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Former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has returned as leader of the Democrat Party, winning the position unopposed with an overwhelming majority of votes during the party’s extraordinary general assembly in Bangkok on Saturday.

‘I thank everyone who attended the meeting in unison and entrusted me once again,’ Mr Abhisit said in his victory speech.

The meeting, held at the Miracle Grand Convention Hotel in Lak Si district, also chose a new executive committee. It was attended by current and former members of parliament, ex-ministers and party members.

Former deputy leader Therdpong Chaiyanan nominated Mr Abhisit for the top post. No other candidates were proposed.

Voting followed Election Commission (EC) procedures, with ballots cast by three groups: current MPs (40%), former MPs (40%) and general party members (20%).

Oxford-educated Mr Abhisit won with 96.2% of the vote, drawing applause from party members in the convention hall. (Story continues below)

Mr Abhisit, 61, served as the Democrats’ seventh leader from March 2005 to March 2019. He returns as the party’s 10th leader, two years after resigning as a member during a stormy meeting that led to the selection of Chalermchai Sri-on as leader.

It was speculated that his exit was linked to the possibility that under a new leader, the party would move from the opposition benches to join the Pheu Thai-led government coalition, which it ultimately did.

‘My heart never left’

At the time Mr Abhisit pledged he would not join another political party and would return to the Democrats if they needed him. ‘My heart never left,’ he said this week.

He added that after being urged to seek the leadership, he spent time recruiting new members, and expressed hope that younger and older generations can work together.

Before the meeting started, Mr Abhisit was greeted warmly by party members and allies, including former finance minister Korn Chatikavanij, Satit Wongnongtaey, Sakoltee Phattiyakul and Nipit Intarasombat. Inside, members held placards supporting him as the next leader.

Also present was Democrat list-MP Chuan Leekpai, an 87-year-old former leader and prime minister. He was accompanied by his son and former MP Surabot Leekpai. They visited an exhibition titled ‘Democrat People’, featuring drawings by Mr Chuan.

The party leadership position has been vacant since Mr Chalermchai resigned last month, citing health reasons. He did not attend Saturday’s meeting, though acting secretary-general Dech-it Khanthong was present.

Several former members who served under Mr Abhisit have also rejoined the 79-year-old political institution, the oldest party in Thailand.

Following Mr Abhisit’s speech, the party approved eight deputy leaders based on key portfolios: Korn Chatikavanij (policy), Gardee Liaopairoj (digital economy), Juree Numkaew (communications), Rudklao Intawong Suwankiri (women, youth and sustainability), Werapong Prapha (international economy), Satit Wongnongtaey (strategy), Isra Sunthornvut (foreign affairs), and Amporn Pinasa (education). Chaiwut Bannawat, 66, was appointed party secretary.

The atmosphere on Saturday was energetic, reflecting renewed enthusiasm among members.

Unity crucial

Political analyst Stithorn Thananithichot said earlier that Mr Abhisit was widely expected to reclaim the leadership unopposed, a move seen as crucial for the party’s preparation for the general election, expected to be held on March 29, 2026.

The Democrats currently have only 25 seats in the 500-member House of Representatives, but Mr Abhisit’s return is expected to boost the party’s proportional representation, giving it more list-MPs, noted Mr Stithorn, a political science lecturer at Chulalongkorn University (CU).

Mr Abhisit first entered politics as an MP for Bangkok in March 1992. He was Thailand’s 27th prime minister from December 2008 to August 2011.

His prime ministership included the turbulent period of the red-shirt protests in 2010, which ended with a military crackdown that killed more than 90 people.

Mr Abhisit resigned as the Democrats’ leader to take responsibility for a major electoral setback in 2019. After winning 100 seats or more in elections going back to 1996, the Democrats managed just 53 seats in the 2019 poll. Their seat total fell to 25 in the 2023 election.

Mr Chuan said he hoped Mr Abhisit would restore the party’s stature, noting its sharp decline in popularity. He said regaining public trust would take time and effort.

‘[Mr Abhisit] is a politician by experience, not a businessperson in politics. He does not seek personal gain or have hidden interests,’ Mr Chuan said, adding that the Democrat Party, nearing 80 years, endures through legitimacy and integrity.

The anticipated return of former prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva as the prospective leader of the Democrat Party has sparked hopes of revitalising the 80-year-old political institution ahead of the next general election.

Stithorn Thananithichot, a political science lecturer at Chulalongkorn University, said all eyes are on whether Mr Abhisit can restore public trust and re-energise the party’s base. His comeback is expected to inspire confidence among veteran politicians long considered “outdated but experienced”, including Khunying Supatra Masdit, a former minister and multiple-term MP; former deputy prime minister Korbsak Sabhavasu; and former deputy health minister Satit Pitutecha.

“The return of these experienced figures provides a strong example for younger MPs on how to perform effectively in both party and constituency work,” Stithorn said.

The first extraordinary annual meeting of the Democrat Party this year will be held on Oct 18-19 at the Grand Ballroom of the Miracle Grand Convention Hotel in Bangkok to elect a new party leader and executive committee.

Mr Abhisit is expected to reclaim the leadership unopposed — a pivotal move in preparing the party for the upcoming election. His return is also widely expected to improve the party’s proportional representation, Mr Stithorn noted.

“Party-list MPs, currently numbering three, could rise to at least ten under his guidance,” he said.

At the same time, maintaining strong district-level representation remains crucial. Senior MPs may be encouraged to contest their traditional constituencies to reclaim lost seats from rival parties.

“If senior MPs strategically return to their constituencies, the party can maximise its district wins while giving space for capable newcomers on the party list,” Mr Stithorn said.

The strategy also opens opportunities for high-profile newcomers to join the party list, including Asst Prof Gardee Liaopairoj and Suvit Maesincee, former minister of higher education, science, research and innovation.

“Combining fresh talent with experienced politicians is seen as essential to strengthening the party’s appeal and preparing it for a competitive election,” he said. Mr Stithorn emphasised that internal restructuring should be efficient and not excessively drawn out, as prolonged adjustments risk alienating the public.

Yet uncertainties remain.

“At this stage, it is still impossible to gauge how much momentum Mr Abhisit can generate. The fact that he has not yet made any clear statements means current poll results are not particularly positive — especially compared with the surging ratings of Mr Anutin Charnvirakul. However, electoral victory depends on many factors and must be assessed closer to the election,” Mr Stithorn said.

Javier Milei, the Elon Musk wannabe who became president of Argentina two years ago, chainsaw in hand, is now in deep trouble with the voters, and the mid-term elections are due this month. He has the same political agenda as Donald Trump, give or take a folly or two, so he asked his populist big brother for help, and Mr Trump delivered.

Mr Milei faces US$20 billion (651 billion baht) of foreign debt repayments next year, and there was no money in the kitty, so Mr Trump bailed Argentina out with a $20 billion currency swap. But Argentines still seemed quite cross at Mr Milei’s huge cuts in jobs and public services, and they needed a bigger incentive to vote for him.

Sitting in the White House with Mr Milei last week, Mr Trump told the Argentine people, “You know, our approvals are somewhat subject to who wins the election. If [Milei] loses, we are not going to be generous with Argentina.” Or as the real mafia used to put it: “Nice little country you’ve got here. It would be a shame if something happened to it.”

Shamefully, Mr Milei did not reject that blatant intervention in his country’s elections. When Mr Trump treated Brazil in a similar way, demanding that convicted ex-president Jair Bolsonaro not go to jail for his attempted coup and threatening to impose a 50% tariff on all the country’s exports to the US, the Brazilians told him to go ahead and be damned.

There’s an equally humiliating show going on off Venezuela’s coast, where speedboats manned by a few young men are being destroyed from the air almost every week by the US Navy. Washington claims that they are carrying drugs, and some of them may be, but killing the crews without warning is a deliberate demonstration of US contempt for Venezuela.

Those boats cannot carry enough fuel to get even halfway to the United States. They are not armed, and it would be easy to stop and search them instead. Venezuela is ruled by an unattractive regime, but it is so weak that it would dare not intervene in such stop-and-searches, which would take place outside its territorial waters.

We have become inured to these American displays of contempt for Latin American countries and lives, but there is a bigger question here. Why are Latin American countries so weak, poor and disrespected, with the partial exceptions of Brazil and Mexico?

By population, Latin America is more than one-third of the “West”. The languages it speaks are all derived from Latin and, in most cases, are almost mutually comprehensible (Spanish and Portuguese). The great majority of the population everywhere is culturally Christian.

The natural resources available to these 600 million people are no less abundant per capita than those enjoyed by North Americans or other European-derived populations like Australia/New Zealand. Immigration was not later or less than it was to other “Western” destinations in the originally non-European parts of the world.

Yet there is a history of economic and political failure in most Latin American countries that stretches back centuries and has left them weak and poor compared to the rest of the West. So much so that they scarcely figure in the discussion when the “rest of the West” chooses its goals or considers its options.

Various people have claimed that the answer lies in the “fact” that Latin American countries have bigger indigenous and ex-slave populations than those in other parts of the West, but this is simply wrong.

Two of the most economically successful countries in the region are Mexico (19% indigenous and 40% mixed race) and Brazil (10% black and 45% mixed race). By contrast, the most spectacular long-term political failure is Argentina — which is almost entirely white European by descent. You can’t just play the race card here.

It is in Argentina that the debate about what went wrong historically is most intense, and I have heard most of those debates at one time or another because I have family connections in the country. They have reached no consensus on the answer either, although they are almost obsessed with the question.

Mr Milei is Argentina at its worst, and his gamble will very probably end in tears. It will be about the thirtieth time in the past century that an Argentine government has ended in tears. And while Latin America is not just Argentina writ large, the question remains unanswered: Why is per capita income in Europe at least twice as high as per capita income in Latin America?

The Apcom Hero Awards this year honours LGBTI advocates and celebrates Thailand’s milestone in passing the Marriage Equality bill.

The Apcom Foundation, an Asia-Pacific LGBTI advocacy foundation based in Thailand, earlier this month posted a video clip on their Facebook page about the return of its annual Apcom Hero Awards.

It was stated that this year the Hero Awards returns for a ninth edition under the theme “Celebration Of Equality”, marking Thailand’s historical achievement in marriage equality and that the event will be hosted by just one person for the first time.

Midnight Poonkasetwattana, Apcom Foundation executive director, said in a video clip they have been organising the Hero Awards annually in Bangkok for LGBTI advocates who uphold and promote the rights of people living with HIV, equality and human rights across the Asia-Pacific region.

There are 10 award categories — Business Ally, Community Ally, Community Hero, Community Organisation, Health and Wellbeing, HIV Hero, LBQ Her, Social Justice Hero, Transgender Hero and Young Achiever.

“This awards shine a spotlight on the LGBTI community as well as those who have made significant contributions to HIV response in this region while bringing guests from around the world to celebrate activists and connect diverse stakeholders ranging from diplomatic missions, government, community-based organisations, private sector, academia, allies and the media,” he added.

Regional community partners Asia Pacific Network of People Living with HIV/Aids; the Asia Pacific Transgender Network; and the Asian Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association will also join the Hero Awards. Midnight explained that the number nine carries a deep significance as a symbol of luck, prosperity and success in Thai culture.

This year the Hero Awards highlight the celebration of equality and honour Thailand’s passing of marriage equality on Jan 23 (the third country in Asia after Taiwan and Nepal and the first in Southeast Asia).

This award is co-hosted by the Dutch, British, Australian, German and Irish embassies and supported by other agencies.

Midnight also pointed out that this year’s award ceremony will be much more special as it will be hosted by Mel Heifetz, the 97th recipient of the Philadelphia Award who established the GLBT Fund of America at the Philadelphia Foundation in 2007.

According to the Philadelphia Award Website, Heifetz was a key person who addressed homelessness among LGBTI communities. He also kept several HIV/Aids nonprofit organisations afloat and at the peak of the crisis in the 1980s, he put countless uninsured people on his company’s health insurance plan.

Midnight added that individual support meant that not only the organisation but individuals could play a vital role in celebrating equality and justice.

“We welcome everyone to join this celebration to create an equal society in Thailand and beyond the Asia-Pacific region,” he ended.

To join the event, individuals need to purchase tickets through Line: Apcom Foundation.

The People’s Party (PP), a progressive party in Thai politics, secured a small victory in parliament this week, with its charter rewriting draft becoming the primary legislation for constitutional amendment.

Despite this, the struggle continues.

The PP and the two other main parties, Bhumjaithai (BJT) and Pheu Thai, all have their own bill, with the main focus on revising Section 256 in the current junta-sponsored charter.

The change to this section is necessary to pave the way for establishing a Charter Drafting Assembly (CDA), which will serve as charter rewriters. Needless to say, each party wants to have a say in the new CDA so as to set a fresh political direction.

During the two-day deliberations, we hardly saw coordinated efforts toward a better charter or reconciliation. Instead, we witnessed a new twist in political polarisation, this time with Pheu Thai and the PP doing a kiss-and-make-up, while the BJT was isolated on the other side.

Initially, BJT joined hands with the Senate, shooting down Pheu Thai’s bill. This prompted Pheu Thai to make a U-turn and give full support to the PP’s draft, helping this draft garner 300 votes in support, while BJT’s draft received 287 votes.

In theory, the BJT should have collaborated with PP, given the latter’s support for its leader Anutin Charnvirakul’s premiership bid while leaving Pheu Thai in the cold.

But in practice, such alignments are short-term, and the two parties have engaged in fierce competition when it comes to charter rewriting that may reset the country’s politics. This confirms what I said previously in this column: BJT, which massively benefits from the current charter that allows its networks to thrive in independent agencies, is reluctant, or not willing, to have a new charter.

Yet, BJT must align with PP because the MOA it signed with the progressive party obliges the Auntin government to support the charter amendment. So keep an eye on the subsequent political manoeuvring.

BJT has remained confident and has kept its cool, nevertheless. After all, the Upper House will determine the direction and destiny of this charter amendment. It is believed that the so-called senators in the blue camp will make or break the bill in the final stage. Constitutional amendments require support from an absolute majority of the joint parliament plus at least one-third of the senators. It is believed and widely reported that the so-called blue-camp senators make up almost 75% of the 200-seat Senate.

The question is: What benefits can voters and citizens expect from the CDA?

In its draft, the BJT proposed that the CDA selection would follow a similar format to the 2007 charter — the parliament would select the CDA, comprising provincial representatives and experts from various fields. This draft is believed to play into the hands of the BJP, given its strong alignment with the Senate and independent agencies.

The PP’s draft, similar to Pheu Thai’s version, proposes a CDA comprising 35 members selected by parliament from 70 public-elected candidates and a 100-member advisory council chosen directly from constituencies across all provinces. In short, it advocates direct election. If their version is adopted, voters will select experts to help write the constitution, the supreme law governing the country’s legal basis.

Another crucial matter is that BJT’s draft will prohibit the amendment of Sections 1 and 2 of the charter, which outline the country’s sovereignty as an undivided kingdom and its royal prerogatives. The PP’s version, meanwhile, leaves this matter open, without mentioning whether they would be amending the two crucial sections or not.

The next move will be tense, with regard to the composition of the 43-member House panel tasked with charter rewriting, which, at 24:19, sees little difference in their force. BJT and the senators have fewer votes than a grouping of PP and Pheu Thai, which also includes minor parties in its camp. The panel will have to wrap up its work around mid-December to accord with political timelines.

Watch for a few political machinations that will unravel in the weeks to come.

As sure as the sun rises, the BJT will utilise all its might and resources to ensure that Section 256 is fixed in a way that the CDA is formed in its favour, thereby ensuring maximal dominance of its alliance and networks.

If not, the senators in the blue camp, as earlier mentioned, may exercise their power and sink the bill in the third reading; or they may request the charter court to step in and rule against the move, citing the court ruling that prohibits direct CDA election or against the PP’s option to leave open the change to lese majeste law.

And in case the party fails, it will have to campaign against the charter amendment so that it is crossed out in the referendum, set to take place on March 29. Lastly, Mr Anutin, if necessary, may seek to dissolve the House while the bill is being vetted. In doing so, the whole process will be further delayed. And it will depend on the next government whether it will pick it up. It has two months to make a decision on this.

The last option is highly likely. This scenario predicts Pheu Thai will seek a no-confidence motion in December in its attempt to shore up its popularity, which has gone downhill. Indeed, political news reporters have started filing stories about the party planning to launch a no-confidence vote.

If that is the case, Mr Anutin will not be able to afford to face such a motion, and House dissolution is his only option. According to the law, if Mr Anutin chooses this option, he must do it before Pheu Thai submits the motion.

In that case, it would be unfortunate. All law scrutiny, including the current charter rewriting, will automatically stop, which is not good for the public as a whole. After all, this country needs a better charter that provides better rules so that it can get out of its current political conundrum.

The civic sector and the public at large must keep a close watch on the process to prevent any foul play that may derail the charter rewriting effort.

Re: “Beneath Tak Bai’s calm, scars remain”, (Opinion, Oct 15). The Bangkok Post deserves praise for having columnist Kong Rithdee remind the nation of the scars and injustices experienced in the South during the Thaksin regime under Gen Pisal Wattanawongkrit, the Fourth Army regional commander in 2004. He also wrote about notorious cases of impunity and the rise of southern youth in joining secessionist groups.

My ancestors from my mother’s side served as “Phra Ya” of Pattani during King Rama VI’s reign, and I consider being a southerner part of my heritage. So allow me to speak my stories as a southerner. My visits to Yala and Pattani in 2005 and 2012 allowed me to interview locals, providing a firsthand understanding of the violence in the South and the so-called secessionist movement.

These Muslim villagers spoke to me because they believed that I might not be a Thai citizen, as I couldn’t pronounce some Thai words correctly. What they told me made me worried about the future of the deep South.

The majority of the southerners follow Islam as their religion. Most of them are taught in Islamic schools (madrassas) by radical Islamic clerics (mullahs), where instead of teaching science and maths, kids are taught to hate other religions.

The locals highlighted key issues to me when I asked about their major grievances against the Thai army and government agencies.

First of all, they seemed upset and questioned why the army deployed soldiers from Isan or the northeastern region. For them, these soldiers often drank alcohol and got drunk. They were often seen with women wearing short dresses in public. They wish to have soldiers deployed to the deep South who are southerners or at least speak a local dialect.

Secondly, they wonder why the Thai government tends to disrespect their own Buddhist religion and culture by consuming alcohol, which is also prohibited (haram) by Islamic law.

Third is that they felt some Thai officials showed disrespect to the Islamic religion.

Fourth is that soldiers posted in Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat have zero knowledge of Islamic traditions and culture. Without cultural sensitivity, soldiers make some local Muslims feel insulted by searching and warning mosque goers who travel together in large groups during curfew time. The deep South has been governed by an executive decree that bans people from assembling or travelling in groups of more than five. Yet, this security rule is impractical with young women who are afraid to travel alone and must go in large groups.

Regarding the Tak Bai issue, Khun Kong duly compares the massacre that occurred on Oct 25, 2004, to that of Oct 6, 1976, when army soldiers and police in Bangkok killed university students and protesters.

No one has ever been successfully prosecuted or convicted for the deaths or human rights abuses in the Tak Bai incident, and many questions remain.

Can the Thai authorities not really track Gen Pisal overseas?

Or is he hiding inside Thailand with the help of the powers-that-be?

Is Gen Pisal’s vanishing just another repetition of Vorayuth “Boss” Yoovidhya’s hit-and-run saga? In that case, Vorayuth is believed to have been assisted by officials to evade trial, while the Thai authorities have been slow to search for him and bring him to stand trial at home.

Although the Tak Bai incident was two decades ago, its ramifications are still felt. In the deep South, young Muslims have been lured to join fanatical groups and have been indoctrinated to take revenge for the killings of their dead fathers or brothers.

We still have time for reconciliation. It would be a case of better late than never. However, we can still sincerely apologise to the families of victims, provide them with adequate compensation, and offer them job opportunities. We must make them feel we Buddhists respect their culture and religion, and be their friend. Better late than never. Otherwise, the lava inside the volcano will continue to boil silently and eventually erupt. Then it would be too late.

Selective morals

Re: “Gaza-bound aid flotilla says several boats intercepted”, (World, Oct 9).

As a member of Amnesty International, I’d like to share an observation. When US President George Bush wanted to go to war with Iraq, he kept quoting Amnesty International, which had documented Saddam Hussein’s dreadful human rights record. But a spokesman for Amnesty International asked why Mr Bush did not quote Amnesty when they document Israel’s deplorable human rights record.

I have had similar experiences with animal rights. If I write a letter condemning elephant abuse, readers agree with me. But if I write about how many factory-farmed chickens are boiled alive in scalding water, the reaction is: How dare you impose your vegan diet on us? Most people only care about injustice when it’s convenient to do so. The rest of the time, they don’t give a damn.

Thailand and Laos are set to inaugurate the Fifth Thai-Lao Friendship Bridge in December, marking a new milestone in regional transport and economic cooperation.

The countries are also moving forward with building a new Mekong railway bridge linking Thailand’s Nong Khai high-speed link to the Laos-China Railway.

The new friendship bridge, connecting Bueng Kan province in Thailand with Bolikhamxay province in Laos, is expected to significantly cut travel time and costs, enhance logistics efficiency, and stimulate trade and tourism.

The progress was announced following Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s official visit to Vientiane on Thursday, Government House said yesterday.

During talks with Lao Prime Minister Sonexay Siphandone and President Thongloun Sisoulith, both sides reaffirmed their commitment to deepening cooperation in economic, energy, and transport development.

President Thongloun confirmed his readiness to co-preside over the bridge’s opening ceremony, where His Majesty the King will represent Thailand.

Thailand’s Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn said connectivity projects form the backbone of regional growth.

“These are more than infrastructure projects — they are bridges of friendship and opportunity for communities on both sides of the Mekong,” he said.

Key initiatives include upgrading the First Thai-Lao Friendship Bridge (Nong Khai-Vientiane) to handle heavier U20 axle loads for improved freight capacity. Meanwhile, a new Mekong railway bridge will be built beside the existing one, with construction expected between 2027 and 2030.

The two governments are also studying a 10-kilometre Vientiane Capital rail link to connect Thailand’s metre-gauge line with the Laos-China standard-gauge network.

Transport Ministry permanent secretary Chayatham Phromsorn said the joint projects aim to make logistics faster, safer, and more cost-effective, establishing Thailand and Laos as a logistics hub in the Greater Mekong subregion.

Senator and human rights defender Angkhana Neelapaijit has claimed she received death threats targeting herself and her family, prompting the national police to offer protection if requested.

The senator shared evidence of the threats on her Facebook page, questioning how cruel one must be to send death threats to her father, who is over 100 years old. She also posted screenshots of the threats directed at her personally.

Mary Lawlor, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders, on Thursday expressed concern over reports of death threats and online attacks against Ms Angkhana, saying that “defending truth and justice is not a crime” and that the senator should be protected.

The threats are widely believed to be linked to Ms Angkhana’s comments on the Thai-Cambodian border tensions, particularly her criticism of the use of loud or “ghostly” noises that have disturbed residents along the border.

National police chief Pol Gen Kittharath Punpetch said yesterday that he was aware of the threats against Ms Angkhana and her family through media reports, and urged the senator to file a formal complaint or request police protection if needed.

He said differing opinions are normal in a democracy, but violence or intimidation is unacceptable. He also urged the public to avoid using heated language or resorting to violence when expressing their views.

Fuadi Pitsuwan, a lecturer and former foreign affairs adviser to the now-dissolved Move Forward Party, agreed with Ms Angkhana that the use of sound as a weapon constitutes a human rights violation because it affects civilians indiscriminately.

He warned that such acts, carried out by “non-state actors”, not only breach international human rights principles but could also backfire and harm Thailand’s national interests if reported by international media outlets.

On Thursday, army spokesman Maj Gen Winthai Suvari said some of Ms Angkhana’s comments had been selectively used by Cambodian media to distort Thailand’s image internationally.

He urged Thais to remain united.

Twenty-two Thais and foreigners tested positive for drugs in a raid at an entertainment venue in Ratchaprarop area of Bangkok, where a Nigerian drug dealer was arrested early Saturday.

A report about illegal activities at the venue in Ratchathewi district was reported via hotline 1386 of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board (ONCB), Pol Maj Suriya Singhakamol, secretary-general of the ONCB, said in a briefing. The name of the place was withheld.

Police had been investigating for two months and found that a Nigerian man and his Thai wife sold drugs at the venue, which operated until 7am daily, Pol Maj Suriya said.

At 5am, over 100 officers raided the venue and found more than 120 Thai and foreign patrons.

The Nigerian, whose name was not released, was arrested with 12 grammes of cocaine. Two staff were also arrested with packets of cocaine and crystal methamphetamine.

Of the 127 detainees, 11 Thais and 11 foreigners tested positive for illicit drugs. Other drugs were also found, including many balloons for inhaling nitrous oxide, or laughing gas.

The suspects were taken to Din Daeng police station for prosecution, with foreigners being transferred to the Immigration Bureau for deportation.

The Ratchathewi district office filed charges against the venue manager for operating the business without a permit and outside legal hours.

The Board of Investment (BoI) has launched the “Thailand FastPass” to speed up processing approvals of multi-billion-baht investment projects, aiming to support the government’s “Quick Big Win” policy.

“Thailand FastPass will be a new weapon in our efforts to draw more investment,” Narit Therdsteerasukdi, secretary-general of the BoI, said after a board meeting chaired by Finance Minister Ekniti Nitithanprapas.

This new investment mechanism supports the Quick Big Win policy, which prioritises swift, impactful and broadly beneficial projects as the Anutin Charnvirakul administration is committed to its pledge to work for four months and then dissolve the House for a general election next year.

Thailand FastPass focuses on new investment projects worth at least 1 billion baht in targeted industries, including digital and artificial intelligence technology, semiconductors and electronics, robotics and automation systems, cars and biotechnology.

These projects must prove they can make a significant contribution to the economy, including increasing local employment and enhancing technological development, said Mr Narit.

“Thailand FastPass will help investors reduce the steps and time needed to establish businesses here,” he said.

“We want to see new investment and the speedy establishment of businesses to drive the economy.”

According to the BoI, up to 70 projects granted investment incentives between 2023 and 2024 have yet to start development. The projects, valued at 300 billion baht in total, are mostly in data centre, electronics and power generation sectors.

One major problem foreign investors face is the lengthy process for seeking long-stay visas and work permits, said Mr Narit.

To address the problem, the BoI set up an ad-hoc panel to help them deal with regulations and paperwork.

He said the panel also works on other issues that may hinder business development, such as power infrastructure and land where factories will be built.