion is expected to improve the visibility of Nigeria’s domestic debt market among global investors and could support increased foreign portfolio flows into the country’s local-currency bond market.

Meanwhile, FTSE Russell has confirmed, in a market notice published on Thursday, August 27, 2026, that Nigeria’s reclassification from Unclassified to Frontier Market status will proceed from the open of trading on September 21, 2026.

The decision marks Nigeria’s return to the global Frontier Market universe and represents an important milestone for the country’s capital market, following its removal from the index in 2023 amid concerns over foreign exchange liquidity, capital repatriation and market accessibility.

Analysts at Coronation Merchant Bank said the naira is expected to remain broadly stable in the near term, largely supported by continued improvements in external reserves, while FTSE Russell’s index inclusion is expected to provide gradual support in the medium to long term.

A report by Coronation Merchant Bank said the naira had a mixed performance last week, as the official rate weakened while the parallel-market rate strengthened.

At the official market, the currency depreciated by 0.40 percent week-on-week to N1,326.52 per dollar, from N1,321.22 per dollar in the previous week. The currency recorded its weakest single-day print on Wednesday, September 9, 2026, when the official rate touched N1,329.21 per dollar.

Conversely, the parallel-market rate strengthened by 0.36 percent week-on-week to N1,385.00 per dollar, from N1,390.00 per dollar in the previous week.

Consequently, the parallel-market premium moderated to N58.48 per dollar, from N68.78 per dollar in the previous week, narrowing the spread between both windows, although a significant gap persists.

Analysts adopt wait-and-see approach in bond market

Meanwhile, in the bond market, analysts are still testing to see whether Nigeria’s high-yielding local debt can attract fresh foreign demand at a time when rising US yields are making global investors more selective.

‘We have not yet seen inflows coming into the local bond market since the announcement of it yet,’ Victor Ogunfijo, head of fixed-income trading at CardinalStone, told BusinessDay.

Ogunfijo said the response could be delayed as offshore investors assess the newly created index and determine how to position their portfolios.

‘The J.P. Morgan effect might be lagged,’ he said.

Omobola Adu, a fixed-income analyst, also said it was too early to assess the immediate impact, noting that offshore fund managers were unlikely to reposition immediately around a new index.

The Federal Government’s September bond auction provides an early reference point, although its results cannot establish whether the inclusion has generated additional foreign demand.

The Debt Management Office offered N1tn across a new 16.80 percent FGN September 2036 bond and a reopening of the 15.45 percent FGN June 2038 bond on Monday.

The auction attracted N1.49tn in subscriptions, with the 2036 issue receiving N546.90bn in bids against N400bn offered and the 2038 bond receiving N947.83bn against N600bn offered.

The securities were allotted at marginal rates of 16.79 percent and 16.85 percent respectively.

While the subscription levels indicate continued demand for government debt, the auction took place on the same day as J.P. Morgan’s announcement, making it difficult to link the result to the index inclusion.

The more important test will be whether demand builds in the secondary market as investors begin positioning around Nigeria’s new weighting.

If additional foreign demand materialises, it could push bond prices higher and compress yields, potentially lowering the government’s cost of raising new domestic debt.

But Nigerian bonds are competing for capital against a global market where US yields remain elevated.

At around 16.7 percent, Nigerian government bond yields offer investors a substantial nominal return premium. However, foreign investors must also account for naira risk and the relative attractiveness of holding dollar-denominated assets as US yields rise.

Ogunfijo said this could limit the appeal of Nigerian debt despite its high yields.

‘When US yields just keep moving up, there’s less incentive also,’ he said.

The country has regained access to a major source of potential foreign demand, but investors still have to decide whether the additional return from naira assets is sufficient compensation for currency and market risks.

Adu said even a decline in Nigerian bond yields in the coming sessions would not necessarily prove that offshore investors were responding to the inclusion. Domestic institutional investors could also be positioning ahead of anticipated foreign demand.

For now, the market is waiting for clearer evidence.

A sustained decline in secondary-market yields alongside stronger trading activity and foreign participation would provide a stronger indication that the inclusion is beginning to influence investor positioning.

That would give the government a potentially important benefit beyond the reputational boost of returning to J.P. Morgan’s benchmark: stronger demand for FGN bonds could lower borrowing costs while greater foreign participation could support foreign exchange liquidity.

Abu Dhabi’s mining giant is taking a closer look at Nakhchivan

On September 14th, in a signing ceremony in Baku attended by President Ilham Aliyev and Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the UAE’s national security adviser and deputy ruler of Abu Dhabi, Azerbaijan and the United Arab Emirates put their names to a stack of agreements spanning renewable energy, artificial intelligence, digital infrastructure and gas. Buried in that stack, and easy to miss beside the higher-wattage AI headlines, was a single mining accord: AzerGold, Azerbaijan’s state precious-metals company, agreeing to jointly evaluate and explore mineral potential across the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic with Terra Mining, a subsidiary of Abu Dhabi’s International Resources Holding (IRH).

The statement is a relatively modest one – a template for geological surveys, not for a mine, let alone for a mining license. Yet compared to the recent activities of its counterpart, it seems more like an initial bid than just some sort of formality.

Now, one of the important points is that here is IRH’s portfolio, where you can see that they don’t engage in many small deals.

In March 2024, it bought out a 51% interest in Mopani Copper Mines in Zambia – the biggest copper mine employer in the country, aiming to produce 200,000 tonnes of copper cathodes within three years. Fourteen months after that, it took an additional $367m to purchase a majority stake in Alphamin Resources, DRC’s leading tin producer. It has since announced its trading division’s ambition to build up a portfolio of roughly 1m tonnes of copper a year by 2030. IRH is actually a wholly owned subsidiary of International Holding Company, whose listing in Abu Dhabi makes it the most valued listed conglomerate in the Middle East at a market value of more than AED 876bn (approximately $239bn). All of which does not necessarily make Nakhchivan the next Mopani, but it does make it clear that the geologists exploring Julfa’s gold-rich formations work for a company which, once decided to invest, generally invests in eight or nine figures. Because, over certain periods, Nakhchivan, being an exclave, struggled economically and even faced challenges in terms of keeping itself safe both physically and financially.

So, in that sense, what does Azerbaijan bring to the table?

AzerGold is a smaller operation by comparison, but not a negligible one, and its trajectory helps explain why a state-run miner might welcome a partner with IRH’s balance sheet. Revenue from gold and silver sales was $266.5m last year, up 46% from the previous year, while EBITDA increased by 58.5% to $142.5m, and net income grew more than double to $82.1m. The company’s total assets amounted to $573.6m by the end of the year, which is 17.5% higher than the year before. Over the last eight years, total revenue from the sales of precious metals exceeded $670m. Azerbaijan’s gold production for 2026 has been estimated at 3,124kg, and its annual copper production stands at 5,300 tonnes, respectable figures for a country whose mining industry is overshadowed by the oil and gas one and whose gold reserves held by the central bank have grown from 184.8 tonnes to 200 tonnes within a quarter at the end of 2025.

Nakhchivan specifically has already yielded credible geology: the Ortakend deposit in Julfa is estimated to hold some 424,000 ounces of extractable gold, and the Gumushlu polymetallic deposit in the exclave has been worked in various forms since Soviet times. However, the only missing link is internationally recognized exploration data that is compliant with JORC standards, allowing such a company as IRH, with experts in 26 different minerals, to evaluate the value of an exploration target without relying on outdated Soviet data. This is what the first stage of the September 14 agreement is all about an evaluation of the available geological data and subsequent exploration work using modern methods.

As an exclave sitting at the western endpoint of the Zangezur corridor, the long-delayed transit route through Armenia’s Syunik province that Baku, Ankara and Washington have all committed to completing, and for which Baku has already begun retrofitting Nakhchivan’s investment incentives. A corridor is only as valuable as the freight moving across it, and high-value, low-volume exports, gold, copper concentrate, critical-mineral ore, are precisely the kind of cargo that can start generating rail traffic well before broader industrial diversification catches up. A route whose earliest freight is backed by a state gold company with a proven $266m revenue base and a Gulf conglomerate with $1.4bn in recent African mining acquisitions carries a different credibility with investors than one betting purely on hypothetical transit trade.

Exploration agreements fail to yield commercial deposits more often than they succeed, and even a confirmed find can take a decade to reach production. However, in light of IRH’s recent history, which includes a $1.1 billion investment in a copper mine in Zambia and $367 million in a tin mine in Congo, in addition to an expressed aim to trade one million tons of copper per year by 2030, signing an agreement in Baku looks like a matter of due diligence on behalf of a corporation prepared to spend big money after due diligence is completed. For a region that has spent thirty years defined by what it lacked – access, investment, attention – a signature from Abu Dhabi is a different kind of statement altogether.

NASENI Wins Best Digital Transformation Agency Award

The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (NASENI) has won the 2025/2026 Best Federal MDAs Digital Transformation Award at the 8th Nigeria E-Government Summit and Awards.

NASENI emerged as the winner with 57.4 per cent of the votes cast in its category, ahead of the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), which polled 25.6 per cent, and the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS), which received 16.9 per cent.

The award was presented on September 10, 2026, at the Radisson Blu Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos.

The agency’s Director of Information, New Media and Protocol, Segun Ayeoyenikan, who represented its Executive Vice Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Khalil Suleiman Halilu, at the award dinner, attributed the recognition to the ongoing digitalisation of NASENI’s administrative and operational systems.

Ayeoyenikan said the agency had adopted digital processes to improve efficiency and productivity, adding that its Enterprise Resource Planning (ERP) system was part of the transformation.

‘NASENI is at the forefront of promoting the culture that all governance systems in Nigeria become digitised,’ he said.

‘At NASENI, you don’t see papers anymore. The offices and all our tables are cleared of papers. We have digitised not only administration, but all our operations.’

The convener of the summit and awards, Lanre Ajayi, said 33,785 Nigerians voted in the selection of winners, with measures put in place to prevent multiple voting.

The Nigeria E-Government Summit and Awards is an annual platform focused on digital governance and the delivery of government services.

New legal battle as Treasury’s sale of 15pc Safaricom stake nullified

The High Court has quashed the Government’s sale of its 15 percent stake in Safaricom to Vodacom Group after finding that material information regarding the transaction was concealed from the public.

A three-judge bench held that the deal, which was completed on June 30, 2026, had been presented as a partial divestiture when in reality it amounted to a takeover that gave Vodacom effective control of Safaricom.

The court declared the divestiture invalid, null and void, quashed all approvals relating to the transaction and ordered that the 15 percent stake be restored to the Government of Kenya on behalf of the people.

‘A declaration is hereby made that the partial divestiture of the 15 percent of the Government of Kenya shares in Safaricom PLC was a camouflage merger or acquisition and takeover of Safaricom PLC and is in contravention of the Constitution and the law,’ said the court.

The government says it will appeal against the decision, but its attempts to convince the court to suspend the judgment pending the appeal were rejected. The court directed the parties, including the Attorney General, Safaricom and Vodacom, to file a substantive application seeking a stay of the judgment.

The court noted that under the arrangement, the South African multinational’s ownership in the Kenyan telco rose to 55 percent from 39.9 percent after taking full ownership of the investment vehicle Vodafone Kenya, through which it holds the shares in the Nairobi Securities Exchange-listed firm.

The judges found that this critical information was not adequately disclosed to the public, the Cabinet or Parliament.

‘A declaration is hereby made that the partial divestiture of the 15 per cent of the Government of Kenya shares in Safaricom PLC was marred by obscurities on the proposed buyer, misrepresentations and concealment of material information on the nature and effects of the partial divestiture in violation of the principles of integrity and transparency,’ said the court.

The court also raised concerns about national security, noting that Safaricom operates critical infrastructure, including election transmission systems, government payment platforms and mobile money services, and stores the personal data of millions of Kenyans.

‘In the circumstances, even with regulatory safeguards, there is no guarantee that would prevent foreign and external influence or interference with the governance systems, personal security and data,’ the court said.

The judges added that any perception of external influence over election transmission systems could undermine public confidence in the democratic process. They held that transferring effective control of such infrastructure to a foreign entity without a prior national security assessment violated the Government’s constitutional obligations.

The Government had sold the stake for Sh204.3 billion at Sh34 per share and also received Sh40.2 billion through the sale of future dividend rights attached to its remaining 20 percent shareholding.

The transaction was approved in March, but it was delayed by a court order, which was lifted in June by the Court of Appeal after it ruled that the deal could be reversed if it was proved that there were anomalies.

The court faulted the Government for failing to competitively identify a strategic investor and found that the pricing process was arbitrary.

While the Government argued that the Sh34 share price was based on an independent valuation conducted by KCB Investment Bank and reflected a market premium, the judges held that the transaction failed the rationality test.

They also rejected the argument that selling future dividend income was a legitimate way of financing infrastructure projects, finding that converting a perpetual income stream into a one-off payment deprived future generations of the benefits of a public asset.

The court also found that although Parliament conducted hearings in 30 counties, crucial transaction documents, including the share purchase agreement and dividend rights agreement, were never made available to the public.

‘We are thus in consonance with the petitioners that material information and documents were concealed from the public, Cabinet and the National Assembly,’ the judges said.

The court held that public participation must be more than a procedural exercise but must be ‘real, purposive and meaningful.’

The bench found that the process was undermined by non-disclosure of material information, rendering Parliament’s approval constitutionally defective.

‘In light of our findings above, we hold that there was no reasonable, meaningful and purposive public participation in respect of the divestiture, thus violating Articles 10 and 118 of the Constitution,’ the judges said.

The judges further rejected arguments that the matter had been overtaken by events after Parliament approved the transaction in March, holding that the petitions challenged the constitutional foundation of the deal itself.

They also dismissed claims that existing regulators, including the Communications Authority and the Office of the Data Protection Commissioner, provided sufficient safeguards, saying regulatory oversight could not replace proactive measures to address national security risks before control of a strategic asset was relinquished.

Baku’s unifying formula: culture, Turkic ties and global diplomacy

For Azerbaijan, the Organisation of Turkic States is no longer simply a forum for cultural affinity. It is becoming an instrument through which Baku can deepen economic connectivity, reinforce political coordination and give greater weight to the voice of Turkic states in a more fragmented international system.

Looking at the history of its birth and development, we can say that the organisation’s transformation is significant. The OTS was established in 2009 by Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Trkiye, with Uzbekistan becoming a full member in 2019. Turkmenistan, Hungary and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus subsequently joined as observers. What began as institutional cooperation among Turkic-speaking states has expanded into politics, transport, trade, security, education, culture and investment.

That evolution matters to Azerbaijan because its foreign policy increasingly depends on connectivity. The Trans-Caspian Middle Corridor links China and Central Asia with the South Caucasus and Trkiye, placing Azerbaijan at a strategic intersection of Eurasian trade routes. At the 2024 informal OTS summit in Shusha, members explicitly called for deeper transport integration and greater use of the Middle Corridor.

Moreover, the political dimension of the organisations has indeed expanded if we simply look at the previous year. The 2025 Gabala Summit, hosted by Azerbaijan, was held under the theme ‘Regional Peace and Security’ and produced decisions aimed at deepening cooperation in foreign policy, security, economics and people-to-people relations. The summit also established an OTS+ format for cooperation with external partners. So, we can confidently say that this is the practical side of Turkic solidarity for Baku.

The OTS doesn’t remain an international intergovernmental entity uniting political coherence, but its historical foundation remains important. Azerbaijan-Trkiye relations, in particular, are rooted in a shared history of political struggle and statehood. The liberation of Baku in September 1918, with the decisive involvement of the Ottoman Islamic Army of the Caucasus, remains part of Azerbaijan’s national historical memory. But today’s relationship extends far beyond history. For instance, it forms one of the principal political and strategic foundations of the wider Turkic cooperation framework.

Azerbaijan is also positioning itself at the intersection of Turkic and Islamic cooperation. The seventh meeting of the OTS Council of Heads of Muslim Religious Boards in Baku, held in September 2026, brought together religious leaders and observers from across the Turkic world. The event adopted the Baku Declaration and discussed issues ranging from science and technology to family values.

President Ilham Aliyev has repeatedly framed Azerbaijan’s role in broader terms, linking national cultural heritage with international engagement.

‘The Azerbaijani people have given the world many brilliant personalities, poets, and thinkers who have made significant contributions to world culture. Simply listing their names is enough to demonstrate how rich our people and our land are in talent-Nizami Ganjavi and Khagani Shirvani in the 12th century, Imadaddin Nasimi in the 14th century, Yahya Bakuvi in the 15th century, and Shah Ismail Khatai and Muhammad Fuzuli in the 16th century,’ the President said as he addressed the delegation comprising members and observers of the Council of Heads of Muslim Religious Boards of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), co-organizers of the Yahya Bakuvi International Conference, and members of the Supreme Religious Council of Caucasian Peoples.

He also pointed to Azerbaijan’s forthcoming role in hosting major international gatherings:

‘Next year, the Summit of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation will be held in Baku. Against the backdrop of developments around the world, I believe it is no coincidence that such an event is taking place specifically in Azerbaijan. True, this decision was taken some time ago, but it is, in fact, a very appropriate decision. I want to emphasise once again that Azerbaijan acts as a unifying, reconciling, and cooperation-oriented force in all organisations of which it is a member.’

That approach explains why Azerbaijan’s OTS engagement is strategically relevant, while it is obviously known that Baku is not seeking to turn Turkic cooperation into an exclusive bloc. Instead, it is using the organisation to build bridges among Eurasian economies while strengthening the collective diplomatic capacity of its members, and most significantly, the growing number of OTS meetings in Baku illustrates that role.

In 2025, Azerbaijan hosted the organisation’s senior officials and its Council of Elders, while in 2026 Baku has continued to host high-level meetings spanning government, security, religious and analytical institutions.

In a nutshell, the strategic opportunity of the OTS for Azerbaijan lies precisely in converting historical affinity into institutions, institutions into connectivity, and connectivity into geopolitical relevance. In an international system moving away from a single centre of power, the OTS gives Azerbaijan another platform from which to pursue its interests while contributing to the emergence of a more interconnected Turkic world.

Who decides what Nigerians pay for petrol?

There is a point at which an explanation for public hardship becomes part of the hardship itself.

For years, Nigerians have been given a familiar catalogue of reasons why petrol must cost more. Global crude prices have risen. The naira has weakened. The subsidy became unaffordable. Refining and logistics have become more expensive. Supply has tightened. The market has been deregulated.

There is truth in some of these explanations. But there is a question they have never satisfactorily answered: how much does each actually contribute to the price Nigerians are asked to pay?

That question has become unavoidable with the latest movement in the price of petrol.

Between August 21 and September 12, Dangote Petroleum Refinery raised its petrol gantry price four times, from ?1,165 to ?1,185, then ?1,200, ?1,265 and finally ?1,350 per litre. The cumulative increase was ?185, or about 15.9 percent, in 22 days.

But the consumer does not buy petrol at the refinery gate. By September 14, reports from Abuja showed retail prices ranging from about ?1,415 to ?1,450 per litre, with some major marketers already above ?1,400. Prices in Lagos and Ibadan were also rising.

The difference between the refinery gate and the pump is therefore no longer an abstract accounting question. It is money paid by the consumer.

A private refinery is entitled to determine its commercial price. The issue is not that right. The issue is whether successive increases can be traced, with reasonable transparency, to identifiable changes in the cost of producing and supplying a litre of petrol.

That is where the opacity begins.

On September 8, the Major Energy Marketers Association of Nigeria estimated petrol landing cost at ?1,311.36 per litre, up from a 30-day average of ?1,216.34.

Dangote’s gantry price at the time was ?1,265. Four days later, it moved to ?1,350.

The two figures are not directly interchangeable because an import landing cost and a domestic refinery’s gantry price represent different points in the supply chain. The international benchmark also does not automatically determine the price of domestically refined petrol. But the movement makes the underlying arithmetic impossible to ignore.

What was the refinery’s crude acquisition cost? How much of its crude came through domestic supply arrangements? What exchange rate applied? What was the refining and operating cost? What did logistics contribute? What margin was added at the refinery gate? And what accounts for the further movement from the refinery gate to the retail pump?

The public does not have sufficient information to reconstruct the answer.

That is not an accusation against Dangote. It is a transparency problem.

And Dangote is now too important to the Nigerian petroleum market for that problem to be treated casually.

The refinery has changed the country’s refining landscape and created a major domestic source of petrol. That is an industrial fact. It does not, however, remove the need to scrutinise its commercial decisions. The greater the market significance of an enterprise, the greater the public interest in understanding the economic consequences of its decisions.

Dangote should therefore neither be romanticised nor demonised.

It should be examined.

The same principle applies to NNPC.

Here, the evidence is even more revealing.

The Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative reported that NNPC imported 14.53 billion litres of PMS in 2023 at a recorded supply cost of ?6.74 trillion. Revenue was ?3.73 trillion, leaving an under-recovery of ?3.01 trillion.

NNPC has said such spending reflected the gap between the regulated pump price and the actual cost of importing fuel to meet that price. That explanation has never removed the need for independent reconciliation.

The subsidy was formally removed in 2023. Yet a system in which the cost of supplying petrol exceeded the regulated selling price continued to generate a multitrillion naira difference in 2023.

The question is therefore not whether NNPC should be believed or disbelieved. Its figures should be independently reconciled.

How much petrol was actually supplied? At what cost? At what selling price? What constituted the under-recovery? Who bore it? How was it settled? What part of the mechanism disappeared with subsidy removal and what part survived under another classification?

Until those questions are independently answered, Nigerians cannot be expected to regard the old subsidy controversy as completely closed.

Then came the currency shock.

The 2023 exchange rate reform altered the naira cost of dollar-linked petroleum inputs at the same time that subsidy support was being withdrawn. Exchange rate movements therefore became a major component of petrol economics.

But ‘forex’ cannot be permitted to become another explanation that ends the inquiry.

If the naira depreciates, the resulting increase in petrol cost should be calculable. If the naira appreciates, the corresponding benefit should also be traceable. If crude prices rise at the same time, the contribution of each factor should be distinguishable.

Otherwise, the Nigerian consumer receives the combined bill without being able to determine the contribution of any individual cost.

The domestic crude supply figures expose another weakness.

NUPRC reported that 61.9 million barrels of crude were allocated to domestic refineries in the first quarter of 2026, while actual supply was only 28.5 million barrels. Producers had offered 68.7 million barrels. NUPRC attributed the shortfall primarily to pricing gaps between producers and domestic refiners within the willing buyer, willing seller framework.

The figures do not prove that producers deliberately withheld crude. They do establish a substantial gap between what was allocated, what was offered, and what reached local refineries.

That gap has an economic consequence.

If domestic refineries cannot obtain sufficient crude under the arrangements designed to support domestic refining, they must find alternative supplies or operate below potential capacity. Either way, the cost ultimately enters the petroleum economy.

Who bears that cost should not be a mystery.

Somaliland fibre route tests Kenya’s regional digital edge

Somaliland is positioning the port city of Berbera as an alternative digital gateway for landlocked Ethiopia and South Sudan, creating another internet connectivity corridor in East Africa’s expanding digital infrastructure network.

The new route offers internet service providers, businesses and governments access to global data connections and cloud services, providing an alternative to Kenya’s established Mombasa gateway.

Somaliland Cable (Somcable) operates the 2Africa and PEACE submarine cables at Berbera and is linking them to terrestrial fibre networks extending into Ethiopia, South Sudan and neighbouring countries.

‘Our dual landings at Berbera give us a concrete technical advantage – two physically diverse subsea routes into East Africa directly integrated with a terrestrial backbone built to reach landlocked markets,’ said Somcable chief technology officer Abdurahman Yusuf.

The company says the additional routes will strengthen regional connectivity as demand for cloud computing, artificial intelligence, fintech and online services grows.

‘East Africa’s digital economy demands more than bandwidth – it demands resilience,’ said Somcable chief executive Mohammed Ibrahim Ahmed, adding that the goal is to provide diverse, high-capacity routes for coastal and landlocked countries.

The development comes as Kenya seeks to cement its position as East Africa’s digital hub, with Nairobi promoting the country as a gateway for regional connectivity, data centres and cloud services.

Principal Secretary for Broadcasting and Telecommunications Stephen Isaboke said Kenya’s strategic location, regulatory environment and skilled workforce continue to attract global technology firms and digital infrastructure investors.

Somcable has also opened talks with Ethiopia’s state-owned Ethio Telecom to expand international capacity lease agreements and strengthen cross-border digital cooperation.