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In September 2025, The Parliament of the Republic of Uganda invited the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP) to submit its views on the Forensic and Scientific Analytical Services Bill, 2025. To the DPP it was not entirely true to say that there has not been any legal framework to regulate forensic services in Uganda; some of the elements of forensic services provision are already ring-fenced in the Police Act and the Identification of Offenders Act. Health workers, who offer forensic services, are guided by the Uganda Medical and Practitioners Act.

In the Bill, one of the functions of the Government Analytical Laboratory is to create a forensic and scientific database. The Bill, however, does not define what a forensic and scientific database is. Nevertheless, from the functions of the GAL, as spelt out in the Bill, the composition of the database can be deduced. The Bill empowers the GAL to conduct forensic and scientific analysis including ballistics and tool marks.

This would imply that the GAL would be mandated to have a database of firearms, a function which by law is already a classified function of the Armed Forces.

The function of computer and cybercrime means that the GAL would have a database of electronic communications or data, which is also a preserve of law enforcement agencies under the Interception of Communications Act and the Uganda Communications Council Act. Keeping a biometrics of persons is already a mandate of the National Identification and Registration Authority under the Registration of Persons Act.

Questions Raised

The DPP has also questioned the designation of the Department of Inspection and Legal Services, an already existing department in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, as the regulator of forensic services in the country. There are questions of whether the old department will take on new roles or whether a new department will be crafted and what will happen to the old one.

There have also been questions raised by other stakeholders about this department including who man this department and what qualifications the regulators hold and whether they are competent to regulate forensic services in the country. The existing department is headed by the Commissioner of Inspections and Compliance of Citizenship and Immigration Control who reports to the Director Immigration who is also known as the Chief Citizenship and Immigration Control Officer.

The Director reports to the Board who then reports to the Minister. But the Forensic Bill, 2025 establishes another avenue of the Commissioner reporting directly to the Minister. The DPP questions whether the Bill intends to introduce a second department of Inspections and Legal services in the same Ministry or to vest the regulatory functions, as outlined in the bill, in the same old department. If the intention is to use the existing department, it does not have the necessary technical competency to regulate forensic services whose expertise is domiciled in different ministries and sectors.

And if the Bill is intended to introduce a separate department, it is bound to encounter problems in the reporting mechanisms for the two departments which will cause conflict in administration, let alone a conflict of interest. The Bill does not also provide details of the composition of the department to objectively evaluate its expertise to carry out the listed functions.

An illegal entity?

The DPP has also raised questions about legally designating the GAL as the national referral for forensic and analytical services. The key question is how the GAL has been existing and what the legal consequences would be to the various reports previously issued by them in the various courts of law. Has the GAL been an illegal entity that this anomaly must now be rectified?

It is a fact that the GAL has been in existence and performing legal duties. Providing for its establishment in the Bill may create questions as to its current legitimacy and give room to legal challenges to its existing technical reports. Another question raised by another stakeholder is what GAL has not been able to do that this Bill will automatically cure.

Legally mandating the GAL as the national referral for forensic and analytical services implies that the GAL will have a mandate to review reports from the other laboratories and for the GAL to do this it must have personnel with superior expertise.

To the DPP review of expert forensic reports does not usually mean review by third parties in an appellate manner. In many instances the forensic testing processes degenerates samples and makes it impossible for further analysis.

The Acts

Scientific reviews should preferably be done by the same expert for specific reasons. If one party disagrees with a specific result then that party is free to have the sample tested in another laboratory. If the two results contradict each other, the two experts are evaluated and inference drawn from their presentations. The Magistrate’s Act, the Trial and Indictments Act and the Evidence Act already have a standard of whom of the experts court should believe in the event of contradictions and the law has provided guidance to judicial tribunals on who to believe and disbelieve in such cases.

To the DPP the law should instead provide for conclusiveness of expert findings in a report. The law should focus on mechanisms for developing reliable scientific internal standards as a measure of authenticity of the findings. An expert opinion can only be challenged through the conventional process as opposed to administrative reviews by third party laboratories. The DPP also faulted some sections of the bill that appeared to be redundant and one of these is the category of other laboratories that the law does not apply to. It is not clear whether this section covers all government-related laboratories or only those specifically created by law. Some of these laboratories are, in fact, created as a matter of policy, not law.

The section of the Bill on DNA seems to target voluntary testing only. The section requires that DNA samples are collected by the Analytical Laboratory. This conflicts with policing procedures. This section does not provide for DNA samples involuntarily taken from persons in conflict with the law or from objects during investigations where the DNA donors are not known.

As Uganda’s political landscape intensifies ahead of the 2026 General Election, a crucial question demands answering: are our presidential candidates and policy aspirants providing substantive solutions or merely amplifying the nation’s challenges for political gain?

With the electoral cycle gaining momentum, the nature of political discourse emerging from rallies and media appearances reveals a troubling pattern that threatens the quality of our democratic engagement and national progress.

The context framing this political conversation remains deeply concerning. The fundamental concern among political analysts and civil society observers is the prevalence of what might be termed “problem-centrism” where aspirants meticulously catalogue national challenges from unemployment to corruption, from healthcare gaps to infrastructure deficits, without providing coherent, costed implementation plans.

This approach creates a political discourse rich in criticism but alarmingly anemic in constructive policy prescriptions. The recent Civil Society Organisation assessment of political rallies found that nearly 80 percent of campaign messaging focuses on identifying problems, while only 20 percent offers specific, actionable solutions.

The consequences of this imbalance are profound and damaging to our democracy. First, it cultivates widespread cynicism and political apathy, particularly among the youth, who constitute over 78 percent of the population. When citizens are consistently told what’s wrong without being shown credible pathways to improvement, they disengage from the democratic process altogether.

Second, it reduces complex governance challenges to simplistic soundbites. Multifaceted issues like healthcare delivery involving intricate systems of financing, human resources, and infrastructure become mere weapons for attacking incumbents rather than subjects of serious policy debate.

The effect of this problem-oriented campaigning represents a fundamental disservice to citizens and weakens our democratic foundations.

An electorate presented with clear, alternative policy options cannot make informed decisions, often defaulting to voting based on ethnic affiliation, personality cults, or short-term material inducements.

The way forward requires nothing less than a transformation of our political campaign culture. For presidential and parliamentary aspirants, this means transitioning from vague promises to specific, costed policy proposals.

Instead of merely lamenting education standards, candidates should present detailed plans addressing pupil-teacher ratios, currently standing at 55:1 in government primary schools, according to the 2025 Ministry of Education statistics. Rather than simply citing unemployment figures, they must articulate sector-specific strategies for supporting small and medium enterprises and aligning educational curricula with market demands.

The responsibility for this shift extends beyond politicians themselves. Civil society organisations should develop standardised “policy report cards” to evaluate and compare aspirants’ proposals objectively.

The Electoral Commission could consider mandating detailed policy manifestos as a condition for nomination.

Ultimately, the power to demand better rests with Ugandan voters. We must collectively elevate our political consciousness and reward substance over spectacle.

Through community meetings, social media engagement, and direct questioning at rallies, citizens must insist on clarity, feasibility, and evidence behind every political promise.

The future of our nation will be determined not by who best describes our challenges, but by who presents the most credible, innovative, and executable vision to overcome them. As we approach 2026, we must demand that our aspiring leaders provide not just criticism, but concrete solutions worthy of our nation’s potential.

In Kijunjubwa Sub-county, Samuel Kaigi oversees a thriving herd of goats – now numbering more than 400. He started with 80 animals just last year and has since turned his small enterprise into a fast-growing venture. Although he has never lost money in his short farming journey, there was something he didn’t know: a national safety net exists to protect his savings should a bank collapse.

Kaigi made this revelation during the Seeds of Gold Farm Clinic at Bulindi Zonal Agricultural Research and Development Institute (Zardi) in Hoima, where he had come to learn more about productive goat farming. ‘I didn’t know that a product like the Deposit Protection Fund (DPF) was there to protect farmers. I thought only business people benefited from such things,’ he admitted.

He was among the hundreds of farmers who gathered at the Farm Clinic to learn from researchers, extension officers and financial experts.

But amid the demonstrations on climate-smart technologies and livestock management, it was a team from the Deposit Protection Fund of Uganda (DPF) that delivered the most unexpected message: where farmers keep their money matters as much as how they grow their crops.

Why farmers avoid banks

In Bunyoro, many farmers keep their money in cash or entrust it to informal savings groups. The region’s rural banking penetration remains low, with few commercial bank branches reaching the more remote sub-counties. Long distances to banking facilities and a lack of proper documentation of farming activities keep many farmers outside the formal financial system.

Meanwhile, mistrust has grown around some Savings and Credit Cooperative Organisations (SACCOs), with reports of mismanagement and some operators disappearing with farmers’ savings. This has left farmers vulnerable – without safe places to store their earnings or build up reserves that could cushion them during hard times. As a result, farmers remain vulnerable and miss opportunities to save or invest safely.

Rural banking penetration in Bunyoro is low: only about 13 per cent of adults have bank accounts, leaving the vast majority outside the formal system.

Nationally, 32 per cent of rural adults hold bank accounts, and just 7 per cent save in commercial banks. The informal and semi-formal systems – such as SACCOs and mobile money – help bridge the gap, but they cannot fully replace the protection and growth opportunities offered by formal banking.

The safety net

The Deposit Protection Fund of Uganda (DPF) is a government-backed institution designed to protect depositors if a bank closes. According to Patrick Ezaga, the Director of Communications at DPF, the fund guarantees payment of up to Shs10m per depositor in case a financial institution fails. This coverage includes 98 per cent of deposit accounts in the country – the majority belonging to low-income earners like farmers. Uganda has more than 24 million bank accounts, but many rural farmers are not among them.

‘Agriculture remains the backbone of livelihoods. We need to be where the farmers gather. Some of them are depositors, and we have to be there to build confidence that their money is safe,’ Ezaga noted during the farm clinic. Ezaga urged farmers to update their personal information and embrace formal banking to reduce the risks associated with idle cash and unregulated financial groups. ‘If you don’t have a bank account, open one today. Idle money is bad money and risky. We want to build confidence that you move your money to safe custody,’ he said.

Why financial inclusion matters for agriculture

Financial inclusion plays a crucial role in agricultural productivity. Farmers who access formal financial services can buy quality inputs, invest in livestock, irrigation, or storage, and plan for the future. Savings and credit also help farmers withstand shocks like droughts, floods, or pest infestations without being forced to sell assets at a loss or take high-interest loans. When farmers keep their money within the formal financial system, they gain access not only to protection like DPF but also to opportunities for growth through credit, insurance, and secure transactions. This financial stability is especially vital in regions like Bunyoro, where climate change has made rainfall increasingly erratic, exposing smallholders to greater risks.

In Uganda, agriculture employs about 70 per cent of the workforce and contributes around 24 per cent of GDP, yet most farmers are underbanked. By linking farm incomes to secure banking, farmers can stabilise their operations, access credit, and improve productivity – all while contributing to broader food security and rural economic growth. For Kaigi, the clinic was more than just a learning opportunity for goat management – it opened his eyes to the importance of securing his earnings. ‘I am going to encourage farmers in my community to open bank accounts,’ he said.

His story mirrors a broader shift that financial experts hope to see in rural Uganda: farmers embracing financial services not just as clients, but as active participants in a system that can protect and grow their wealth. Still, the journey toward full financial inclusion in Bunyoro will require sustained outreach, infrastructure development and trust-building. For many farmers, opening and maintaining a bank account remains a distant idea. But initiatives like the Seeds of Gold Farm Clinic are slowly changing attitudes by bringing information to where farmers are.

Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) presidential candidate Nathan Nandala Mafabi has pledged to reintroduce cotton growing in the Lango sub-region if elected, aiming to boost incomes for local farmers and revive a once-thriving cash crop.

Mafabi made the promise while campaigning in Amolatar Town on October 10, citing the struggles farmers face from low cotton prices and exploitation by middlemen.

‘Cotton was once being grown here and coffee was being grown in Mountain Elgon. Any dress, shirt or trouser has some cotton on it, and a dress or shirt of cotton is more expensive than that of polyester,’ Mafabi said.

He added: ‘So what happened to our coffee? One old man told me that the cotton prices are low. That’s dangerous for us because we should go back, grow cotton and make money out of it because other countries are growing cotton and making money out of it.’

Cotton production in Lango has declined sharply due to unstable prices, pests, and diseases.

Mafabi’s plan seeks to improve market access, supply quality seeds, and support farmers through cooperatives. Over 300 cooperatives in the sub-region have collapsed, weakening cotton production and sales.

Reviving the crop, Mafabi said, could create jobs, increase household income, and stimulate economic growth. He further promised that an FDC administration would allocate 10% of the national budget to agriculture and revive the Cooperative Bank to provide affordable loans and credit to Ugandans.

Mafabi’s manifesto includes allocating Shs100 million to every village to spur rural development, removing military presence from lakes to support fishing communities, and offering tax exemptions for small and medium enterprises.

Community leaders in Lango welcomed the proposal.

‘We have the land, the knowledge, and the will. All we need is leadership that believes in us,’ said David Okello, a farmer in Dokolo.

The cotton industry faces challenges from climate pressures, water scarcity, and socio-economic disparities.

According to the June 2025 edition of The ICAC Recorder, transformative strategies are needed rather than incremental adjustments.

ICAC Chief Scientist and Editor Dr Keshav Kranthi stressed that solutions require listening to farmers, investing in collaborative science, and managing water and carbon responsibly.

Mafabi’s promise highlights a campaign focus on reviving traditional cash crops to support rural communities and strengthen Uganda’s agricultural sector. How effectively these pledges translate into action will be closely watched by farmers and policy analysts alike.

Eleven inmates and four prison warders were critically injured on Friday when a Mitsubishi Fuso truck ferrying prisoners to Masindi Prison overturned along the Masindi-Kijunjubwa Road, police said.

The incident occurred around 3:00 p.m. near Kamurasi Primary School, according to a statement issued on October 10, 2025, by Albertine Region Police spokesperson SP Julius Hakiza Allan.

‘Preliminary reports indicate that the vehicle, which had been hired to transport firewood to Masindi Prison, failed to climb a hill near Kamurasi Primary School and rolled backwards, overturning and causing injuries,’ Hakiza said.

The driver, identified as Julius Atugonza, is currently on the run. Police have launched a manhunt to apprehend him while investigations continue to establish the exact cause of the crash.

All injured individuals were evacuated to Masindi Hospital under prison guard for medical attention.

The injured prison officers were identified as Sgt Emmanuel Nkenkya, Cpl Felix Egaru, L/Cpl Peter Emurwoth, and warden Peter Aurah.

The prisoners injured in the crash include Stephen Charles Oryem, John Ainebyona, Godfrey Tata, Brian Akampurira, Innocent Kasamba, Muhammed Muasami, Justus Arinaitwe, Godfrey Immanga, David Okello, Sande Mathias, and Moses Opar.

‘The wreckage has been towed to the police yard for inspection,’ SP Hakiza added, noting that: ‘A search for the driver is underway, and investigations are ongoing to determine the exact cause of the accident.’

The incident highlights ongoing concerns about prisoner transport safety in Uganda.

Authorities have urged the public to come forward with any information that may aid in the capture of the missing driver and in clarifying the circumstances leading to the crash.

Uganda’s newly vetted Inspector General of Government (IGG), Justice Aisha Naluzze Batala, has pledged a tougher approach to corruption, signalling more aggressive prosecutions across the public sector.

‘It’s not going to be business as usual. Public servants should brace themselves. The team is ready to tackle corruption and revamp the institution (Inspectorate) and bring changes,’ Justice Naluzze said following her parliamentary vetting on Friday.

‘The task ahead is huge but we are ready,’ she added.

Justice Naluzze, who currently serves in the Land Division of the High Court, takes over an Inspectorate that has been without substantive leadership since the previous IGG, Beti Olive Namisango Kamya, left office late last month.

Kamya’s tenure drew praise for public advocacy on corruption but was criticised for limited action against high-profile government officials.

‘The team is big and we have a lot of strategies in stock especially to do with prosecution. One of our strategies is to do a lot of prosecution,’ Justice Naluzze emphasized.

Her appointment comes amid growing public pressure for accountability and stronger action against misuse of public funds in Uganda, where prosecutions of senior officials have often been minimal.

‘Justice Naluzze must resign’

Uganda Law Society (ULS) Vice President Anthony Asiimwe urged Justice Naluzze to resign from the Judiciary before assuming office, citing potential constitutional conflicts.

‘ULS welcomes the appointment of Judge Naluzze as IGG. Following her confirmation today by Parliament, ULS notes that her continuation in the Judiciary Service while serving as IGG would be unconstitutional,’ Asiimwe said in a statement on Friday.

He cited the Constitutional Court’s decision in Jim Muhwezi and 3 others v Attorney General and another (Constitutional Petition 10 of 2008), which held that appointing a sitting judge as IGG violates the separation of powers.

‘Section 20 of the Administration of the Judiciary Act requires a judicial officer appointed to an institution outside the Judiciary to apply for leave of absence without pay for no more than three years, or retire from the Judiciary. Given the four-year term of the IGG office, Judge Naluzze’s appointment effectively terminates her judicial office,’ Asiimwe added.

He warned that failure to resign prior to swearing-in could halt the operations of the Inspectorate and ‘leave a permanent blemish on her integrity.’

Justice Naluzze did not immediately respond to the ULS’ concerns.

Uganda’s IGG is constitutionally mandated to promote good governance and combat corruption in the public sector.

Observers say the new IGG faces high expectations to deliver on prosecutions, especially of high-profile officials, and strengthen the Inspectorate’s capacity, which has been constrained by interference.

A Selection of quick and easy to make egg based recipes as we celebrate World Egg Day (October 10)

Soufflé Omelet

This delectable soufflé omelet is light and delicate enough to simply melt in your mouth.

Ingredients

Serves 2

2 eggs separated

2 tablespoons cold water

1 tablespoon chopped cilantro

½ tablespoon olive oil

2 tablespoon mango chutney

¼ cup Jarlsberg or Swiss cheese, grated

Method

Beat the egg yolks together with the cold water, cilantro and seasoning. 2. Whisk the egg white until stiff but not dry and gently fold into the egg yolk mixture. 3. Heat the oil in a frying pan, pour in the egg mixture and reduce the heat. Do not stir. Cook until the omelet becomes puffy and golden brown on the underside (gently and carefully lift one edge with a spatula to check). 4. Spoon on the chutney and sprinkle on the cheese. Fold over and slide onto a warm plate and eat at once.

Chocolate Mousse on the Loose

Super light, dark, creamy and delicious, this treat is always popular and should maintain a high profile on any dessert menu.

Serves 4

Ingredients

200g best quality plain chocolate, plus extra for flaking

3 eggs

2 tablespoons dark rum or whisky

¼ cup superfine sugar

1 ½ cups whipping cream

Confectioners’ sugar for dusting

Method:

1. Break the chocolate into a bowl and stand over a saucepan of simmering water and melt. 2. Separate the egg whites into a large mixing bowl, remove the chocolate from the heat and stir in the egg yolks and the alcohol. 3. Whisk the egg white until firm, gradually add the sugar and whisk until peaks form. 3. Whip the cream to a firm consistency and set aside. 4. Give the egg whites a final beating with a rubber spatula, add the chocolate and fold all the ingredients together gently, retaining as much air as possible. 5. Fold in the loosely whipped cream, turn into four glasses or bowls and chill until ready to serve. 6. Decorate with flaked chocolate and dust with confectionery sugar.

Mediterranean Salad with Basil

This is a type of Salade Nicoise made with pasta, conjuring up all the sunny flavors of the Mediterranean,

Serves 4

INGREDIENTS

220g pounds chunky pasta shapes

200g French beans

2 large ripe tomatoes

Fresh basil leaves

1 can tuna fish in oil, drained

2 hard-boiled egg, shelled and sliced or quartered

50g can anchovies, drained

Capers and black olives

Dressing:

6 tablespoons extra virgin olive oil

2 tablespoons white wine vinegar or lemon juice

2 garlic cloves crushed

½ teaspoon Dijon mustard

2 tablespoons chopped fresh basil

Salt and pepper to taste

Method:

Whisk the ingredients for the dressing together and leave to infuse while you make the salad. 2. Cook the pasta in plenty of boiling salted water according to the manufacturer’s instructions. Drain, cool and set aside. 3. Trim the beans and blanch in boiling salted water for about 3 minutes. Drain and refresh in cold water. 4. Slice or quarter the tomatoes and arrange at the bottom of a bowl. Toss with a little dressing and some of the basil leaves and then cover with the French beans. Toss with a little more dressing and cover with a bit more of the remaining basil. 5. Cover with the pasta tossed in a little more dressing, half of the remaining and the roughly flaked tuna. 6. Arrange the eggs on top and then finally scatter over the anchovies, capers and black olives. Pour over the rest of the salad dressing and garnish with what is left of the basil. Serve at once. There is no need to chill this salad; unfortunately, all the flavors shall be dulled.

Uganda got independence from British colonialism on October 9, 1962.

And on Thursday (October 9, 2025), Ugandans commemorated the 63rd anniversary of independence.

By 1950, there was a manifest appreciation that the British Empire was on the wane. The empire, on which the sun never set (because God couldn’t trust the Brits under darkness), had come to realise that running colonies was bad business.

India, the prize colony of the empire, got independence in 1947. Between 1950 and 1970, the British had almost completely left Africa.

In a small corner in eastern Africa, Uganda was prepped for independence as early as 1950. The job of preparing Uganda for independence fell on the shoulders of Governor Andrew Cohen. He laid the socio-economic and political foundation of what was later to be independent Uganda.

He built the national institutions on which an independent Uganda would run as a nation and State. He created the ancestor Uganda Commercial Bank, Uganda Development Corporation, Radio Uganda etc. He also consolidated the Co-operative Movement in a bid to deepen African native participation in the economy.

Unfortunately, Cohen fell out with Buganda (for exiling King Mutesa). Buganda called him ‘Kawenkene’ (a contemptuous nickname later to be bestowed on president Milton Obote after the 1966 infraction).

He even re-constituted the Legislative Council (the ancestor the Parliament of Uganda).

There exists a strong feeling in Uganda that the country is in the middle (or at the beginning) of a political transition.

Indeed, in the 2021 polls, both Mr Museveni and his opponents acted in a manner that betrayed a feeling that the 2021 elections were linked to the 2026 elections. Indeed, every term of office for which Museveni seeks re-election is always considered as his last. Except that he always rides on and on. Lol!

But all in all, no one expects Mr Museveni to rule Uganda for another 40 years. However, we need to put the dynamics of transitional politics in perspective.

The first attempt at a smooth political transition was during the reign of Cohen as governor of the British Protectorate of Uganda.

Governor Cohen hit a strong wall frame. His experience in other parts of Africa had clearly not prepared him for a strong Buganda in Uganda.

The transition initiated by Cohen culminated into Uganda’s flag independence on October 9 1962. The political dynamics of the time were characterised by manoeuvres between the nationalist political formations and what we have described as conservative or traditional nationalism. There were accusations and counter accusations against actors in the nationalist parties like DP and UPC.

Eventually, for the expediency and the dire need for the immediate attainment of independence, nationalists and conservatives made compromises.

However, these compromises were built on assumptions of goodwill on the side of conservatives. Needless to say, it must have been viewed as a case of appeasement to conservative nationalism on the side of those who called themselves (Ugandan) nationalists.

Since independence, Uganda has never had a smooth transition of power since independence. A section of Ugandans just bomb themselves into power (and stay put) until they are bombed out.

Mr. Museveni’s 40 year rule is 63.49percent of 63 years of Uganda’s independence.

British Colonialists ruled Uganda for 68 years (from 1894 to 1962). With his 40-year-rule, Museveni has ruled Uganda for 58.82 percent of the British colonial rule. And so, Museveni or the British, Uganda still limps on.

Generous portions of tender and juicy meat roasts accompanied by well-curated veggie salads. Cocktails and mocktails flowing freely. Live band music that lifts your spirit while serenading your soul with renditions of Ugandan and international hits that have stood the test of time. This is the atmosphere that welcomes guests at Taa-Angavu Restaurant’s Meat Carnival, an evening affair that feels like a mix between a backyard barbecue, a cultural showcase, and a romantic night out. Located in the heart of Kampala, Taa-Angavu is not just a restaurant. It’s an artisan community, where culinary craftsmanship meets creativity and culture.

‘Taa-Angavu is a Swahili word that means bright lantern,’ explains Amanya Atuhaire, part of the team behind the restaurant. ‘We wanted to give people a different experience, not just a restaurant, but a space where art, good food, and social connection come together.’

From the moment you step in, the ambience invites you to slow down. Flowers fill the air with fragrance, set against warm lighting that is neither too bright nor too dim, just enough to make your significant other glimmer with passion and your skin tone glow. The atmosphere makes you fall in love or, at the very least, reminisce about the good old times. It’s the kind of place where first dates blossom and heartbreaks are gently nursed with music, meat, and memory.

A Carnival of flavour

The Meat Carnival, Taa-Angavu’s signature event, held every first Friday of the month is a celebration of Uganda’s meat heritage, with a twist. ‘We wanted to bring different tastes of meat to the people of Kampala,’ says Amanya. ‘It’s not just about eating. It’s about appreciating meat, music, coming together with your friends, sharing vibes, and enjoying life.’ Here, meat isn’t simply grilled. It’s slow-roasted over open flames, basted with aromatic spices, and presented in artistic plating that shows the chef’s attention to detail. Whether you prefer beef, chicken, goat, or even venison, there’s something special for every palate.

‘The beef was strictly from Karamoja,’ says Lynn Atuhwera, another member of the team. ‘The chicken was sourced from Gulu. We even brought in a goat from Nsangi. The taste of that meat is different. Very different. People who know meat know what I mean.’ The idea, Atuhwera says, is to showcase the true taste of Uganda, region by region. ‘We are trying to bring back those meats people used to love, the kind you can’t find just anywhere anymore.’

Specially sourced

The team behind Taa-Angavu is intentional about where their ingredients come from. The meats are sourced from specific regions across Uganda, chosen for their unique texture and taste based on local rearing practices. ‘Our meats are special because of what the animals eat and how they’re raised,’ Atuhwera says. ‘We go to great lengths to find the right meats and spices. Even if it’s not easy, we want people to experience that authenticity.’ Each cut of meat is handled by a team of professional chefs, including a culinary lead with over 15 years of industry experience. The team experiments with grilling, roasting, frying, and marinating techniques, constantly innovating but also respecting tradition.

‘The things on the menu were carefully articulated,’ Amanya shares. ‘We chose what we know people love, but also what they haven’t seen before. The creativity in the kitchen is amazing. Even the way the food is presented, it’s art.’

Balancing indulgence and health

While the star of the show is undeniably the meat, Taa-Angavu doesn’t neglect the greens. The spread includes fresh fruit platters, garden salads with crisp cucumbers and tangy dressings, and vegetable sides that complement the richness of the meats. ‘There might be doctors out there who say meat is not healthy,’ Amanya laughs, ‘but we’ve got you covered. A lot of greens, salads, and fruits are part of the experience. We think it’s a mix, spoiling yourself while also thinking about your health.’

It’s a philosophy that mirrors the restaurant’s broader ethos; balance, beauty, and community.

Band, vibe, night to remember

But Taa-Angavu is not just about food. The live band, tucked neatly into one corner of the restaurant, delivers everything from old-school Ugandan ballads to Afro-soul classics and global chart-toppers. The music doesn’t overpower; it flows gently, like a stream weaving through a lively forest. ‘The band helps us unwind and relax after the week-long shenanigans,’ one guest chuckles over a cocktail. ‘You come here, you listen, you eat, you feel alive.’

Indeed, the setting is perfect for a romantic evening, a chill night out with friends, or even a solo escape from the chaos of Kampala. There’s no pressure here. Just warmth, laughter, clinking glasses, and plates that keep arriving with more to taste. Cocktails and mocktails, many with herbal infusions and tropical twists offer refreshment for all preferences. The drinks menu is curated to pair beautifully with the meats, and the service is friendly without being overbearing.

Kabale District Council on Friday approved the allocation of 15.5 acres in Kijojo Village, Buhara Parish, Ndorwa East, to Sino Mining Company Ltd for the establishment of an iron ore factory.

The decision, passed during a council sitting at Rukiiko Hall, is part of a major initiative to set up an iron ore plant aimed at boosting the local economy and generating revenue for the district.

The proposal was presented by Barker Turyamureeba, Chairperson for Production, Natural Resources, Trade, Industry and Local Development.

Turyamureeba cited the Local Government Act (Cap 138), noting that the district, as a corporate entity, holds perpetual rights over its assets, including land.

This, he said, allows the local government to enter agreements that support revenue generation and service delivery.

‘Once parliamentary approval is granted, we plan to formalize the agreement by entering into a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the iron ore company,’ Turyamureeba said, adding that the MOU will define the roles and responsibilities of both parties.

Under the agreement, Sino Mining will pay an annual rent of Shs1.2 million per acre, with a 2% increment every three years.

The company will also contribute Shs30 million annually to the district, to be paid in two instalments of Shs15 million for the maintenance of the 10-kilometer Rwakihirwa-Buhara road.

The firm has further pledged Shs10 million annually to Buhara Parish under the Parish Development Model (PDM), aimed at supporting needy residents.

Additionally, Sino Mining will provide scholarships for four deserving students from Buhara Parish each year, covering both high school and secondary education, and award two scholarships to science students from the district.

The project has sparked mixed reactions among locals. In May 2025, Ndorwa East Member of Parliament Wilfred Niwagaba held discussions with landowners from neighbouring villages to brief them about the planned factory.

While the initiative was generally welcomed, some landowners protested the perceived low compensation for their land.

Niwagaba cautioned that the project could be relocated to Ntungamo District if compensation concerns are not addressed. ‘

While the factory holds the potential to drive development in the area, the community would be left with no choice but to reconsider the project if the compensation issue is not adequately addressed,’ he said.

The council’s resolution will now be forwarded to the Minister of Local Government for approval, before seeking final endorsement from Parliament.

Authorities say the move marks a significant step in Kabale’s efforts to attract investment, stimulate local development, and improve infrastructure.