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Tata Power Renewable Energy Ltd. Managing Director and CEO Sanjay Banga yesterday underscored how well-designed Public-Private Partnership (PPP) models have transformed India’s power sector and could offer valuable lessons for Sri Lanka as it finalises its own PPP framework.

Delivering the keynote at the ‘PPP: Partnership and Prosperity for People’ forum High Commission of India in collaboration with the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (CCC) in Colombo, Banga drew on India’s seven decades of experience in power generation, transmission and distribution, stressing that PPPs when built on accountability, clear regulation and stakeholder alignment; can deliver efficiency, financial sustainability and better service to citizens.

Tracing India’s power sector journey from independence to the present day, he noted that India’s initial post-1947 structure placed energy management in the hands of state electricity boards, which controlled generation, transmission, and distribution. However, inefficiencies, mounting losses and governance challenges soon highlighted the limitations of State-run monopolies.

‘To overcome these gaps, the Government introduced the first central generation company, NTPC, to meet the energy deficit and later established the Power Grid Corporation of India to ensure a reliable transmission network,’ Banga explained. ‘These reforms opened the door for private investment and that’s where the PPP model truly started to reshape India’s energy landscape.’

He said that over time, PPPs have allowed India to bring in private sector efficiency and capital, whilst maintaining Government oversight. In most energy partnerships, the Government retains a 51% stake, while 49% is held by private operators, ensuring both accountability and agility. ‘The Chairman is usually a State representative, while the CEO and management team come from the private side. This balance gives the model credibility, efficiency and transparency,’ he said.

According to Banga, India’s power transmission sector provides a striking example of PPP success. ‘Every major transmission project today is bid out and implemented under a PPP structure. The Power Grid Corporation, along with private players, ensures national connectivity, and returns are regulated; currently around 13%. This predictable and transparent framework keeps private investors engaged while protecting public interests,’ he explained.

Reflecting on India’s experience, he highlighted that PPPs are not just about privatisation; but they are about building ‘mutually beneficial models that combine public objectives with private execution strength.’

He cited Odisha’s (formerly Orissa’s) electricity sector as a key case study that illustrates both the pitfalls and potential of PPP reform. The State’s first attempt at privatisation in 1999 failed due to poor contractual design, lack of transitional support and absence of Government backing during the early stages of reform. ‘The model failed because the private player was left alone to absorb losses, whilst banks stopped funding and the Government withdrew support. Eventually, the regulator had to cancel licences,’ Banga said.

However, Odisha’s second attempt in 2013 turned out to be a landmark success story. Learning from its earlier mistakes, the Government redesigned the PPP contracts with built-in safeguards and shared responsibilities.

‘In the restructured model, the Government acknowledged that private utilities would incur losses during the first five years and committed to support them during the transition period. The result was remarkable. Within five years, all five distribution companies turned profitable and three of them rose from the bottom 10 to the top 10 in India’s utility performance rankings,’ he explained.

Banga attributed this turnaround to better contract design, accountability frameworks and long-term alignment between public and private objectives.

‘The lesson from Odisha is clear. A PPP is only as strong as its structure. The success depends on whether all stakeholders, including employees, customers and regulators, are considered in the design,’ he said.

He also cited Delhi’s electricity reform as another exemplary PPP model. When Delhi’s power utilities were restructured in 2002, the city faced high losses and unreliable service. ‘The new PPP arrangement fixed clear performance targets and allowed private operators to manage operations, with Government oversight and employee protection. Over the years, technical and commercial losses dropped dramatically from 53% to under 10% and the city now enjoys reliable power supply,’ Banga pointed out.

Beyond the power sector, Banga argued that PPPs can also be effective in other public utilities and service delivery.

He pointed to India’s passport issuance model, where the State retains control over security and policy functions, but outsources operational management and customer-facing services to IT firms. ‘This hybrid approach has improved service delivery, reduced processing times and maintained State oversight; a model worth replicating in other public services,’ he suggested.

Banga also cautioned that PPPs must ‘not be viewed’ solely as vehicles for privatisation. ‘Divestment is not the only path. Operation and maintenance contracts, time-bound performance-based management agreements and build-operate-transfer (BOT) models can all serve public needs if designed with care,’ he added.

He asserted that one of the greatest strengths of India’s PPP journey lies in its adaptive learning or the ability to reform frameworks based on experience and evidence. ‘India’s PPP story was not built overnight. It evolved through trial, error and continuous learning. The Government has now made it clear that unless State utilities engage with private partners and introduce accountability, central funding support will not be forthcoming,’ he said.

Banga reiterated that Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal juncture in designing its PPP legislation and can draw valuable insights from India’s decades of experimentation and reform. ‘The PPP model is not just an economic tool, it is a governance innovation. When designed right, it ensures transparency, efficiency and reliability in service delivery. The goal is not merely to attract investment, but to build systems that work for people,’ he emphasised.

CIC Agri Cluster Managing Director Waruna Madawanarachchi, Deputy Managing Director Anjana Leelarathne, CIC Group HR Head Aruna Jayasekara, Provincial Director of Agriculture P. Sisira Kumara, Additional Director of Agriculture T.A.U.K. Weerasekara, Zonal Deputy Director of Education – Administration Saman Wijesekara, and Kuli/Koswatta Gamini Maha Vidyalaya Principal Amila Dasanayake participated at the donation event.

For King Dutugemunu there is no rest. With distressing regularity, he is summoned in the service of an ambitious politician, a divisive policy or a violent act. The latest instance of necromancy occurred when monk Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara visited Mahinda Rajapaksa in Medamulana, the ‘homeless’ ex-president.

The NPP promised to scrap the Presidential Entitlements Act in its manifesto, and forgot it until the party’s setback at the May 2025 Local Government election. In June, the legal draughtsman was told to prepare the necessary documents. The SLPP’s administrative secretary and Mahinda Rajapaksa’s media secretary led the legal challenge to the resultant Bill. The Supreme Court rejected the petitions and the Bill was enacted in September.

Maithripala Sirisena left his official residence quietly; Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga asked for a three-month-grace-period (due to an ailment) and is now in the process of leaving. Both acted with commendable dignity. (Neither Gotabaya Rajapaksa nor Ranil Wickremesinghe were occupying their official residences).

Mahinda Rajapaksa, his family, and his party turned the issue into a melodrama. It was as if this aged leader was illegally and violently thrown out from the house of his ancestors, the home of a lifetime, his sole shelter. The same way his Government treated the residents of Mews Street Colombo 2, who were informed on 4 May 2010 that they will have to leave their ancestral homes within four days. On 8 May, 107 residents (24 of them children) living in 17 houses were violently evicted in a military operation which pitted 2,500 armed servicemen in full riot gear against unarmed men, women and children.

According to the Government, 1.5 million Lankan families do not own a house currently. The Justice Minister recently said that if eviction orders are implemented, about a third of Colombo’s population would be homeless (that is over 300,000 people). Unfortunately, neither the Government nor the Opposition seems overly concerned about this burgeoning socio-economic, political, and human crisis (the deprioritising of housing after the assassination of President Premadasa led to this situation).

This indifference is in stark contrast to the grand fuss that is being made about Mahinda Rajapaksa losing his official residence. The SLPP is busy facilitating/organising tours to Medamulana. Amongst the visitors were Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara and a group of Bodu Bala Sena monks. Addressing the media afterwards, the progenitor of Aluthgama and Digana anti-Muslim riots said that depriving Mahinda Rajapaksa of his official residence ‘was an act of revenge by the government on behalf of the Tamil Diaspora.’ He then summoned Dutugemunu, equating the ancient king’s defeat of Elara with Mahinda Rajapaksa’s defeat of the ‘barbaric’ separatist forces. ‘I think the heart of this elderly president is being slashed to make those separatist forces happy,’ he concluded.

According to Mahawamsa, Dutugemunu lived and reined the 2nd Century BCE. More than 2,000 years later, his life, his battles, his thinking, as narrated in Mahawamsa, continue to shape Lankan politics. His belief of an existential threat to the Sinhala-Buddhist land and his epic battle to it constitute the trap modern Lankan politics is caught in.

Histories we choose

The oldest extant chronicle of Lankan history is not Mahawamsa. It is Dipawamsa, written at least 150 years before Mahawamsa. Mahawamsa, full of myths, impossibilities, and exaggerations, reads more like historical novel than a record of history. The older Dipawamsa which uses myths and exaggerations sparingly, reads far more like a historical record.

The way Dipawamsa and Mahawamsa covers the Dutugemunu story cannot be different. Mahawamsa, while extolling Elara’s virtues, emphasises his Tamilness and his non-Buddhistness. Dipawamsa does neither. This is how Dipawamsa describes Elara (according to a new Sinhala translation by Prasad Fonseka): ‘A person called Elara killed a king called Asela and reigned righteously for 44 years’ (translation mine; the 1879 translation by Hermann Oldenberg reads, ‘A prince, Elara by name, having killed Asela, reigned righteously forty-four years’).

According to Dipawamsa, the Elara-Dutugemunu battle had nothing to do with race or religion. Dutugemunu killed Elara and ‘united the clan.’ Nothing about waging a war for the ‘establishment of the doctrine of Sambuddha,’ as Mahawamsa claims. More pertinently, nothing about arhants (monks who had attained Arhathood) justifying the murder of millions of ‘unbelievers’ in the name of religion because they were ‘men of evil life. not more to be esteemed than beasts.’ as Mahawamsa phrases it.

Not only is this anti-Buddhist concept of waging war and killing people to save Buddhism absent in Dipawamsa. A totally different version of the Dutugemunu’s post-war reaction is given in Sumangala-Vilasini, Buddhaghosa thero’s 5th Century CE commentary on the Digha Nikaya. Prof. Jotiya Dhirasekara highlights this story in his Critical Studies in the Early History of Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Dutugemunu, ‘having conquered thirty-two Tamil rulers, was anointed as king in Anuradhapura and on account of the joy he gained, he could not sleep for a month. Thereupon he informed the community of monks that he could not sleep. (They replied) If that were so, your majesty, this morning itself you observe Uposatha. He did take upon himself the observance of the Uposatha. The Sangha sent eight Abhidhammika monks, asking them to go and chant the Citta-yamaka selection (of the Samyutta Nikaya). They went and, asking the king to lie down, commenced the recital. The king, as he listened to the recital, fell asleep.’

Dutugemunu lived, warred, and died in 2nd Century BCE. The available accounts of his life were written centuries later – Dipavamsa about 600 years later and Mahawamsa over 750 years later. The authors would have based their narrations on now extinct written records and oral histories. Therefore, none of these accounts can be deemed absolutely accurate, none can be enshrined as The History. Yet that was what independent Ceylon/Sri Lanka did, by choosing Mahawamsa as our history and near-totally disregarding Dipavamsa. It is the Mahawamsa version of events we learn in schools, which is repeatedly reiterated in works of history and of literature, which is invoked in Buddhist sermons and proclaimed on political platforms.

Had Ceylon/Sri Lanka adopted the Dipawamsa version or at least gave equal prominence to both versions, our modern history might have taken a different – arguably a less bloody – turn. For Dipavamsa’s origin story is also different from Mahawamsa. According to it, Lanka became known as Sinhala ‘because of a person named Sinha.’ Not a lion with a mane and a tail, but a man. ‘The daughter of the Vanga king cohabited with Sinha who lived in the jungle and gave birth to two brothers. Sinhabahu and Seevali were comely male children. Mother was named Susima and father was named Sinha.’ In Mahawamsa, the princess cohabited with a real lion, gave birth to a son and a daughter. Son, Sinhabahu killed the father and married the sister. Dipawamsa, unlike Mahawamsa, does not make any mention of the Buddha proclaiming that his Dhamma will survive in its pristine form only in Lanka.

Embracing Mahawamsa and shoving Dipawamsa to obscurity, enabled the creation of the myth of Lanka as the holy land of (Sinhala) Buddhism in relentless contestation with alien invaders for Sinhala-Buddhist Lebensraum (living space) as well as the concept of ‘sinless/meritorious war’ (waged for the protection of Buddhism, against enemies who are ‘unbelievers and men of evil life’). Transliterated into modern conditions, the Mahawamsa mindset reshaped a historically pluralist Lanka into a Sinhala-Buddhist supremacist land in which the minorities are not co-owners but guests, at best tolerated. Mahawamsa’s anti-Buddhist idea of killing in order to save Buddhism has been used by politicians and political monks alike to justify violence against this or that minority for decades. Rajapaksas appropriated this neo-Mahawamsa project and added to it the notion that only Rajapaksa rule could ensure Lanka’s continued survival as the Sinhala-Buddhist holy land. Within such a project there is no role for devolution, ethno-religious equality or genuine reconciliation.

Commenting on three 1991 books on Christopher Columbus, American historian and author concludes, ‘There is a positive need not to know about Columbus – including a need not to know how little there is to know’ (https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1991/11/21/man-of-the-year/). This is true of so many historical figures, including Dutugemunu. Obviously, both admirers and detractors were and are willing to start and stop with Mahawamsa version of events, the former understandably, the latter inexplicably.

Currently, Sri Lanka is experiencing a rare period of ethno-religious non-conflict. The invoking of Dutugemunu by Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara points to the possibility of sundering the current civil peace using Mahawamsa.

The role of monks

In his History of Buddhism in Ceylon, Walpola Rahula thero describes the ties between state/king and the Sangha in ancient Lanka. The Sangha ‘used their influence over the masses to support the king who in return looked after their interests. It was a matter of mutual understanding, though it was never explicitly stated. The king found a powerful means of propaganda in the Sangha who had close contact with the people, and had great influence over them. Hence we find kings, who had committed heinous crimes, honouring the Sangha and sending them around the country in order to influence the people in their favour. It was easy for the king to rule if the people were religious. religions are always expected to uphold the established order and discourage innovations and revolutions.Whatever the kings did for Sangha was therefore amply rewarded.’ This of course was a far cry from what the Buddha taught (as per the Pali canon). ‘Sasana constituted a fully-fledged state department,’ Rahula concludes.

The identical term was used by Prime Minister DS Senanayake when he refused early requests by leading monks to make Buddhism the state religion of independent Ceylon; doing so, he argued, would be to ‘reduce this sublime creed to the level of a state authority’ (Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka – Urmila Phadnis). During the debate between Vidyodaya and Vidyalankara pirivenas about the role of monks in independent Ceylon, Mr Senanayake took the stand that monks should not involve themselves in politics but focus on the spiritual wellbeing of the people.

Vidyodaya Pirivena lost the debate. SWRD Bandaranaike (who was hailed as Dutugemunu in 1956) formalised the advent of monks into politics by making them the first pillar of his Pancha Maha Balavegaya.

Mahawamsa was the go-to text for those who justified the politicisation of Buddhism. According to Mahawamsa some monks gave up robes to join Dutugemunu’s army while 500 monks accompanied the army. Once again, Dipawamsa makes no mention of any of this, even though it does mention Dutugemunu’s 10 warriors and Kandula, the elephant. Mahawamsa’s version became the first justification of the persistent myth of monks as the guardian-deities (mura-dewathawo) of the (Sinhala) nation rather than spiritual guides committed to teaching Dhamma to lay people.

During his speech at a ceremony to mark the 150th anniversary of the founding of the Vidyalankara Pirivena, President Anura Kumara Disanayake mentioned that seminal debate and indicated clearly that he stood on the Vidyalankara side of the divide. So did the old left, but they had no idea how quickly, easily, and seamlessly the Progressive Monk would morph into Patriotic Monk. President Disanayake has no such excuse. He knows how political monks spearheaded the Sinhala Only campaign and sabotaged the two attempts to resolve the language problem it created. He knows how SWRD Bandaranaike’s alliance with monks ended and the role Patriotic Monk played in worsening anti-Tamil hysteria and creating/recreating anti-Muslim and anti-Christian hysteria. Knowing that past, he should realise that the same monks he is appealing to and courting now will move to the Rajapaksa side when politico-electoral tides turn; and help Namal Rajapaksa become the next president by showcasing Tamil/Muslim/Christian enemy as and when necessary.

Contrary to popular myths, Buddhism flourished in South India long after its decline in North India. The teachings of Gautama Buddha are neither tribalistic nor martial. Buddhism could have been a unifying factor in Sri Lanka, if it had not been turned into the identity badge of the Sinhala race. Had there been a significant segment of Buddhist Tamils, with a voice within the Sangha, Sri Lanka’s post-Independence history may have taken a less destructive path. But to be able to appeal to Tamils, Buddhism has to cease being Sinhala-Buddhism. The Vidyalankara tradition President Disanayake invokes so glowingly is premised on Buddhism being the property of the Sinhalese and the supremacy of this Sinhala-Buddhism. It is the same tradition which eventually birthed Galagoda-Atte Gnanasara and other Rajapaksa monks.

As the Dipawamsa shows, we don’t need to be prisoners of Mahawamsa history. It is but one version of events which happened (or didn’t happened) centuries previously. The past (as depicted in the Mahawamsa) doesn’t have to be our future, again and again. What we lack are not choices but leaders with the political will to make them.

The High Commission of India, in collaboration with the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce (CCC), yesterday hosted a high-level forum in Colombo titled ‘PPP: Partnership and Prosperity for People’, bringing together Government officials, policymakers, private sector leaders and development partners to discuss pathways for unlocking Sri Lanka’s Public-Private Partnership (PPP) potential.

The event comes as the Government finalises long-awaited PPP legislation aimed at driving investment across key sectors such as ports, aviation, energy, and education.

Opening the discussion, CCC Vice Chairman Bingumal Thewarathanthri said the Chamber has long championed the PPP concept as a mechanism to bridge Sri Lanka’s investment gaps and stimulate growth through joint public and private sector participation.

‘The Chamber has been working on PPPs for years, but these conversations have largely been confined to budget discussions. Not that we never had PPPs; we’ve had great examples in the past such as the South Asia Gateway Terminals (SAGT), Port of Colombo, but the time has come to relook at this opportunity seriously,’ he said.

He observed that Sri Lanka is entering a crucial phase where stabilised reserves, declining global interest rates, and improved fiscal discipline provide a conducive environment for renewed investor confidence. ‘With the US interest rates coming down, global capital is gradually flowing back into emerging markets. This is an opportunity for Sri Lanka to position itself strategically to attract investment,’ Thewarathanthri opined.

He stressed that while the country has achieved a measure of economic stability, there is a pressing need to expand development momentum through credible partnerships. ‘There is space for development and expansion, and that’s where PPPs can play a transformative role,’ he noted.

Thewarathanthri also asserted that any successful PPP framework must be built on trust, mutual respect and accountability between the Government and private sector.

‘Partnerships only work when both parties respect each other’s roles. That trust factor is fundamental to making PPPs succeed,’ he added, pointing to numerous examples of successful collaborations across the region.

Indian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Santosh Jha underscored the deep economic and developmental ties between India and Sri Lanka, describing PPPs as a cornerstone of India’s growth story and a model that could inspire Sri Lanka’s reform journey.

‘India and Sri Lanka share geography, history and culture, but also a deep and dynamic economic relationship. Our businesses are connected through investment, energy, infrastructure, tourism, technology, and manufacturing. As Sri Lanka continues its journey of economic recovery and growth, India stands ready as a reliable and close partner,’ he said.

Highlighting India’s two decades of PPP experience, the High Commissioner said such partnerships have been ‘game changers’ in areas ranging from national highways and renewable energy to healthcare and digital infrastructure.

‘PPPs have allowed India to leverage the innovation, efficiency, and investment of the private sector to achieve public goals,’ he said.

He added that the PPP model’s flexibility and scalability make it suitable not only for large infrastructure projects but also for local-level services such as municipal waste management and rural water supply. ‘At the heart of a thriving democracy lies the ability to deliver better infrastructure and services to every citizen. Whether its digital inclusion, clean water, reliable electricity, or healthcare, the last mile defines the real success of governance,’ he elaborated.

Jha noted that India and Sri Lanka could jointly pioneer modern PPP frameworks that serve as templates for the Global South. ‘With our shared priorities and complementary strengths, our two countries can co-create partnerships that not only serve our people, but also inspire others,’ he added, reaffirming India’s commitment to support Sri Lanka’s PPP journey through technical and institutional collaboration.

Providing a comprehensive overview of Sri Lanka’s evolving PPP landscape, National Agency for Public-Private Partnership (NAPPP) CEO Dr. Sulakshana Jayawardena outlined the institutional and legal steps taken by the government to revitalise the framework.

He recalled that the first formal PPP unit was set up in 2017, later transformed into the National Agency for Public-Private Partnerships, but its activities slowed during the economic challenges of 2020-2022.

Recognising the urgent need for renewed investment in infrastructure and public services, the Government reactivated the NAPPP and strengthened its legal foundation through the Public Finance Management Act No. 44 of 2024.

‘The objective of this legislation is to introduce a transparent and efficient investment mechanism. The Act provides for the establishment of a Public Investment Committee (PIC) under the Finance Ministry, which will evaluate proposals with inputs from the Department of National Planning to determine whether they should be implemented with public funds or through PPPs,’ he said.

Dr. Jayawardena noted that several enabling regulations and procurement guidelines are already being prepared to operationalise the PPP law once enacted. ‘We are also working closely with development partners such as the ADB, World Bank, and IMF to finalise the manuals and frameworks that will support implementation,’ he stated, adding that 67 projects have already been identified as potential PPPs across sectors like transport, water, and energy.

He also emphasised the need for strong institutional capacity and coordination between line ministries. ‘The NAPPP’s role is not just regulatory, we work alongside implementing agencies to provide technical and advisory support throughout the project cycle, from preparation to operation,’ he explained.

In recent months, the NAPPP has conducted several capacity-building and awareness programmes for public officials across agencies including the Road Development Authority, Ceylon Electricity Board, and Water Board. ‘Strengthening institutional knowledge and understanding of PPPs is essential to ensuring their long-term success,’ Dr. Jayawardena said.

He expressed appreciation to the CCC, Indian High Commission and other partners for their constructive feedback during stakeholder consultations.

‘This collaboration has been vital in refining the draft PPP Bill and ensuring it reflects both private sector expectations and public policy priorities,’ he said.

The event, attended by senior Government officials, MPs, industry leaders, and representatives from international donor agencies, underscored the growing consensus that PPPs will be central to Sri Lanka’s infrastructure revival and sustainable economic growth agenda in the years ahead.

Voyage Sri Lanka 2025, the international marine summit organised by the Sri Lanka Export Development Board (EDB), has concluded, recording a massive success. Held on 16 October, at the Kingsbury Hotel in Colombo, the event surpassed expectations, drawing over 250 local and overseas delegates from about six countries. Building on the momentum from its inaugural edition in 2024, this year’s summit, under the theme ‘Unveiling the Blue Economy Potential of Sri Lanka,’ solidified the island nation’s position as a flourishing hub for marine innovation and sustainable growth in the Indian Ocean region.

From the early morning registration to the closing B2B meetings and the networking session, the day was packed with insightful discussions, strategic partnership opportunities, and progressive-thinking collaborations. Participants, including entrepreneurs, investors, policymakers, and industry experts from both public and private sectors, commended the event as a pivotal platform for unlocking Sri Lanka’s vast potential of Blue Economy.

The agenda kicked off with registration at 8:00 a.m., followed by opening remarks by EDB Chairman/CEO Mangala Wijesinghe, setting the stage for a dynamic program that blended high-level keynotes, expert panels, and interactive sessions. The opening ceremony featured welcoming remarks from key figures, emphasising Sri Lanka’s strategic location and untapped resources in sectors such as ship building and ship repair, offshore services, boat building, offshore wind farming, fisheries and aquaculture, and nautical tourism and more.

The summit’s prestige was elevated by the presence of a distinguished roster of VVIPs, including top Government officials and ministry leaders who underscored Sri Lanka’s unwavering commitment to maritime advancement. Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Minister Sunil Hadunneththi, Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Deputy Minister Chathuranga Abeysinghe, Ports and Civil Aviation Minister Anura Karunathilaka, Transport, Highways, Ports and Civil Aviation Deputy Minister Janitha Ruwan Kodithuwakku and Labour Minister and Economic Development Deputy Minister Prof. Anil Jayantha were among them.

A highlight of the summit was the keynote address by Labour Minister and Economic Development Deputy Minister Prof. Anil Jayantha. In his speech, the Minister underscored the Government’s commitment to sustainable development, outlining policies to boost marine industries and create jobs. His address set an inspirational tone, drawing hope to transform Sri Lanka into a blue economy powerhouse.

The event’s core revolved around three insightful panel discussions, each delving into critical aspects of Sri Lanka’s maritime future:

Trincomalee as the Strategic Gateway to Sri Lanka’s Blue Economy – Moderated by GAC Group of Sri Lanka Group Director Ricky Barnett an industry veteran, and this panel featured speakers like Act/Additional Harbour Master, Sri Lanka Ports Authority Capt. Lakshi Wasantha, and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation Manager (Engineering and Premises) Gayan Wijekoon. Panellists explored Trincomalee’s role as a logistics and energy hub, discussing infrastructure upgrades and investment prospects that could position it as a gateway for regional trade.

Energising Sri Lanka’s Blue Economy: Offshore Oil and Gas Exploration and LNG Infrastructure as Economic Game Changers – The session featured an eminent panel of industry leaders, comprising Ceylon Petroleum Corporation Managing Director Dr. Mayura Neththikumarage, Petroleum Development Authority Director General Dr. Neil De Silva, LTL Holdings Ltd., Deputy CEO – Operations Dammika Nanayakkara, and Indo-Sri Lanka Joint Chamber of Commerce and Industry Vice Chairman Dr. Naresh Bana. The discussion was moderated by Sri Lanka Export Development Board (SLEDB) Chairman of the Marine and Offshore Advisory Committee Dr. Sarath Obeysekera. Discussions centred on offshore energy opportunities, including LNG infrastructure and renewable sources like offshore wind farming. The panel highlighted potential economic multipliers, with participants announcing preliminary agreements for joint ventures in exploration and technology transfer.

Charting a Course for Growth: Synergising Boat Building and Nautical Tourism for Sri Lanka’s Blue Economy – The third panel discussion was moderated by Chamber of Marine Industries of Sri Lanka Chairman Kaushal Rajapaksa and featured by Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Ministry Secretary J.M. Thilaka Jayasundara, Senior Consultant to Dive Tech Ventures Ltd., RSP**, USP, ndu, psc, Admiral Priyantha Perera (Retd), Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority Director – Tourism Planning, Development and Investments Dr. Prasad Jayasuriya and National Aquatic Resources Research and Development Agency Deputy Director General Dr. K.H.M.L. Amaralal. The conversation focused on integrating boat building with nautical tourism, aquaculture, and fisheries. Innovative ideas and sustainable tourism models were showcased, inspiring collaborations that promise to boost local economies.

Other notable speakers improved the proceedings, including Asian Development Bank Sri Lanka Resident Mission Country Director Takafumi Kadono, UNDP Sri Lanka Chief Economist Dr. Vagisha Gunasekara, Coast Conservation and Coastal Resource Mgt. Department Director General Prof. Terney Pradeep, former Chief Hydrographer and Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Navy Rear Admiral Y.N. Jayarathna (Retd), University of Ruhuna Faculty of Fisheries and Marine Sciences and Technology Dean Prof. K.H.M. Ashoka Deepananda, and University of Moratuwa Department of Transport Management and Logistics Engineering Senior Lecturer Dr. Indika Sigera. Their contributions provided a multifaceted view of the blue economy. Beyond the panels, the summit facilitated investor meetings, B2B sessions, and networking opportunities that flowed with energy. Attendees experienced innovative boat technologies showcased. Also, they were able to foster direct connections between local entrepreneurs and global stakeholders.

Strong partnerships bolstered the event’s success. Seylan Bank, Lanka Marine Services, Lanka IOC, Hayleys Advantis, Chamber of Marine Industries Sri Lanka (CMISL) and Sri Lanka Tourism Promotion Bureau underscored the collaborative spirit driving Sri Lanka’s marine sector forward.

As Voyage Sri Lanka 2025 wrapped up, the consensus was clear: this summit has not only unveiled Sri Lanka’s blue economy potential but has also set the sails for tangible growth. With echoes of fruitful discussions still resonating, industry leaders are already looking ahead to the 2026 edition. For those who missed out, the official website at www.voyagesrilanka.lk offers recaps and resources to stay connected to this voyage!

The Ambassador – designate of Sri Lanka to the Republic of Korea, M.K. Pathmanaathan assumed duties on 30 October 2025 at the Embassy of Sri Lanka in Seoul.

His assumption of duties was marked by a simple ceremony organised by the staff of the Embassy. In his address to the staff of the Embassy, the Ambassador-designate emphasised the importance of safeguarding the welfare of Sri Lankan migrants and upholding an efficient and effective consular service for the Sri Lankan community in Korea. He also referred to the longstanding vibrant relations between Sri Lanka and the Republic of Korea; the need to further elevate trade, investment and tourism ties.

Ambassador-designate Pathmanaathan has served in various portfolios in the Sri Lanka Foreign Service, and he served as the Additional Secretary/Africa and Consular Affairs Foreign Affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism Ministry of Sri Lanka immediately prior to his retirement in March 2025. He has previously served as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Egypt and Oman. He has also served in Sri Lanka Missions in Chennai, Kuala Lumpur and London in various capacities.

Ambassador-designate Pathmanathan has a Bachelor of Arts degree from the University of Peradeniya and a Postgraduate Degree in International Relations from the Annamalai University in India.

A special ceremony to recognise outstanding students in the North Western Province who excelled at the 2023/2024 G.C.E. Advanced Level Examination was held yesterday at the North Western Provincial Council Auditorium. The event was organised under the President’s Fund. It took place under the patronage of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala and Public Administration, Provincial Councils and Local Government Minister A.H.M.H. Abayarathna.

The program aimed to appreciate students who demonstrated exceptional academic performance at the district level in the 2023 and 2024 G.C.E. Advanced Level Examinations.

During the ceremony, 240 students from the Kurunegala and Puttalam Districts, who secured positions from 1st to 10th in six subject streams, were each awarded scholarship grants of Rs. 100,000 and certificates of recognition. A total of Rs. 24 million was allocated for this purpose through the President’s Fund.

Delivering the welcome address and outlining the objectives of the initiative, Senior Additional Secretary to the President and President’s Fund Secretary Roshan Gamage emphasised the importance of recognising young talent and fostering academic excellence.

Addressing the students, Minister Ananda Wijepala stated that recognising and encouraging academically gifted students is a crucial step towards nurturing the strong leadership that the nation requires. He commended the President’s Fund for implementing this highly valuable and commendable program.

The Minister further noted that the President and the Government remain fully committed to creating a country fit for future generations to live in. Highlighting the Government’s focus on protecting the nation’s youth, he announced that a comprehensive national operation aimed at safeguarding children from the drug menace will be launched on the 30th of this month.

He added that the Government is determined to ensure the social protection of every child without exception, revealing that 17,000 highly vulnerable children have already been identified and are currently being monitored under special protection measures.

In his address, Minister Abayarathna observed that the President’s Fund, which was once limited to a few privileged beneficiaries, has now, under the present administration, evolved into an institution that is closer to the people and works for their benefit.

He further remarked that every parent in this country carries the dream of enabling their children to achieve what they themselves could not, and reaffirmed the Government’s commitment to doing everything possible to make those dreams a reality.

US President Donald Trump’s granddaughter, Kai Trump, will make her LPGA Tour debut next month.

The 18-year-old has received a sponsor’s exemption to play at The Annika, which has a prize pool of $ 3.25 million (£ 2.45 million) and is scheduled to be held at the Pelican Golf Club in Belleair, Florida from 13 to 16 November.

She is the eldest daughter of Donald Trump Jr. and has committed to play golf at the University of Miami in 2026.

‘My dream has been to compete with the best in the world on the LPGA Tour,’ Kai Trump said in a statement.

‘This event will be an incredible experience. I look forward to meeting and competing against so many of my heroes and mentors in golf as I make my LPGA Tour debut.’

She will compete against some of the biggest names in the sport at The Annika, including world number two Nelly Korda, who won her third title in the event last year, England’s Charley Hull, Lexi Thompson and 2023 champion Lilia Vu.

The LPGA said Trump’s ‘broad following and reach are helping introduce golf to new audiences, especially among younger fans’.

‘Sponsor invitations are an important way to spotlight emerging talent and bring new attention to our tournaments and the LPGA,’ said Ricki Lasky, LPGA’s chief tour business and operations officer.

‘We’re excited to see her take this next step in her journey.’

Kai Trump has more than six million followers across social media platforms and recently launched her own apparel and lifestyle brand.

Sri Lanka Insurance Life (SLIC Life) was honoured for ‘Excellence in CSR’ with the award for ‘Support and Improvement in Quality of Education’ at the Sri Lanka Leadership Awards 2025. The ceremony, organised by CMO Asia, was held at the Taj Samudra, Colombo, and recognised organisations that have demonstrated outstanding leadership and contribution to the community.

This recognition reflects SLIC Life’s continued commitment to uplifting the nation through education-focused initiatives. Staying true to its promise ‘Like a Father, Like a Mother’ the company has always gone beyond the call of duty to extend care and support to communities across the country. Education has remained a central pillar of its CSR strategy, alongside community development and the preservation of Sri Lankan culture for future generations.

Over the years, SLIC Life’s CSR platform has reached thousands of students, teachers, and schools by creating opportunities and improving facilities for learning. One of the most impactful initiatives in this journey has been Pasal Piriyatha Surakimu, a nationwide program launched in 2007 to strengthen underprivileged schools. The initiative has benefitted over 3,365 schools island-wide, helping to improve infrastructure and learning environments through classroom refurbishments, provision of clean drinking water, repair of school furniture, donation of books, and other essential improvements. The most recent phase, implemented in May 2025, saw 100 schools across the country revitalised simultaneously, with active involvement from the company’s regional and branch network.

Alongside its CSR outreach, SLIC Life also continues to support the educational aspirations of its policyholders’ children through the Suba Pathum Scholarship Program. Introduced in 2014, this initiative has recognised more than 2,200 high-achieving students at national examinations, awarding financial scholarships worth over Rs. 240 million. In 2025 alone, 225 students who excelled at Grade 5, GCE Ordinary Level, and GCE Advanced Level examinations received scholarships, enabling them to continue their academic journeys with encouragement and support.

Colombo Kickerz have finished as runners-up, falling short in the final after a penalty shoot-out, in the recently concluded Madras Super Cup 2025 tournament held in Chennai.

Participating as the only international team in the Under-19 Futsal segment at this tournament, Colombo Kickerz started off with two brilliant wins-first over FC Madras Emerging 4/2 and then against Sethu FC 5/3-to round off a perfect Day One.

On Day Two, Kickerz took on XIFT FA in their third group game, losing out by a solitary goal, 4/3.

This set up a final against XIFT FA, where the Indian outfit raised to a 3/0 lead at the short breather. The lads from Sri Lanka bounced back in sublime fashion, scoring three unanswered goals, as the match drew to an end after full time at 3-all.

In a penalty shoot-out, two XIFT FA players held their nerve to convert from the spot but only one Kickerz player was able to successfully score off the spot as XIFT FA ended the game as winners from the shoot-out.

Colombo Kickerz No. 10 Isaac Okoro was named Player of the Tournament in the segment while Coach Shaheer Riyad was the Best Coach of the segment as the lads from Colombo rounded off a successful tour to the Madras Super Cup 2025. (SJ)