N70,000 transport allowance: Why Nigerian workers need more than wage increases

For millions of Nigerian workers, payday increasingly feels less like relief than a brief pause before the next financial struggle. Now, a ?70,000 monthly transport allowance for six months has sharpened the question: can a country keep adjusting minimum wages without confronting the cost of living? Christian APPOLOS reports on the unfolding crisis

The Federal Government’s announcement of a ?70,000 monthly transportation allowance for eligible public servants, payable for six months, has brought into sharp focus the widening gap between workers’ earnings and the cost of maintaining a decent standard of living.

The striking irony is difficult to ignore: the proposed monthly transport support is equivalent to Nigeria’s current national minimum wage of ?70,000. For workers already struggling to meet basic household expenses, the comparison raises a fundamental question about the adequacy of their earnings. If an entire month’s minimum wage can be matched by a temporary transport allowance, what does that say about the purchasing power of the wage itself?

Beyond the immediate relief the allowance may provide, the development has reopened a larger debate about the direction of Nigeria’s wage policy, the sustainability of periodic minimum-wage increases and whether the country should move beyond the traditional minimum-wage framework towards a living wage.

For labour and policy experts, the problem is not simply that workers earn too little. It is that wages are being negotiated and adjusted in an economy where the prices of essential goods and services continue to rise, while the public infrastructure and social services that could reduce household expenditure remain inadequate.

Their positions differ on the amount that should constitute a reasonable wage, but they converge on one central argument: Nigeria cannot achieve meaningful improvements in workers’ welfare through nominal wage increases alone. It must address the economic conditions that determine what those wages can actually buy.

Chief Emenike Ikedichi Ubani, a labour analyst and lecturer at the Department of Mass Communication, Abia State University, argues that the country’s wage history demonstrates how successive increases have struggled to keep pace with the rising cost of living.

Nigeria’s national minimum wage has moved from ?125 in 1981 to ?18,000 in 2011, ?30,000 in 2019 and ?70,000 in 2024. While each adjustment represented an increase in nominal earnings, the real value of those wages has been eroded by inflation and the rising cost of essential commodities.

According to Ubani, the problem has become more pronounced following the removal of fuel subsidy, exchange-rate fluctuations and the consequent increases in the prices of food, transportation, housing, healthcare and other necessities.

The result, he argues, is that workers may receive higher figures on their payslips without experiencing a corresponding improvement in their living conditions.

This is why he considers the proposed transport allowance particularly revealing. Although the intervention may offer temporary support, he questions the logic of a situation in which the government has to provide a monthly allowance equivalent to the national minimum wage to help workers meet transportation costs.

For him, the allowance should not be mistaken for a sustainable solution to the wage crisis. He believes Nigeria should begin a more deliberate transition from minimum wage to living wage, one that reflects the actual cost of maintaining a decent standard of living.

A living wage, in his assessment, should take account of decent accommodation, nutritious food, transportation, healthcare, education, utilities and the ability of workers to save or respond to emergencies.

Ubani proposes ?200,000 monthly as a reasonable negotiating target, while emphasising that the figure should be considered alongside an independent assessment of the cost of living, productivity, inflation and the capacity of employers to pay.

His argument is that wage determination should no longer be reduced to negotiations over a figure that may quickly lose its value. Rather, it should be guided by evidence of what workers and their families need to live with dignity.

For Dr Tommy Etim Okon, former Deputy President of the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) and former National President of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN), the recurring minimum-wage negotiations have become an increasingly familiar national drama.

A new wage review generates excitement and expectations among workers, but the eventual outcome frequently falls short of what they consider adequate to meet their needs.

Okon, a policy and labour expert who is also a critical stakeholder, argues that Nigeria must move beyond this cycle of periodic adjustments and confront the broader economic questions that determine whether workers can enjoy decent living conditions.

In his view, the country should be discussing a living wage within the context of holistic economic development rather than concentrating almost exclusively on the amount the government and employers can add to monthly salaries.

He argues that the debate should extend beyond the organised workforce to include informal-sector workers and other vulnerable Nigerians who have little or no bargaining power.

For him, a wage policy that focuses only on workers covered by formal employment arrangements risks excluding a large segment of the population whose livelihoods are equally affected by inflation and the rising cost of living.

Okon proposes ?300,000 as a starting point for the living-wage conversation, although he acknowledges that any wage arrangement must be considered against economic realities and the capacity of employers to sustain it.

He does not, however, regard the figure as a substitute for the structural changes required for decent and sustainable wages.

His argument is that the government must reduce the cost of living by providing essential public goods and services that workers currently struggle to afford.

Affordable mass housing, accessible healthcare, basic education, efficient public transportation and other essential services, he maintains, would reduce the financial burden on households and make workers’ earnings go further.

Rather than leaving individuals to shoulder virtually every cost of survival, the government should create conditions in which public services provide some of the support required to maintain a decent standard of living.

Okon also questions the capacity of the Nigerian economy to sustain substantially higher wages without addressing its underlying weaknesses.

He acknowledges that the government has room to streamline the cost of governance, reduce wastage and redirect public resources towards productive activities. However, he argues that the challenge is more fundamental, pointing to an economy that imports much of what it consumes and has not developed sufficient productive capacity.

In such circumstances, wage increases may provide immediate relief but could become difficult to sustain if domestic production, investment and productivity do not improve.

His position, therefore, places economic restructuring at the centre of the living-wage debate. For him, the country must build an economy capable of generating the resources required to support its workforce rather than repeatedly relying on wage adjustments to compensate for deteriorating living conditions.

Dr Edmund Onwuliri, immediate past Acting Director General of the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), approaches the question from the standpoint of evidence-based wage determination.

He argues that the minimum-wage debate should be guided by a proper assessment of household expenditure rather than the selection of figures without a clear understanding of what workers actually need.

In his view, the starting point should be to determine the cost of maintaining a household, taking into account food, accommodation, education, healthcare, transportation, electricity, water, clothing and other essential expenses.

He believes relevant government institutions, including the National Bureau of Statistics and appropriate ministries, should provide credible data to support such an assessment.

For instance, he suggests that the cost of feeding a family of five, paying annual rent, meeting school expenses and accessing healthcare should be calculated before negotiators arrive at a wage proposal.

The objective, he explains, should be to establish the actual financial requirements of a household and use the findings as the basis for negotiations between organised labour, government and employers.

To illustrate his point, Onwuliri gives a hypothetical example in which a household requires ?1 million monthly to meet its essential needs. Negotiators could then use that assessment as a basis for determining a figure that employers and the economy can reasonably sustain. He mentions ?500,000 as a possible negotiated outcome in that illustration, not as a formal wage demand.

For him, the critical issue is that wage negotiations must be informed by measurable living costs rather than arbitrary figures or political considerations.

Onwuliri also challenges the perception that workers’ welfare should be treated merely as an expenditure burden on government and employers. He argues that adequate remuneration is an investment in productivity, efficiency and national development.

According to him, a worker who spends much of the day worrying about how to feed the family, pay transport fares or meet basic household expenses may find it difficult to give the job the attention and commitment required. Conversely, workers who enjoy reasonable financial security are more likely to be motivated, productive and committed to their responsibilities.

He, therefore, believes employers should recognise the relationship between workers’ welfare and organisational performance instead of focusing exclusively on reducing labour costs.

While acknowledging that employers must consider profitability and business sustainability, he argues that this should not become an excuse for keeping wages disconnected from the cost of living.

Onwuliri also calls for the early constitution of the minimum-wage negotiation committee to allow sufficient time for consultation, research and engagement before the next statutory review. He is particularly critical of temporary interventions such as the six-month transport allowance, arguing that transportation is only one component of workers’ financial burden.

Even if the allowance provides some relief, he says, ‘it does not address the cost of rent, food, education, healthcare, electricity and other household necessities.’

The wider implication of the three labour experts’ arguments is that Nigeria’s wage challenge cannot be resolved by treating salary increases as an isolated labour issue.

The debate must also confront the economic environment in which wages are earned and spent. For instance, a worker whose salary increases may still experience declining living standards if food prices, rent, transport fares and healthcare costs rise faster than the additional income.

This means that the value of a wage is determined not only by the amount paid but also by the purchasing power it commands.

A living-wage framework would, therefore, require a more comprehensive approach to wage determination, including regular monitoring of inflation, household expenditure and changes in the cost of essential goods and services.

It would also require a credible mechanism for protecting workers’ purchasing power between statutory wage reviews.

However, the proposals raise important questions about affordability and the capacity of employers, particularly small and medium-sized enterprises, to meet substantially higher wage obligations.

For the private sector, wage increases that are not matched by improved productivity, access to finance, reliable electricity and a supportive business environment could place additional pressure on businesses, especially those already struggling with high operating costs.

This concern does not invalidate the demand for better wages. Rather, it reinforces the need for a wage policy that is connected to a broader economic strategy.

The government must address the structural conditions that make production expensive, discourage investment and limit the capacity of businesses to employ and remunerate workers adequately.

Improved electricity supply, efficient transportation networks, affordable credit, support for agriculture, accessible healthcare and investment in education and skills development would help strengthen productivity and reduce the cost of doing business.

Affordable housing and functional public transport would also reduce the proportion of workers’ earnings consumed by basic survival expenses.

There is equally a need to strengthen social protection so that workers outside formal employment are not excluded from efforts to improve living standards.

The informal economy accounts for a substantial part of Nigeria’s workforce, yet many of its workers have no guaranteed minimum earnings, organised bargaining arrangements or access to employment-related protections.

A living-wage conversation that ignores them would, therefore, remain incomplete.

Another important consideration is the relationship between wages and productivity. Although workers’ remuneration should reflect their contribution and the cost of living, productivity cannot improve sustainably when workers are unable to meet basic needs.

The three labour experts, from different perspectives, point towards the same policy contradiction: government and employers expect workers to deliver higher productivity, but the economic conditions confronting many workers make that expectation increasingly difficult to meet.

The challenge is, therefore, to create a system in which decent wages, productivity, business sustainability and economic growth reinforce one another.

For organised labour, this also calls for a broader negotiating strategy. Beyond demanding higher figures, unions may need to press for transparent household-cost assessments, stronger enforcement of existing wage agreements, improved social protection and regular engagement with government on the factors driving inflation.

For the government, the responsibility extends beyond announcing wage increases or temporary allowances. It includes creating an economy in which workers can afford the necessities of life without depending on periodic emergency interventions.

The proposed ?70,000 transport allowance may offer some temporary relief to eligible public servants, but its significance goes beyond the immediate financial support. It has exposed the inadequacy of a wage structure in which the cost of one essential need can consume an amount equivalent to the national minimum wage.

Ultimately, the question confronting Nigeria is not simply whether workers should earn ?200,000, ?300,000 or another figure. It is whether the country is prepared to build an economic and social system in which wages can provide more than bare survival.

Ubani’s ?200,000 negotiating target, Okon’s ?300,000 starting point and Onwuliri’s insistence on a data-driven assessment offer different entry points into that conversation. Their positions underline the need to move away from arbitrary wage bargaining towards a framework informed by household needs, economic realities and the capacity to sustain decent employment.

Until that happens, every new minimum-wage agreement risks becoming another temporary reprieve, followed by another struggle as prices rise and purchasing power falls.

For Nigerian workers, the ultimate measure of a wage increase is not the announcement made at the negotiating table or the figure printed on a payslip. It is whether, at the end of the month, they can feed their families, pay their rent, access healthcare, educate their children and retain enough to live with dignity.

Semu: ACT Wazalendo is Tanzania’s refuge and hope

Pemba. ACT Wazalendo leader, Ms Doroth Semu, has said cooperation among party leaders at national, regional and constituency levels will continue to be strengthened to build the party, which she described as the only political organisation carrying the hopes of Tanzanians.

Ms Semu made the remarks on Saturday, October 31, 2026, during the party’s general meeting in Wete, North Pemba Region.

She said ACT Wazalendo had been conducting its activities with transparency and accountability, a situation she said had continued to attract more Tanzanians to join the party.

‘ACT Wazalendo is a party that has carried the hopes of Tanzanians and is heading towards becoming the number one refuge for citizens across the country,’ said Ms Semu.

She added that party leaders had a responsibility to keep citizens and members informed about developments and the organisation’s various activities.

She urged members and leaders at all levels to maintain cooperation and work together to achieve the party’s objectives.

Wete party strong despite financial challenges

Speaking at the meeting, ACT Wazalendo Wete Regional Chairman Juma Khamis Ali said the party remained strong in the area despite financial challenges stemming from its limited representation in Parliament and the House of Representatives.

Mr Ali explained that the regional general meeting followed meetings held in 120 branches and five constituencies.

For his part, the party’s Pemba Island Coordinator, Mr Rashid Ali Abdallah, said ACT Wazalendo remained strong on the island and was not wavering.

Wete Regional Secretary, Mr Masoud Juma said the meeting was constitutionally valid, having been attended by 75 of the 90 delegates expected.

Inspects office, offers condolences

Before attending the meeting, Ms Semu inspected the three-storey building housing the party’s Wete Regional Office, where construction of two floors has been completed.

She also visited the family of Ms Husna Hemed Salum, a former party executive in the Office of the Pemba Island Coordinator, to offer condolences following her death earlier this week.

The visit concluded Ms Semu’s two-day working tour of Pemba Island, which aimed to assess the party’s progress, particularly in Wete Region.

B10m fighting cock

The new owner of a prized fighting cock arrived in Buriram with 10 million baht in cash to seal the deal on Sunday.

Thanaphum Chuawanit, owner of Warithep fighting cocks farm in Ubon Ratchathani, arrived at K Phetburapha Farm in Lam Plai Mat district with the money to buy the 20-month-old rooster known as ‘F16’ from Rakchart Rattanawichai.

Mr Thanaphum said that with gold prices now falling he had sold 200 baht-weight of gold to buy the fighting cock because he believed it would be a better investment.

The purchase was finalised in the presence of cock-fighting enthusiasts from several provinces.

Mr Rakchart, the seller, said ‘F16’ was the offspring of a veteran fighting cock champion, a breeder at his farm, that had won three championships over the past two months.

According to Mr Rakchart, ‘F16’ weighs 2.75 kilogrammes and has had 10 fights, four of them organised with seven-digit bets.

In the latest fight, ‘F16′ won a 26.2-million-baht bet by eliminating his rival in the fifth round.’F16’ was outstanding for his quick, precise and deep strikes on opponents, Mr Rakchart said.

CCB sued for refusing to release CTC of Peter Obi’s asset declaration form

Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) has been dragged before a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja over its alleged refusal and failure to release the Certified True Copy (CTC) of the asset declaration form submitted by the Presidential candidate of the National Democratic Party (NDC), Mr. Peter Obi Gregory.

In a notification letter dated 30th October 2026 and made available to newsmen in Abuja over the weekend, counsel to the plaintiff, Fort Legal and Co., informed the Chairman of the CCB of a pending suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/2504/2026, between Dr. Arabambi Abayomi v. The Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and 3 Others before a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja.

According to the letter signed by O. Peter Asimegbe, Esq., the suit concerns the CCB’s refusal to issue the CTC of Peter Obi’s asset declaration form, submitted to the Bureau in 2006 or at any other time, covering the period of 17th March 2006 to 17th March 2014, when he served as Governor of Anambra State under the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

The letter reads in part: ‘Pursuant to our client instruction, we hereby bring to your notice our client pending legal suit against you for your failure and refusal to release to our client the Certified True Copy of the asset declaration form of Mr. Peter Obi Gregory, he submitted to your office containing his assets declaration particulars and all attached documents to the asset declaration form he submitted to your office in 2006 prior and when he was sworn in as the Governor of Anambra State for the period of 17th March, 2006 to 17th March, 2014 when he served as the Governor of Anambra State under the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA).’

According to the document, the claimant, Comrade Abayomi Arabambi, is described as a Nigerian citizen and a registered voter in Ogun State. His counsel said the suit is predicated on his legal right under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, and the Freedom of Information Act 2011.

The letter addressed to the Chairman of the CCB further stated that: ‘In the said suit, the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and the Chairman CCB are the 1st and 2nd Respondents. The suit is predicated on our client’s legal right under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended and the Freedom of Information Act 2011, and we urge your office to take the processes herein annexed as notification of the pending suit filed by our client at the Federal High Court, Abuja.

‘Find attached the Originating Motion duly filed on 15th day of October, 2026 and all its accompanied documents and processes as annexure A for ease of reference.’

The CCB and its Chairman are listed as the 1st and 2nd Respondents in the suit. The letter urged the Bureau to treat the annexed processes as notification of the pending suit filed at the Federal High Court, Abuja.

It added that the Originating Motion was duly filed on 15th October 2026, with all accompanying documents and processes attached as Annexure A for ease of reference.

Alabi, 49 other leaders selected for UNESCO Intercultural Leadership Programme

Nigerian social entrepreneur, AI Innovator, and founder of the Kayode Alabi Leadership and Career Initiative (KLCI), Hammed Kayode Alabi, has been selected as the only Nigerian among 50 emerging global leaders for the 2026-2027 Youth for Peace: UNESCO Intercultural Leadership Programme.

Announced by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) during the week, the second edition of the programme brings together 50 emerging leaders from 38 countries to advance intercultural dialogue, foster human connections, and address the opportunities and challenges presented by artificial intelligence.

Alabi was selected from a pool of 6,786 applicants from over 170 countries, representing an acceptance rate of approximately 0.74%, or fewer than eight successful applicants per 1,000 applications. The selection was conducted by an international jury of 26 members, including UNESCO staff and external experts in artificial intelligence and peacebuilding.

This year’s programme, themed around fostering human connection and dialogue in the age of artificial intelligence, seeks to equip emerging leaders with the knowledge, networks, and resources to address social fragmentation, strengthen trust, and promote peaceful and inclusive societies as technology continues to reshape human interactions.

For Alabi, whose work over the past nine years has focused on expanding educational and career opportunities for underserved young Africans, the selection presents an opportunity to explore how artificial intelligence can strengthen human creativity, critical thinking, and collaboration rather than replace them.

Through KLCI, the organisation he founded in 2017, Alabi has championed educational equity, youth leadership, and career development for young people from underserved communities. More recently, he founded Rafiki AI, a generative AI-powered career advisor designed to democratise access to personalised career guidance for underserved and displaced young Africans.

Since its launch, Rafiki AI has reached over 13,000 users across 60 countries, facilitating more than 103,000 messages and providing over 56,000 pieces of career advice.

As part of the UNESCO programme, Alabi hopes to develop a new use case for Rafiki AI that supports teachers and educators in Nigeria to leverage artificial intelligence to address challenges in their communities while fostering creativity, collaboration, and critical thinking among students.

The proposed initiative will explore how educators can use Rafiki AI as a tool for problem-solving and social good, equipping them with practical approaches they can take back into their classrooms to prepare young people to navigate an increasingly AI-driven world.

Speaking about his selection, Alabi said: ‘I am humbled to have been selected as the only Nigerian among 50 emerging leaders from across the world. I am particularly excited about this year’s focus on fostering dialogue and human connections in the age of AI.

‘Over the next year, I hope to work with teachers and educators in Nigeria to explore how we can leverage Rafiki AI to develop solutions to some of the challenges we face in the age of artificial intelligence, while fostering creativity, critical thinking, and collaboration in our classrooms.

‘I am still developing this idea and exploring a new use case for Rafiki AI in career support and social good. I am looking forward to learning from other young leaders, participating in peer circles, deepening my understanding of AI, and challenging my own assumptions about the purpose of technology in our generation.’

The Youth for Peace: UNESCO Intercultural Leadership Programme provides participants with specialised training, mentorship, masterclasses, and opportunities to collaborate with other emerging leaders working across AI governance, education, policymaking, research, entrepreneurship, and social innovation.

Participants will also have access to funding and mentorship opportunities to develop and implement intercultural dialogue initiatives in their communities.

The programme, which officially opens on 26 October 2026, will culminate in a Global Youth Dialogue for Peace in China, where participants will share their experiences and engage policymakers in discussions aimed at shaping more inclusive and peaceful societies.

According to UNESCO, the initiative responds to the growing need for leadership that can bridge differences, build trust, and ensure that technological advancement strengthens rather than weakens human connections.

Alabi’s selection adds to his growing contributions to youth development, educational innovation, and the responsible application of artificial intelligence in Africa. Through his work with KLCI and Rafiki AI, he continues to advocate for a future in which a young person’s access to opportunities is not determined by their socioeconomic background or geographical location.

His participation in the 2026-2027 cohort will provide an opportunity to connect local educational challenges in Nigeria with global conversations on AI, intercultural dialogue, and the future of human connection.

Toluwanisings: How family feud is delaying gospel singer’s final farewell

Despite the grief that greeted the sudden death of gospel singer, Olayemi Bayonile Bolaji, popularly known as Toluwanisings, and the emotional tribute night organised in his honour by fellow gospel singers, efforts to give him a final resting place remain stalled over a disagreement between his wife and extended family.

What began as an outpouring of grief has gradually turned into a public family dispute, over burial arrangements, demands for an investigation into the circumstances surrounding his death and growing reactions from members of the gospel music community.

Toluwanisings reportedly slumped at his Ibadan residence on October 14 and died shortly afterwards, leaving behind his wife, Akanbi Elizabeth, and their two daughters.

The controversy became public following disagreements between his wife and father, Muniru Adekunle Olayemi, over where the singer should be buried.

The father reportedly preferred having his son buried either in the house he built in Ibadan or beside his late mother at the family compound in Ikirun, Osun State. He claimed that his daughter-in-law preferred a conventional cemetery or church-owned burial ground, reportedly expressing discomfort with having her husband’s remains buried in their residence.

The disagreement extended beyond the choice of burial location, with a paternal family representative, Lawal Ademola, popularly known as Up Lawal, calling for the suspension of the burial pending an investigation into the circumstances surrounding the singer’s death.

He appealed to the government, security agencies and community stakeholders to ensure an impartial investigation, just as family representative reportedly threatened that the remains could be exhumed if the singer was buried in a conventional cemetery against the family’s wishes.

However, the controversy has taken another turn following fresh revelations by the singer’s maternal uncle, who challenged the paternal family’s account of his upbringing and relationship with his father.

The uncle alleged that Toluwanisings’ mother died when he was barely nine months old, after travelling to Kano to join her husband, leaving her family to take responsibility for raising him.

He claimed that the singer’s father was largely absent from his life between 1992 and 2007, when the maternal grandmother who reportedly raised him died. He also challenged claims that the father financed the singer’s education, asking anyone who contributed to his schooling to provide evidence.

Recounting the singer’s early struggles, the uncle said he travelled between Osun and Ekiti to weave baskets while trying to establish himself. He particularly credited the widow with standing by her husband during difficult periods, alleging that she provided financial support when he had little or nothing.

The revelations followed a voice note by the singer’s younger brother defending their father. He maintained that their father made financial contributions towards Toluwanisings’ education and alleged that members of the maternal family influenced the singer’s relationship with his paternal relatives.

He also recalled a disagreement involving their grandmother, who reportedly requested a goat for Sallah celebrations, which the singer allegedly declined to provide, citing his Christian faith.

Meanwhile, fellow gospel artistes gathered for a tribute night on October 27 at Hall of Grace, Jogor Centre, Ibadan, to celebrate the late singer’s life and ministry.

Among those present were Adeyinka Alaseyori, Bukola Akinade, popularly known as Senwele Jesu, Esther Igbekele, Laolu Gbenjo, Bidemi Olaoba, Peterson Okopi, Sarah Apekeola, Akintayo Akinwande, Dare Justified and Woli Agba.

Speaking on behalf of fellow artistes, Laolu Gbenjo appealed for an end to the disagreement, urging the family to resolve its differences and allow their late colleague to rest in peace. He also cautioned against a situation similar to the controversy surrounding late singer Mohbad.

Adeyinka Alaseyori encouraged the widow to remain strong, while Esther Igbekele urged the parties to settle their differences, expressing hope that God would take control of the situation.

Arusha to host 300 climate scientists as El Niño raises concerns over extreme weather in Tanzania

Arusha. Climate scientists from around the world are expected to meet in Arusha to assess El Niño-related rainfall patterns and other extreme weather events amid growing concerns over changing climate conditions.

The meeting comes as El Niño conditions strengthen, with experts forecasting average to above-average rainfall in several parts of the world during the current rainy season.

The discussions will take place during the Third Meeting of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Working Group I, scheduled for November 2 to 6.

More than 300 scientists from 75 countries are expected to attend. Prime Minister Mwigulu Nchemba is due to officially open the meeting.

Speaking to journalists in Arusha on Sunday, November 1, 2026, Tanzania Meteorological Authority (TMA) Director-General Ladislaus Changa said the meeting had been organised by the IPCC, its Working Group I Bureau and TMA.

Mr Changa, who is also an IPCC vice-chair, said the meeting would allow leading scientists to review evidence on climate change, including rising temperatures, changing rainfall patterns and the increasing occurrence of extreme weather events.

He said the discussions would contribute to the preparation of the IPCC’s Seventh Assessment Report (AR7), which is expected to provide scientific evidence to help governments develop climate policies and strategies.

‘The work involves assessing how climate systems are changing, the extent of global temperature increases and whether extreme weather events, including heavy rainfall, droughts and strong winds, are becoming more frequent and intense,’ he said.

Mr Changa said the process was part of the IPCC’s broader mandate to provide governments with scientific information on climate change and its implications for various economic and social sectors.

‘For Tanzania, as the host country, the meeting will also provide an opportunity for our scientists and their counterparts from other African countries to engage with international experts, exchange knowledge and strengthen their participation in scientific research on climate change,’ he said.

Arusha resident Judith Kimaro said residents hoped the meeting would produce findings that would improve the reliability of weather forecasts and help them plan for changing weather conditions.

That Adimula may succeed!

There is a Yoruba proverb that plays around the surname of leading human rights advocate Mr Femi Falana. It surmises that one should first face his face before peeping into others’. I see the Falana gbo tire (Falana, mind your business) wisecrack as a derivative of the admonition of Jesus in Matthew 7, particularly the portion that charges us to remove the log in our eyes before attempting to remove the speck in our brothers’.

Today, I’m returning to Ijesaland on this page as a selfless obligor to her development. That doesn’t mean I do not expect gain from this intervention. But it’s not the type man gives. My reward expectation is rooted in Psalm 133:6, with Ulesa simply exchanging for Jerusalem.

My birthplace, where I also began life and am still connected to till today, has a long association with hard work and prosperity. Àjàpá (itinerant trading) and oso’malo (traditional debt recovery of literally sitting on the debtor’s neck until the debt is defrayed) are two phenomena among other commerce concepts exclusive to my people that define the age-long perception of us being industrious and always creating wealth anywhere we are found.

Alongside innate stubbornness, which I think ranks behind Ondo and Ekiti’s, the Ijesa of old were also war-minded, and the legend of Ogedengbe Agbogungboro needs no retelling. But at a point, it would seem something grievous happened to the psyche of Ijesaland and the kingdom, especially Ilesa, the most prominent of the towns making it up and its headquarters, was almost becoming a haven for fraudsters, led by the supervillain tactically identified by juju maestro King Sunny Ade in a song as the fellow who swindled him. What is Olorunlugo sef!

Then revival began to pick up in the land, with prominent Christian leaders springing from its bowels. The land began to look like what we used to know, from the farmland on Imo hills, to the rusty Ukoromoja, to our dusty streets and neighbourhoods of old, when birthday rice was usually served in a big tray and invited children would be asked to sit round it and wack (slang for eating), with the droplets from someone’s mouthful draping back for the next person to paw with his own handful. Then the song over the food; hin koro hin koro, lule yesi, lule Banjo (Ijesa’s variation for hip hip hooray).

How happy we were, doing it without discriminating that the next person to you had ìbé, yòrò, akokoro or segede (all symptoms or aftermaths of mouth infection or ailment).

At this point, I should convict myself of a certain kind of hypocrisy. Why would those of us who lived communally this way without discrimination now get up North and start sniffing at the young boys who are into alms-begging known as almajiri, pooling their ‘resources’ of leftover food together to eat together!

Well, maybe the only difference is that our rice trays used to be clean, handled by adults, and the birthday food would not be a leftover or a mix of culinary odds and ends. It was usually piping hot white rice and stew! Protein, whether meat or fish, would be served after the tray was drained of the rice. Children weren’t meant to eat protein before or in the course of the meal, even any meal for that matter. Anyone found not being compliant would be excoriated as a potential thief! How odd.

Now, children are pleaded with to start with the protein in their meal for some nutritional reasons, even in the same Ilesa! Changing times?

Somehow, I have always kept tabs on happenings in the land; its politics, commerce, socials et al., even when I hadn’t been home in years. There had been certain shifts that make a lot now unrecognisably different. The last time I was home, even the way to our place was barely recognisable to me, with my children teasing if I had lost my way, which I had, actually, and they couldn’t help because it was the first time for nearly all of them!

Some local women bailed me out, smiling while countenancing the Lagos State registration plate number on my car. In their minds, ara eko ti sonu (Lagosian or Ujesa abroad had missed his way). Guess I have former governor Rauf Aregbesola and incumbent Demola Adeleke to thank for the miss.

I’m certainly not a fan of Aregbesola’s divisive politics of politicising religion, and it was also at the heart of my fervent wish that APC’s candidate in the last Osun guber, Bola Oyebamiji, would not win, despite several reliable quarters and contacts confirming him a good man.

Religious fanaticism or extremism of any kind that would throw the state back to the Aregbesola era of students coming to school in masquerade costumes should never be tolerated again, and any candidate suspected of such an inclination should be stopped at all costs. They say the governor has no religion; I say leave our FaChrisLam governor for us like that; at least he’s not ashamed to praise his Maker openly, dancing like the biblical King David, with the peace of heaven upon the state while developmental projects aren’t that sparse either. What else can one ask for?

As much as I detest the politics of the one I call Buoda Raufu, which is bitter like the biblical Marah waters, Ijesaland, particularly Ilesa’s inner and connecting roads, are what they are today because of the efforts of his administration. Then the dancing governor took apart the main Ilesa township road, from the roundabout/Owa palace straight down to Omi Asoro where the brewery is located, expanded it and made it almost unrecognisable to a once-in-a-while Ijesa Lagos visitor like me. The road was under construction when I was home. That was when the guber election was months away, and if I had a vote (I’m Lagos-registered) to cast in the state, my thumb would have gone for the Thumb party. After all, all politics is local. May God grant the governor the grace to complete the dual carriageway.

You say what about Buoda Raufu and his ADC and the ona-baba-ona (the best in road construction) sobriquet when he was in power? Well, the Yoruba will say nobody clears the road for yesterday’s horse rider. His party’s candidate lost scandalously in the two local governments making up Ilesa (East and West) and didn’t win in any of the remaining four making up Ijesaland! Why would our people quickly forget Aregbe and his infrastructural dividends? Maybe because he also engaged in too much iregbe (needless distraction, especially with religion) and possibly because of the afusa (pejorative coinage from the half-salary his administration paid civil servants that sank the dignity of many who had to beg for their families to eat) crisis.

Well, Baba Kabiru has done his best, though I worry how fast he’s disappearing into political oblivion since he lost the backing of his mentor, who was significantly responsible for his meteoric rise in politics. Someone says he doubts Aregbe is genuine Ijesa because, according to him, you hardly see an ungrateful one. When you did good yesterday, it would be ‘hin seun ana’ (thank you for yesterday). Another day would be ‘hin seun ijeta’. Days after, it would be ‘hin seun ijosi’ (thank you for the other day), to the point you will start wondering if the appreciation over a thing will never end.

While recent Osun politics would seem to have favoured Ijesaland in a way, something would also seem to have broken in its milieu. Her younger demographic would appear headed in the wrong direction. It is so sickening that if you ask after about 10 young boys you used to know whom you haven’t seen in about 10 years, at least seven of them would be identified as now solidly into yahoo, and most of them, their parents, particularly their mothers, are still alive! This couldn’t have been our Ilesa!

Then if you travelled even abroad and returned with a car the neighbours’ timing mathematics suggested you couldn’t have acquired legitimately, your family would be in the trouble of a pregnant side-eye and laborious gossiping! Such returnees usually disappeared within a day or two of the homecoming, and they dare not leave such a car behind! And they usually bolted before dawn!

But now, beyond okada riding, which has taken almost all artisans away from their trades and crafts, yahoo would seem the next best thing for the young people. The police are reportedly feasting on them to cash out through phoney arrests, from which they would be freed once settlement is procured.

The Owa Obokun Adimula is the paramount ruler of Ijesaland, and the authority and relevance of the occupant per time is mostly measured by the social texture of the young people, and to a large extent, the cooperation of the elite and feedback on commerce from the women’s wing.

When the last Owa was on the throne, Aregbe, an Ijesa, was also in office, a situation that should have strengthened the hold of the Kabiyesi on the land and the restless youth. But it would seem that as he aged before his eventual passing, his grip continually slackened, and because the Ijesa elite reportedly had scant regard for Buoda Raufu (I learnt he’s considered by most of them as not lettered enough to represent them at that level of governance), the gap was almost yawning until the new Kabiyesi mounted the throne about 17 months ago.

I have heard plenty gist about the developmental programmes of the industrialist-billionaire Adimula to return his kingdom to its place of ancient prominence in commerce locally, nationally, and even internationally. I have also heard plenty gist about the tension among the Ijesa elite for control, ascendancy, and influence. A couple of such persons, some of them with deep pockets like the Kabiyesi, I heard, are even trying to impede the progress of the palace agenda!

They should heed a timely warning. Yes, they are being venerated now, but the moment Ijesa pinpoint them as enemies of progress, their unborn generations will carry the vilification. Anytime Ijesa contort their mouths and noses simultaneously and clear their throats of phlegm before muttering ‘i omo lagbaja ye’ (isn’t this the offspring of XYZ?), a terrible story of his father or mother, especially if late, is about to be told.

Multiple socio-cultural organisations, especially those peopled by moneybags, should be a blessing to any community desirous of development and restoration of old glory. Is it not why educated and rich princes are now the favourite pick of opele (divining cowries)?

But trying to overreach should be a no-no. Adimula is a deity. Goodness of heart should not be taken for granted.

Let competing socio-cultural and development associations fight with projects; if the one led by a certain billionaire is siting four, let the group of a once-upon-a-time managing director go for broke with seven. Not impeding the vision of the one they should all be supporting.

I’m keeping names out now, not out of trepidation. If the shenanigans against the developmental vision continue, Series 2 will name names and who is doing what, so the Ijesa will know their new enemies and, in turn, become their nemesis.

I’m particularly disappointed in one egbon and his alleged antics. I used to rate him highly.

In less than two years, Adimula has kept an unbelievable pace on Ijesa restoration. He should be supported by all, all the way. May his reign be peaceful.

’Public-private synergy’ key in energy transition

Thailand is seeking to strengthen its energy security by diversifying energy sources, expanding renewable energy development and promoting public-private cooperation, amid concerns over its dependence on imported liquefied natural gas (LNG) and exposure to global supply disruptions.

The approach aims to balance reliable and affordable energy supplies with the country’s climate commitments, including its goal of achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.

Darika Sarunyagate, an adviser to Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suchart Chomklin, outlined the challenges during an exclusive interview at Singapore International Energy Week with the Bangkok Post on Oct 27.

Ms Darika, who represented Thailand at the Singapore-International Energy Agency (IEA) Forum, said the country’s reliance on imported LNG and pipeline natural gas from Myanmar left its energy supplies vulnerable to geopolitical tensions and other disruptions.

She emphasised the importance of cooperation between the public and private sectors in strengthening energy security while supporting the transition to cleaner energy.

Thailand’s climate commitments under the Paris Agreement include its third Nationally Determined Contribution, targeting a 47% reduction in net greenhouse gas emissions from 2019 levels by 2035, conditional on international support.

Ms Darika said these commitments would inform the Energy Ministry’s preparation of the Power Development Plan 2026, which remains under development.

The plan is intended to support Thailand’s long-term emissions targets while promoting cleaner electricity generation, reducing reliance on imported fossil fuels and keeping electricity affordable.

Thailand is also pursuing alternative energy sources and technologies, including solar and wind power, energy storage systems and modernisation of electricity grids.

Although LNG remains important to meeting the country’s energy requirements, Ms Darika said Thailand was seeking greater flexibility in gas procurement while expanding renewable energy development.

“For Thailand, LNG can support the energy transition, but it has not delayed the transition to cleaner energy,” she told the forum.

Public-private cooperation also extends to carbon capture and storage technology, with the ministry working alongside PTT and PTT Exploration and Production (PTTEP) on research and development.

One project under development at the Arthit gas field in the Gulf of Thailand is designed to capture and store up to 1 million tonnes of carbon dioxide annually. PTTEP expects carbon storage operations to begin in 2028.

Another initiative is planned for an industrial area in Rayong, where Ms Darika said field inspections were scheduled for the fourth quarter of this year.

On international cooperation, she highlighted US$2.4 million (80.94 million baht) in World Bank grant funding for two climate-related initiatives, announced earlier this month.

Ms Darika also expressed interest in expanding bilateral energy cooperation, citing agreements involving Singapore’s Energy Market Authority (EMA) and counterparts in New Zealand and France announced during the event.

Thailand intends to pursue similar partnerships with other countries, she said.

The wider challenges facing Asian energy markets were discussed at the Singapore-IEA Forum, jointly organised by the EMA and IEA, where policymakers and industry executives examined growing electricity demand, declining domestic gas production and supply security.

Izumi Kai, chief executive of JERA Asia, said declining domestic gas production in several Asian countries was increasing the importance of LNG imports.

He stressed the need for greater flexibility in gas procurement and power infrastructure while making more efficient use of renewable energy.

JERA’s activities include equipment procurement, investment and the development and operation of power infrastructure to meet growing demand affordably while supporting cleaner energy production.

Tamura Hideyasu, deputy commissioner for international affairs at Japan’s Agency for Natural Resources and Energy, under the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, advocated diversifying natural gas supplies.

He said Japan had held discussions with countries in Africa and South America, including Argentina, about opportunities to secure stable and affordable gas supplies.

Alan Heng, chief executive of Singapore GasCo, said long-term LNG contracts combined with a mix of purchasing arrangements could help manage price volatility and maintain supply reliability.

He stressed that countries needed to identify energy solutions suited to their circumstances as demand continued to grow.

Steve Kim, OCBC Bank’s head of structured and project finance, highlighted the importance of financing arrangements that would allow gas-fired power plants to operate flexibly.

He proposed paying power plants to maintain generation capacity even when they were not producing electricity.

Closer alignment between gas supply contracts and electricity sales agreements could also improve the financial viability of energy projects, he said.

Gunmen hunted over school director’s murder

Police are hunting two gunmen suspected of killing a school director in Mae Fa Luang district on Friday.

The victim, identified as Sirasit (surname withheld), was shot with a 9mm handgun at a school in Moo 27 village of Mae Salong Nai subdistrict. He was pronounced dead at Mae Fa Luang Hospital.

A construction foreman at the school said two men were seen loitering near the premises about 10am, roughly an hour before the shooting.

The men remained there for 20-30 minutes, but workers paid little attention because they assumed the pair were looking for construction work.

Around 11am, workers heard two gunshots in quick succession and rushed towards the school’s meeting room, where they found Sirasit lying in a pool of blood outside.

The witness said the suspects, whose faces were concealed by hats, fled through the rear of the school.

A yellow-and-blue taxi was seen near the front gate shortly before the shooting, with a man standing nearby and talking on his mobile phone.

Police and forensic officers inspected the scene and collected evidence. Investigators have yet to establish a motive.

Residents said Sirasit had served about 20 years in prison for a drug offence before his release in 2019. He subsequently became the school’s director.

Some speculated the killing might be linked to a personal dispute.