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When his presidential caravan found its way in the eastern town of Bugiri a fortnight ago, National Unity Platform presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine, told voters in no uncertain terms to oust Asuman Basalirwa of the Justice Forum (Jeema). ‘Back our flag-bearer, Marcelino Mangeni Egesa,’ Bobi Wine told the crowd.

The relationship between Bobi Wine and Basalirwa could be traced back to 2018 when Bugiri Municipality held a by-election that ended with the latter becoming a lawmaker of the urban constituency that had been carved out of Bukholi North.

Basalirwa is a familiar face in Ugandan politics. The president of Jeema since 2010, Basalirwa is a former Makerere University Guild President. Until the 2018 by-election, his attempts to make it to Parliament had been futile.

His first shot at Parliament came in 2006 where he was outfoxed by Abdul Balingira Nakendo of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Bukholi North, Bugiri District. Nakendo’s happiness was short-lived as his victory was cancelled after all courts agreed with Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) stalwart Patrick Mwondha that Nakendo’s academic papers were forged.

The by-election organised in 2008 gave Basalirwa another chance to join the House, but, still, NRM’s Stephen Baka Mugabi, who came in as Nakendo’s substitute, foiled those plans. Mugabi also defeated Basalirwa in the 2011 elections.

Another loss in the 2016 electoral cycle, this time suffered at the hands of Gaster Mugoya, who stood on the NRM ticket after the party had dumped Mugabi, left Basalirwa licking his wounds. Questions were posed about whether Basalirwa would ever translate his oratory and political skills that had seen him gain traction with the urban populace into electoral victory in rural Bugiri.

Despite losing at the ballot umpteen times, Basalirwa’s credibility within the Opposition ranks was on an upward spiral.

In 2010, aged 33, Basalirwa was appointed as Jeema president, replacing former presidential candidate Kibirige Mayanja.

In doing so, Basalirwa joined other party leaders like UPC’s Olara Otunnu and Norbert Mao of the Democratic Party (DP), for whom the Makerere guild leadership provided a stepping stone to the national stage.

Basalirwa, a lawyer, was a key cog in Opposition activism. If he wasn’t in the streets defying security forces, he was always available to rescue Opposition activists who had been jailed.

People Power tonic

By 2013, Basalirwa’s mentors-Dr Kizza Besigye, former Makindye West lawmaker Hussein Kyanjo, and former South African President Nelson Mandela affirmed his belief in activism and defiance.

After the 2016 General Election, the People Power movement, which would later morph into NUP, was up and running under Bobi Wine’s stewardship. In 2017, Kyagulanyi won the Kyadondo East parliamentary elections and sensed an opportunity to influence the politics of the country.

In the run-up to the 2021 elections, the government carved Bugiri Municipality from Bukholi North. This presented Basalirwa with another chance to join the House. The rural parts that left Basalirwa nursing a political migraine on account of being NRM strongholds were to remain in Bukholi North. Bobi Wine’s movement embraced Basalirwa on account that it was time for the young generation to take over.

Propelled by the movement, Basalirwa barnstormed the tiny constituency with 28 polling stations and 16,222 registered voters. He would go on to easily defeat the NRM’s Francis Oketcho with a margin of 3,267 votes.

Basalirwa also easily won re-election in 2021, having forged an alliance with NUP. Yet, a fortnight ago, Bobi Wine publicly declared that there was no thaw in relations between the two parties.

‘I camped here in 2018. You took me to the ghettos here in Bugiri, and I pleaded with you to vote for Asuman [Basalirwa] though you had rejected him previously. You agreed with me and voted for him, but he has since changed. He is no longer on the side of the people. And once I realise that a person is no longer on the side of the people, I come back here and I tell you. Basalirwa has betrayed us,’ Bobi Wine said.

‘Unholy’ alliance

We understand that differences emerged after Basalirwa developed a close relationship with the Speaker of Parliament, Anita Among and Moses Magogo, her partner.

Basalirwa’s closeness with Among came as a shock, considering that earlier, he had positioned himself as a supporter of Rebecca Kadaga.

During this current term, it has been commonplace to see Basalirwa join other NRM-leaning legislators, like David Kabanda of Kasambya County, while exchanging pleasantries with Speaker Among.

In January 2023, Basalirwa, together with a motley crew of lawmakers, accompanied the House Speaker as she traversed the Teso Sub-region, holding a number of fundraising ceremonies.

Still, in 2022, Basalirwa’s parents visited Among in her office and had their kodak moments. Whilst Basalirwa thinks his hobnobbing with Among is normal since she is the Speaker, NUP honchos have made it clear she is an obstacle in their resistance against the NRM.

The latest standoff NUP has with Among stems from what the Opposition’s leading political party says are underhanded methods of blocking any possible challenger to her political seat in Bukedea, including their member Marion Alupo. NUP alleges that, through stooges, Among has filed cases in the High Court to block any competition.

This, they add, explains why the Electoral Commission (EC) has ruled that Among’s competitors can’t be nominated because they are not natives of Bukedea. In an X post, Bobi Wine described the House Speaker as a ‘shameless woman’ after the EC pronounced itself on the matter. ‘We’re dealing with unprecedented impunity,’ Bobi Wine further roared.

Frosty relationship

NUP’s frosty relationship with Ms Among can be traced to the fallout the Speaker had with Francis Zaake, the Mityana Municipality lawmaker, a close associate of Bobi Wine. A social media post that Mr Zaake put out is believed to have riled the Speaker to the point that he was ousted from the parliamentary commission.

The House also adopted the report of the Committee on Rules, Discipline, and Privileges, presented by Abdu Katuntu, the Bugweri County MP. The report damned Zaake. The Constitutional Court, following a petition filed by Zaake, quashed this parliamentary resolution, saying there was no requisite quorum.

Speaker Among has also rumbled with NUP spokesperson Joel Ssenyonyi over the presentation of the report on the management of Uganda Airlines. Ssenyonyi, the Nakawa West MP, who then headed the House Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase), accused Among of refusing to put the issue on the Order Paper.

Among said her decision was informed by the fact that the report had been leaked. She went ahead to accuse Ssenyonyi, who is making his debut in Parliament, of being lazy.

With this kind of relationship, NUP has made it clear that Basalirwa should have distanced himself from the Speaker. The Bugiri Municipality lawmaker, however, remains calm.

Basalirwa reacts

Basalirwa has also accused Bobi Wine, who blocked him on social media, of being intolerant.

‘I have no problem with Kyagulanyi, but he has been consistent in attacking me and my people. He even did the same two years ago while in Bugiri. I was told it’s because I work well with the Speaker. But I advise him to focus on the presidency – he won’t lead Uganda without the rest of us.’

Police in Gulu District have arrested two government health workers over the alleged theft of HIV/AIDS drugs worth millions of shillings from Awach Health Centre IV in northern Uganda.

The suspects, Ronald Bejja, a clinical officer, and John Komakech, an inventory officer, were arrested on Friday alongside Ms Winnie Obalim, a staff member of Health Rights Initiative (HRI), and Daniel Ismail Rubangakene, a boda-boda rider.

Police said Rubangakene was intercepted while transporting 20 boxes of Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP) drugs belonging to Awach Health Centre IV.

‘Upon thorough interrogation, he revealed that one Bejja sent him to collect and transport the consignments,’ said David Ongom Mudong, the Aswa West Regional Police Spokesman.

According to police, the patrol team became suspicious of the goods Rubangakene was carrying on his motorcycle, registration UMA 679 CY, prompting his arrest.

He later presented a requisition letter from Health Rights Initiative, where the drugs were reportedly destined.

However, Mudong said the police found no formal clearance or acknowledgement authorizing the transfer of the drugs through the District Health Officer.

‘The three men and a woman were arrested to help police in their investigation into the circumstances surrounding the alleged theft of drugs from the public facility. The four suspects are being interrogated and are cooperating with the police by giving relevant information that will guide our investigations,’ he said.

By Saturday morning, the suspects were being held at Gulu Central Police Station likely to face charges of being in illegal possession of government property – specifically PrEP drugs, which are used by people at risk of HIV to prevent infection.

The case has once again highlighted persistent drug theft from public health facilities in northern Uganda.

In July, two healthcare workers attached to Pudo Health Centre II in Kitgum District were also arrested for allegedly stealing government drugs valued at Shs11 million.

Government health facilities across the Acholi sub-region have faced a rising wave of drug thefts, with reports suggesting that some health workers orchestrate the illegal sale of medicines.

The stolen drugs are often sold in private clinics within Uganda or smuggled to South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for profit on the black market.

Police say investigations into the latest case are ongoing.

An advanced agricultural technology is helping farmers in Uganda’s Southwestern Highland Agricultural Zone achieve unprecedented crop yields while fighting the devastating effects of soil erosion and climate change. The innovation, known as “contour reversed bench terraces,” is a collaborative effort led by research scientist Amos Rutayomba of the National Agricultural Research Organisation (Naro).

Food basket

The highland agro-ecological zones of Uganda are vital to the agricultural sector. Characterised by mountainous terrain, elevated plateaus and fertile volcanic soils, these regions provide a unique environment for cultivating a diverse range of crops that are critical for both food security and economic activity.

The cooler temperatures and reliable bimodal rainfall pattern support the growth of various crops, including cash crops such as tea and coffee, as well as essential food crops such as bananas, beans, Irish potatoes, vegetables and cereals. The favourable climate and soil conditions allow for intensive farming practices, though challenges such as soil erosion remain a concern.

Within the Southwestern Highlands, the Kigezi sub-region, which includes Kabale, Rubanda and Kisoro, is widely recognised as a major hub for Irish potato production in Uganda. The region’s cool, temperate climate and rich soils are exceptionally well-suited for growing Irish potatoes. Kigezi contributes a substantial portion of the country’s Irish potato output. The Irish potato is a key food security crop and a source of income for many farmers in the area due to increased urbanisation. However, a decline in production poses great risks.

The contour reversed bench terraces technology offers a lifeline to communities in the Kigezi Highlands, a region plagued by fragile and highly degraded agricultural land. For years, the area has suffered from severe erosion, with deep gullies scarring the landscape. Farming has been dominated by annual crops with little to no perennial crops, agroforestry, or dedicated grazing areas. The land is highly fragmented, hardly fallowed and suffers from very low productivity, making it a difficult environment for farmers to thrive.

An advanced approach

Rutayomba, a system agronomist at Kachwekano Zonal Agricultural Research and Development Institute (KaZARDI), explains that the technology is an advanced integration of traditional soil and water conservation methods. Unlike older terracing techniques that simply create a flat surface on a slope, this new approach ‘benches on the contour lines and reverses the gradient to have a flow back.’ This unique reversal, he says, is key to its success. ‘With this technology, we harness all the runoff downwards. Any water on a particular point in the landscape is held from where it has been received from the rain,’ Rutayomba says.

The method works by creating a series of flat, bench-like structures on hillsides that follow the natural contour of the land. These bands are hinged at a 45-degree angle, which reduces water flow. Excess water is captured in strategically placed contour water retention trenches and check dams, preventing it from washing away the nutrient-rich topsoil. The project, initially developed under the Eureka Project Fund in 2022, also incorporates specialised grasses like napier and vetiver, which form a strong root network to hold soil in place. Additionally, leguminous trees such as calliandra and vernonia are planted to stabilise the terraces, capture atmospheric nitrogen, and bring phosphorus back into the soil for crops to use.

Benefits

The restored landscapes with bench terraces come with short, mid-term, and long-term benefits that can be realised even on half-acre plots. These include increased water use efficiency, a reduction in the number of dry days and the creation of a resilient landscape. The technology supports diversified cropping systems and reduces pressure on fragile ecosystems, including wetlands, which are often over-cultivated. It also enables an integrated zero-grazing livestock system, making it a basis for socio-economic transformation in the region.

Financial returns

A cost-benefit analysis for a typical half-acre plot shows a strong return on investment. The major costs include a one-time establishment fee for properly stabilised bench terraces at Shs4m. Annual farm operational costs for potatoes (seed, disease management, and labour) are estimated at Shs3m, while a dairy cow requires Shs1.5m for veterinary services and labour. This brings the total first-year cost to Shs8.5m. In return, the benefits are significant.

Potato production can yield up to 40 bags per season, bringing in Shs12m over two seasons. The sale of milk from a dairy cow can add another Shs3m (3,000 litres at Shs1,000 per litre), totalling an annual benefit of Shs15m. Since the terrace construction is a one-off cost, the financial benefits will only increase in subsequent years, providing sustainable, gainful employment and supporting the socio-economic transformation of Kigezi’s communities.

Community adoption

The technology is now being brought to communities through the BRIGHT (Building Resilience and Inclusive Growth for Highland Farming Systems for Rural Transformation) project, funded by the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs and implemented by International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD) .

Rutayomba notes that the community’s “body language” and willingness to adopt the practice are clear indicators of its immense potential.

‘They are already willing to adopt and implement and expand it on a grand scale,’ he says, expressing optimism about the future of farming in the region.

Advantages of terracing

As one of the oldest techniques for conserving water and soil, terracing is common in hilly and mountainous regions that are subjected to substantial population pressure. Terraces are built along contour lines to increase the arable surface area and conserve water and soil on hillslopes. Terraced fields can be of different shapes and sizes, and consist of a flat section and a near-vertical riser, protected by a wall of dry stones, soil, grass, or trees. The height of the riser or wall can be from several decimetres to a few meters, with a continuous or intermittent structure comprised of single walls or a complex series of walls.

Reduced runoff, water conservation

There are three primary ways that terracing reduces runoff and sediment loss. First, terracing transforms steep slopes into an artificial sequence of relatively flat surfaces, thereby decreasing slope length and gradient, which significantly reduces sediment yield and runoff. Second, terracing increases surface roughness and vertical surface relief.

This increases infiltration, soil moisture, and the soil water holding capacity. Terracing can increase soil moisture content by 4.24 percent-12.9 percent (5.0-6.2 times that of sloped land) and also found that terraces can store water and thereby, allows for the restoration of vegetation in water-limited ecosystems.

Third, terracing often includes the formation of ridges or embankments that were greatly beneficial in reducing runoff. Terraces with ridges, for example, have been shown to retain 18 percent more runoff than terraces without ridges.

Erosion control, soil conservation

Soil erosion is closely related to runoff. During intense storms, a portion of the rain infiltrates into the soil and the remainder becomes runoff. As runoff increases, its velocity, volume and erosivity also increase. In addition, the terraces intercept not only the water and sediment they produced, but also the sediment-laden flow coming from the upslope. The effect of soil erosion control is especially significant when considering the effects of sediment reduction in terraced surface, the interception of upslope runoff, and the reduction of downhill gully sediment yield by reducing slope runoff.

Increase in crop yield

The recent global increase in terracing relates to increased population density in areas with limited arable land. By terrace building, a steep slope is converted into a relatively flat surface that not only increases the area available for cultivation but also facilitates more intensive farming practices. In general, arable land can be increased by 20 percent -40 percent through the conversion of slope land into terraced fields, which significantly increases grain yield (about 20 percent -40 percent).

Besides, farming practices, such as ploughing, help to form pedo-environments with their own characteristics, i.e., modified profiles with high percentages of organic materials and nutrients. That is why terraced soils usually have higher organic matter and nutrient contents compared with non-terraced agricultural plots. Furthermore, terracing also increases the moisture by avoiding water loss, which effectively enhances crop endurance to droughts and consequently increases crop yield. Accordingly, terrace is especially important for the irrigation and fertilisation of barren hillsides.

Cultural landscape

Terracing creates a cultural landscape that reflects human wisdom in understanding the relationship between man and a specific environment, as well as the connection with a valuable natural ecosystem. Over the past decades, there has been an increase in research on terraced landscapes within the fields of geography, landscape architecture, ethnology, rural sociology, and other spatial disciplines. Terraces have been identified as part of a ‘cultural landscape’ heritage and play a key role in aesthetic appreciation and spiritual enrichment.

Famous examples are the Arab gardens in Spain and the agricultural terraces in Central and South America and Asia. These terraces attract thousands of visitors each year due to their aesthetic value and productive, pleasing, neat, and sustainable landscapes. Thus, terraces create large income for local residents). At the Longji terraces in China, for example, income from tourism accounts for 70.8percent of the total income for local families. Across the globe, five well-known ancient terraced fields have been designated as globally important agricultural heritage systems (GIAHS) by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations.

Tip

The contour reversed bench terraces technology offers a lifeline to communities in the Kigezi Highlands, a region plagued by fragile and highly degraded agricultural land. For years, the area has suffered from severe erosion, with deep gullies scarring the landscape. Farming has been dominated by annual crops with little to no perennial crops, agroforestry, or dedicated grazing areas. The land is highly fragmented, hardly fallowed and suffers from very low productivity, making it a difficult environment for farmers to thrive.

Fufa president Moses Magogo on Saturday afternoon bowed to mounting fans’ pressure and media disapproval, announcing the suspension of the controversial 2025/2026 Uganda Premier League (UPL) group-themed format.

The federation will revert to the traditional home-and-away system that has governed Ugandan football for decades.

In a statement issued after an Executive Committee meeting, Magogo confirmed: ‘The Fufa Executive Committee has taken a decision to suspend the format of the 2025/2026 StarTimes Uganda Premier League season after consultations with the UPL clubs, league sponsors and the Uganda Premier League Board.

“Rule 14:4-12 of the Fufa Competition Rules 2025 will now not apply for this season.’

Magogo, clearly humbled by the storm, admitted: ‘Our new format failed because of a lack of adequate sensitisation. We shall revert to it in one year’s time after trying it in the lower leagues.’

The league will now proceed under the old system, with already played matches standing.

But the fallout – marked by fans’ boycotts, sponsor unease, and Vipers’ open defiance – has left a trail of mistrust that may take years to heal.

The Interparty Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) and its offerings is so far the biggest story of the 2026 election campaigns.

The IPOD is a public-funded space offering a platform on which political parties with representation in parliament can interact. But in a quintessential Ugandan political setting of the post-2006 Museveni era, opposition political groups would do better to avoid IPOD.

There was a lukewarm interest in IPOD by FDC under the general guidance of Col (rtd) Dr Kizza Besigye. When NUP was created and became big, they too avoided IPOD.

Then an idea was mooted: the State should fund political organisations in the act of deepening democracy.

This funding would be based on representation in Parliament. Later, this idea was enhanced in some law or other, with some requirements or demands. To access these funds, a political party would have to sign up on some minimum regulatory requirements.

Mr Mohammed Nsereko, the outgoing MP for Kampala Central, revealed some of the requirements: a political party would subtly be required to be subservient to the status quo. No demos. Unsatisfied political actors should seek recourse in the courts of law as opposed to the street.

In the political dynamics obtaining in Uganda, a political party worth the name (and running a protest vote campaign) would be better off distancing itself from IPOD. So, why does NUP want to participate in the activities of IPOD? Answer: Money!

Instead of making a political point by distancing itself from IPOD, the allure of money seems to have blinded our NUP friends from their protest vote beat.

I am no lawyer, but my father (as an absolute family ruler) once told me that ‘the fear of punishment is the basis for respecting the law’.

So, here we are: whereas all political parties with parliamentary representation should be members of IPOD, there is no punishment for political parties that do not participate in IPOD activities. As a strugglist, that should be viewed as an opportunity.

NUP’s argument that they are entitled to the funding by law is weak and lacks ideological steadfastness.

There is this argument that the money is public money and budgeted for. And therefore, NUP is not getting the money from Mr Museveni. But this flies in the face of the moral arguments that were made against the service award given to Mathias Mpuuga.

But most Ugandans know that these IPOD funds are a trap from which most political parties may not extract themselves. Why is NUP not seeing this?

The service award Mr Mpuuga received had been budgeted for and passed by Parliament. But he was scolded and hounded out of office based on the moral argument that he could have declined the offer.

Now, I am vehemently opposed to public funding of political parties. Even the argument of deepening democracy doesn’t cut it for me.

Our friends in NUP would do better in joining me to oppose the use of public funds on groups of people who have not filed audited books of accounts to the appropriate authorities.

From the way flag bearers were chosen to the cry-baby tantrums about IPOD funds, NUP’s claim to be leading a struggle (in the circumstances obtaining in Uganda) should be interrogated.

What the public sees is a clear case of seeking electoral positions (which is not bad). The claim of a high call in the frame of struggle is very far from what we see.

We are not complaining about seeking electoral positions. That too would advance the cause for change, albeit in a small way. Yet we know how the comfort of positions can be detrimental to the struggle.