Philippines tagged as deadliest Asian country for environmentalists

The Philippines was named as the deadliest country in Asia for environmental defenders for the 13th consecutive year, climate justice watchdog Global Witness reported.

In the 2025 report of the investigative and campaigning organization, the Philippines tied with Honduras with 12 defenders’ deaths, the highest record outside Latin America.

Six of the recorded killings in the Philippines were indigenous peoples, three were small-scale farmers, a journalist and two others.

Joan Carling, executive director of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights International, attributed the killings to the government’s counter-insurgency programs and extractive projects.

Global Witness said the militarization of rural communities enabled the military to impose repressive measures, including red-tagging to portray defenders as communists or terrorists.

The watchdog cited the case of Veronico Anterio, a 65-year-old farmer who was allegedly shot for voicing opposition to the growing military presence in Samar.

‘Global Witness linked five of those killings to the armed forces, showing how, when attempts to criminalize defenders fail, the military reverts to more direct attacks,’ said Carling.

Cases with suspected links to organized crime were also recorded in the Philippines, along with five other Latin American countries.

Environmental group Kalikasan People’s Network for the Environment asked the government for genuine accountability for the attacks, calling it to ‘end the use of state forces and criminal proceedings to suppress peaceful opposition.’

From 2012 to 2025, the Philippines ranked third in the Global Witness statistics, with 318 recorded killings and disappearances of environmental defenders.

The Philippines is joined by Colombia, Brazil, Honduras, Mexico, Guatemala, Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Tanzania in the 2025 report.

Iran executes man convicted of spying for Israel’s Mossad

Iran has carried out the death sentence against Hoseyn Paderan, who was convicted of espionage and cooperation with Israel’s Mossad intelligence service, Iranian media reported.

According to the reports, the sentence was executed after Paderan’s appeal was rejected and the verdict was upheld by Iran’s Supreme Court.

Iran’s judiciary said Paderan was arrested on charges of providing classified military information to Mossad. Authorities alleged that he collected information about military facilities and personnel, including some of their personal details, and passed the information to his handler.

According to the judiciary, Paderan also received payments in euros in exchange for the information he provided.

The court said a notebook containing missile-related materials marked ‘top secret,’ encrypted data storage devices, communication equipment, as well as photographic and video equipment were found at his home.

Nyashinski loses bid to keep multi-million Tecno deal secret

Rapper and songwriter Nyamari Ongegu (Nyashinski) has suffered another setback in a copyright infringement case filed against him by a Nigerian music producer.

The celebrated rapper will now be compelled to produce contract documents on a multi-million-shilling brand ambassador deal he signed with Tecno Kenya in May 2023, potentially revealing how much he was paid under the agreement.

This follows the High Court’s dismissal of an appeal in which Nyashinski had sought to prevent disclosure of the contract and its financial details.

Sources familiar with the deal told Business Daily that the deal that made Nyashinski the face of Tecno’s Camon 20 smartphone was worth about Sh12million.

Nyashinski’s legal troubles in the matter date back to 2023, when Nigerian music producer Sam Are Eliapenda filed a case at a Magistrate’s Court accusing the rapper of infringing his copyright when he entered into the endorsement deal with the Chinese smartphone manufacturer without his consent.

Eliapenda produced the beats for Nyashinski’s hit song Wach Wach, which was prominently featured in Tecno’s Camon 20 marketing campaigns following the endorsement deal.

The producer argued that, as the creator of the music used by Tecno in commercials featuring Nyashinski, he was entitled to a share of the earnings from the contract. Eliapenda told the court that he had unsuccessfully tried to reach an agreement with Nyashinski before turning to the courts.

In his plea, the producer asked the Magistrate’s Court to compel Nyashinski to produce the endorsement contract and related financial records so that the amount he received from the deal could be established.

On August 9, 2024, the court ordered Nyashinski to produce details of the contract, including bank transaction records and royalty reports on the disputed song, to help settle the matter.

The Magistrate’s Court said that the sought contract documents were necessary and relevant for a fair determination of the suit.

Nyashinski, however, moved swiftly to the High Court, filing an appeal on August 21, 2024 against the magistrate’s decision.

He faulted the magistrate’s ruling, arguing that it failed to provide directions, safeguards and/or mechanisms to ensure that his personal data, financials, legal obligations and personal brand are protected from blackmail, extortion, exploitation, fraud and abuse.

The rapper insisted that releasing the documents would expose his trade secrets, putting him at a commercial disadvantage and exposing him to potential losses.

He also faulted the magistrate for incorrectly extending the scope of privity of contract by allowing the music producer to seek the documents he has no contractual rights to access, insisting that the contract document does not bear a material connection to the core issue of the case.

Further, the rapper argued that disclosing the contract and the amount he was paid would breach a non-disclosure clause between him and Tecno. He further insisted that the producer had not given the court a meaningful reason for demanding the contract because he was not a party to the agreement between Nyashinski and Tecno.

But the producer argued back, stating that availing the contract is crucial in determining the losses he has suffered as far as his 50 percent publishing rights of the song Wach Wach, which was heavily used in the promotion of the Tecno Camon 20, is concerned. Eliapenda also accused Nyashinski of contradiction, having initially told the Magistrate Court that there existed no such contract as he was paid in cash.

The High Court initially gave Nyashinski reprieve on the appeal, suspending the execution of the magistrate’s ruling pending the hearing and determination of the appeal.

‘On careful consideration of the application, there is no doubt that the applicant (Nyashinski) stands to suffer loss if no orders are granted in the event the appeal succeeds. That is so because the fear the applicant has will be long realised with no possibility of reversal. Once the documents are released on discovery, then the process intimated to by the applicant will automatically set in motion. The application therefore is merited. There be a stay of execution of the ruling delivered by Hon Selina Muchungi pending determination of the appeal,’ the High Court ruled in 2025.

That reprieve has now been lifted.

Last Friday, the High Court dismissed Nyashinski’s appeal, effectively clearing the way for the disclosure of the documents and ending the temporary stay that had shielded the contract from disclosure.

‘The magistrate exercised proper discretion in finding that the 1st applicant (Nyashinski) and Tecno Mobile should produce the documents requested by the 1st respondent (Sam Are Eliapenda Jedidiah). The Magistrate’s finding was sound in law. Appeal dismissed with costs to the 1st respondent,’ the court ordered.

With the appeal dismissed, the matter now returns to the Magistrate’s Court, where Nyashinski will be required to produce the contract and related financial records.

The documents could reveal the finer details of the Tecno deal, including the financial value attached to the endorsement, before the copyright case proceeds to its substantive hearing and trial.

The bone of contention on the matter is largely pegged on the ownership rights of the song Wach Wach, which was used in a commercial advertisement.

According to the split sheet contract terms – which is a written agreement outlining how ownership and royalties are divided among collaborators on a song – Nyashinski owns 100 percent of the master rights to the song. However, the rapper and the producer split the publishing rights to the song, with each owning 50 percent.

Eliapenda argues that he is entitled to a percentage of the millions Nyashinski made from the endorsement deal, based on his publishing rights ownership of the song.

The producer maintains that Nyashinski cannot claim his rights are superior to his.

‘The rights of the appellant are not superior to the rights of any other persons; thus, the appellant cannot claim privacy after publicly disenfranchising me of millions of shillings through the copyright-infringing advertisement made together with him and the 2nd respondent and now claim privacy,’ he states in his court pleadings.

However, in his defence, Nyashinski maintains his deal with Tecno wasn’t a publishing deal as Eliapenda claims but rather one which included image rights, appearance, video/photo shoots, and social media association.

Nyashinski further argues that, through his company, GETA International, he signed a fair use agreement with Tecno for the use of the song Wach Wach, which he had every right to, as he owns 100 percent Master Rights and didn’t need any consent from the producer.

Ombudsman: Villars under investigation concerning water firm

The Office of the Ombudsman has initiated a preliminary investigation focusing on members of the Villar family and executives of the water utility firm that they previously owned for possible violations of the anti-graft law.

In a statement on Friday, the Ombudsman said criminal and administrative complaints against Senators Mark and Camille Villar over ‘grossly disadvantageous’ joint venture agreements (JVAs) between Prime Water Infrastructure Corp. (PWIC) and local water districts have been filed with its preliminary investigation team.

Former Sens. Cynthia and Manny Villar, their son Manuel Paolo Villar, as well as key executives of the concerned water districts were also included in the complaints, it said.

In a statement, Manny Villar said they had yet to receive copies of the complaints and ‘therefore cannot meaningfully comment on their specific allegations.’

At a press briefing, Assistant Ombudsman Mico Clavano said the respondents would be given an opportunity to answer the allegations in the preliminary investigation phase.

The Ombudsman said the complaints were for violation of Section 3(e) and 3(g) of Republic Act No. 3019, otherwise known as the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act.

Legal process

Section 3(e) considers the act of ‘causing undue injury to any party, including the government, or giving any private party any unwarranted benefits, advantage or preference in the discharge of his official administrative or judicial functions’ as a corrupt practice.

Section 3(g), on the other hand, states that entering into any contract or transaction manifestly and grossly disadvantageous to the government is considered a violation of the law.

‘We respect the legal process and will respond to the complaints at the appropriate time and in the proper forum,’ Villar said.

Poor standards

‘We are confident that, once given the opportunity to examine the allegations and the evidence supporting them, we will be able to fully and properly defend our rights and address the matters raised against us,’ he added.

The former senator also asked that the legal process ‘be allowed to take its course and that conclusions not be drawn before the parties have been afforded the opportunity to be heard.’

The Ombudsman said its investigation stemmed from a report by the Office of the Government Corporate Counsel which stated that PWIC had entered into JVAs with 75 local water districts from 2015 to 2022.

The JVAs covered the ‘financing, development, rehabilitation, expansion, improvement, operation and maintenance of water supply and septage services in their respective jurisdictions,’ it said.

Clavano said these agreements transpired when Mark Villar was secretary of the Department of Public Works and Highways and member of the board of trustees of the Local Water Utilities Administration.

He said 19 local water districts issued notices of pretermination due to PWIC’s inability to provide its obligations.

‘It has reportedly failed to supply uninterrupted water resources and has instead provided poor drinking water standards, among other complaints against it,’ Clavano said.

Initial list

The Ombudsman said the Commission on Audit (COA) has also issued notices of charge to PWIC.

‘The COA has already flagged PWIC’s nonpayment for the utilization or consumption of materials and supplies inventory of the local water districts,’ the Ombudsman said.

It said that total unpaid obligations of PWIC for the Quezon Metro Water District, Trece Martires City Water District, and San Pedro (Laguna) Water District have reached P65,650,708.07.

The Ombudsman said it also ‘believes that the acts may constitute malversation of public funds, while the acts of government personnel involved may constitute grave misconduct under Rule 10, Section 50(A), No. 3 of the 2017 Rules on Administrative Cases on the Civil Service.’

‘This is only the initial list, and the Ombudsman expects further investigation and the filing of additional complaints,’ it added.

According to Clavano, the other individuals also facing criminal and administrative complaints are:

Fe Rebancos, the president of PWIC

Romeo Sabater, vice president of PWIC

Enrico Pasumbal, general manager of Quezon Metropolitan Water District

Guillermo Pili, general manager of San Pedro Water District

Juliet Ocampo, general manager of Trece Martires City Water District

Five individuals of the joint venture selection committee of Quezon Metropolitan Water District

Five individuals of Quezon Metropolitan Water District board of directors

Six individuals of San Pedro Water District joint venture selection committee

Two individuals of San Pedro Water District board of directors

Five individuals of Trece Martires City Water District joint venture selection committee

The Villars sold PWIC to Lucio Co’s Crystal Bridges Holding Corp. in December last year. The utility firm was renamed Hiraya Water Corp. in June

Two defence volunteers killed in Narathiwat attack

Two territorial defence volunteers were killed and 16 others injured, six of them seriously, when a six-wheel truck carrying them was hit by a roadside bomb and then came under gunfire in Sukhirin district of Narathiwat on Friday afternoon.

The attack occurred at about 3pm as the volunteers were returning from a boat race at the annual fair in Muang district, said Pol Col Praphot Lomkhet, chief of the Sukhirin police station.

Police and soldiers rushed to the scene in Blukaya-ing village Moo 2 in tambon Rom Sai and found a six-wheel truck overturned with its wheels pointing skyward. Several injured and deceased personnel were trapped beneath the vehicle. Rescue workers took them to Sukhirin Hospital.

About 20 metres away, officers found a crater measuring two metres deep and three metres wide. Debris from an improvised explosive device, believed to have been assembled inside a 50-kilogramme cooking gas cylinder, was scattered across the road and nearby areas.

The two deceased volunteers were identified Irin Kaewrawangand Nattanat Kaewsupo.

According to the investigation, the 18 territorial defence volunteers were travelling in the truck back to their base in Sukhirin district after taking part in the boat race.

When the vehicle reached the scene, an unknown number of assailants hiding in dense roadside vegetation detonated a bomb planted beneath the road surface, causing the truck to overturn and be thrown across the road.

The attackers then opened fire on the volunteers, who returned fire with their weapons. The assailants subsequently fled, using their familiarity with the area to evade capture.

Authorities believed the attack was carried out by insurgents in retaliation for the killing of two suspected bomb-makers during a security operation in the Tawae mountain range in Narathiwat on Sept 9.

Iran and Pakistan foreign ministers hold urgent regional security talks

Top diplomats from Iran and Pakistan conducted a high-level telephone consultation today to review escalating regional security developments and deliberate on matters of mutual strategic concern, according to an official statement released by the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The discussions brought together Iranian Foreign Minister Seyyed Abbas Araghchi and Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mohammad Ishaq Dar. The Iranian Foreign Ministry confirmed that both officials exchanged perspectives on the rapidly evolving diplomatic and military landscape in the Middle East.

It is worth noting that Pakistan has emerged as a key diplomatic conduit between Tehran and Western powers following months of unprecedented regional volatility. On April 7, Islamabad successfully brokered a ceasefire agreement between Washington, Tel Aviv, and Tehran, halting weeks of intense military exchanges that erupted on February 28 after US-Iran nuclear negotiations stalled. The conflict had seen joint US-Israeli airstrikes on Iranian targets, triggering retaliatory ballistic missile and drone strikes by Tehran against Israeli positions and US military installations across the Middle East.

Diplomatic momentum peaked on June 18 when Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and US President Donald Trump signed a landmark peace memorandum, which officially took effect on June 19.

However, the fragile truce collapsed on July 8 following a major security incident in the Strait of Hormuz. Citing retaliation for an alleged strike on a commercial vessel in the strategic waterway, US forces conducted targeted strikes on Iranian territory for the first time since the accord was enacted. President Trump subsequently declared the termination of the ceasefire.

In response to the renewed American air campaign, Tehran launched strikes targeting US military infrastructure and operational assets situated across Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman.

The latest bilateral contact between Tehran and Islamabad underscores growing international anxiety over the stability of the Persian Gulf and highlights Pakistan’s ongoing efforts to prevent further regional escalation.

Gov’t urged to stem ICT talent exodus

Filipino information and communication technology talents are opting to work for private firms, if not for foreign employers, leaving the government short of ICT specialists.

This has prompted lawmakers to urge the Department of Information and Communications Technology (DICT) to find ways to retain ICT talents in the Philippines.

At the DICT’s budget hearing, legislators raised the continuing struggle to recruit and retain ICT talents who could help in developing the country’s anti-cybercrime and digital policies.

Right now, Filipino ICT workers are lured to work for private and overseas employers. They are discouraged from joining government service due to the disparity in compensation.

The DICT reported that government developers and programmers are given an entry-level pay of Salary Grade 20 to 22, ranging from P66,000 to P90,300 monthly. In a year, they can make P1.08 million at the maximum.

This is far from what entry-level ICT employees in the United States earn, averaging $50,354 or P3.16 million, in a year.

The DICT is therefore pushing for the passage of the Magna Carta for ICT Workers, a proposal that could hike the minimum pay of Filipino talents to make staying in the country attractive.

Under House Bill 4382, or the Magna Carta for ICT Professionals in the Government, the DICT will establish minimum compensation standards on a par with industry rates.

There will also be a structured career progression for ICT workers in the government to provide them with a professional pathway. Further training and scholarships must also be extended by the state agency employing them to support their skills development.

As it stands, the DICT is leaning heavily on job orders and contracts of service for its personnel. It is estimated that at least 1,700 workers of the DICT are employed on contractual terms.

Recently, the agency has been asking the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) to grant the DICT more plantilla posts to scale up its labor force.

The DBM approved 115 plantillas out of the 500 requested by the DICT from its Organizational Structure and Staffing Pattern.

Grape and wine festival opens in Azerbaijan’s Shamakhi

The Grape and Wine Festival kicked off on September 19 in Meysari village of Shamakhi, bringing together the region’s winemaking and viticulture traditions, national music and a festive atmosphere.

The two-day festival is being held in Meysari village and is organized by the Shamakhi District Executive Authority, Abqora restaurant and the Nasimi Gardens complex.

Festival guests were welcomed with performances by traditional wind and percussion ensembles. A ceremonial parade of wine producers was also held, accompanied by a drum show.

Now in its fifth edition, the festival aims to promote local grape and wine production, increase the export potential of wine products, raise public awareness of Azerbaijan’s history of viticulture and winemaking and the work being carried out in the sector, and contribute to expanding the region’s tourism opportunities.

Speaking at the opening ceremony, Shamakhi District Executive Authority head Tahir Mammadov said the current period was marked by a number of significant events for Shamakhi.

He noted that during President Ilham Aliyev and First Lady Mehriban Aliyeva’s visit to Shamakhi, the opening of several important tourism and cultural facilities, including hotels, recreation centers, creative spaces and cultural venues, had taken place. According to Mammadov, these projects are helping further expand the district’s tourism and cultural potential.

The district head stressed that the development projects implemented in Shamakhi benefit not only local residents but also visitors to the region.

Mammadov said the Grape and Wine Festival, which has already become a tradition, makes an important contribution to promoting Shamakhi’s rich viticulture and winemaking heritage, increasing the district’s tourism appeal and supporting the region’s socio-economic development.

Agriculture Minister Majnun Mammadov said the festival contributes to the development of viticulture and winemaking in Azerbaijan, the formation of wine culture and the promotion of locally produced wines.

The minister noted that viticulture and winemaking have ancient traditions in Azerbaijan. He said significant progress had been achieved in the development of the sector as a result of the attention and support provided by the state.

Mammadov also highlighted the work of grape growers, noting that farmers make a major contribution to cultivating high-quality grapes, delivering the produce to processing facilities and ensuring the production process.

The minister also praised the work of winemakers and technologists involved in producing high-quality wines.

The program continued with performances of traditional Azerbaijani dances, including the ‘Grape’ dance, which reflects the country’s viticulture traditions.

Festival participants had the opportunity to learn more about Azerbaijan’s ancient viticulture and winemaking traditions, as well as the country’s rich tourism potential. Visitors were also offered a variety of entertainment programs and shows.

Held on the premises of the Shirvan Wines LLC viticulture and winemaking complex in Meysari village, the festival featured various brands showcasing their grape products.

A range of activities for different age groups added to the festival atmosphere throughout the day. Guests took part in various competitions and quizzes.

A special program was also prepared for the festival’s youngest visitors. Children took part in interactive games and other activities in the entertainment zone, while also dancing and having fun with animators.

The first day of the festival continued until the evening and featured performances by popular singers Roza Zargerli, Kazim Can and Joseph U.O, as well as DJ Kamon.

The Grape and Wine Festival will continue on September 20.

Kampala Writes Literature Festival puts African stories centre stage

The third edition of the Kampala Writes Literature Festival (LitFest) was held from August 28 to 30, 2026, at the Uganda National Cultural Centre (The National Theatre) main auditorium in Kampala, under the theme: ‘Where Stories Begin: The Imaginary and the Art of Possibility.’

The festival was organised by the Goethe-Zentrum Kampala/Ugandan German Cultural Society, with the support of its partners, the German Embassy, Caine Prize for African Writing, African Writers Trust and Jibu Water. It was curated by award-winning Ugandan author Goretti Kyomuhendo.

The festival featured masterclasses and workshops, panel discussions, book launches, a roundtable conversation, author interviews, book talks, interactive dialogues, spoken-word performances, a dedicated children’s session, film screenings and a music concert.

It attracted leading writers from the continent and the diaspora. According to Kyomuhendo, 11 of the 52 speakers were guests from different parts of the world. The festival also featured established and emerging talent across various art forms.

The book market exhibition featured Mahiri Books, Femrite, eKitabu, Malaika Reading Spaces, Ibua Publishing, Tubaze African Books and Qweshunga Book Bar.

Kyomuhendo said this year’s theme invited writers to reflect on the origins of storytelling, how new ideas are born, and how imagination allows people to rethink their histories and envision alternative futures.

‘Storytelling has always been at the heart of who we are as Ugandans, of who we are as Africans. Many of us grew up surrounded by folktales, praise, poetry, drama, song and dance as forms of entertainment and instruction.

‘As storytellers, we continue to honour these long-standing traditions, but also boldly embrace new genres and modes of expression. This festival celebrates all artists as the powerful narrators of our stories, and brings together a community of writers, poets and thinkers to expand the boundaries of storytelling,’ Kyomuhendo added.

Kyomuhendo argued that before magical realism was popularised, or even given a vocabulary, African storytellers were already practising it.

‘…So, for us as African writers, as African creatives, the spirit world was what shaped our everyday realities. It was never foreign. Magic was part of our everyday life. But for the longest time, African stories have been told through others’ lens.’

‘Africa’s stories have been boxed to fit into stereotypes of despair and suffering. African stories have been marginalised. African stories have been gatekept. Stories influence perceptions. Stories preserve and archive our history. Stories inspire generations. Stories determine how the people are identified and remembered. That’s how important stories are…’ she said.

Chika Unigwe on sustaining a writing practice

The keynote conversation centred on the story of acclaimed Belgian-Nigerian novelist and professor of creative writing Chika Unigwe and what it means to sustain a writing practice over time. Unigwe was in conversation with writer, researcher and educationist Anna Adima.

Born in Enugu, Nigeria, Unigwe now lives in Turnhout, Belgium, with her husband and four children.

Her novels include On Black Sisters’ Street (2009), Night Dancer (2012), Black Messiah (2014), The Middle Daughter (2023) and Grace (2026).

Unigwe said her stories can begin anywhere.

‘…I carry a notebook everywhere. I love airport lounges, and I love airports, because when people are at airports, they tend to forget that they are in public. And they have really loud conversations, right?

‘So, it’s very interesting to sort of get these one-sided conversations that people are having, sometimes about the most intimate stuff. And so, I just sort of fill my notebook.’

She added: ‘…So, my stories come from everywhere. There are things I hear people say. There are things that sort of haunt me. I think about the novels that I’ve written over many years. And the fact that I tend to sort of circle around the same things.

‘And I think that’s because you can’t be a woman. You can’t be a black woman in certain spaces. And you can’t be a black woman who thinks and who’s observant and not be haunted by things. So, certain things haunt me, and I have to write them as well.’

Unigwe said place and setting are key in shaping stories.

‘I tell my students, like, your setting cannot be black and Jewish. The way a person moves or navigates a certain space is not the same way they’ll navigate other spaces.

‘For example, the decisions that my protagonists take come from the facts that they are in, that space that they’re in. If they lived elsewhere, with different obligations and different duties, they might take different decisions…’

‘So, setting influences the decisions that my protagonists take. But it also influences the consequences of those decisions…’

Asked if she had ever written a story set in a place she had not visited, Unigwe replied: ‘No, I couldn’t do that. That is why I find it very difficult to write speculative fiction.

‘I have to know a place well. And see a place well. And understand a place. To be able to set a story in that place. So, my imagination isn’t as developed as to set a story in a place that I’ve never been to. I couldn’t do research just by reading about a place. I want to be able to smell the place.’

The writer says family is the first place where stories are told, even if one does not have siblings. It is the place where your sense of self is shaped.

‘You have people who say, you know, 30 years later, ‘I was traumatised by what my father did to me.’ ‘I was traumatised by what my mother did to me…”

She added: ‘So, family is the first place where you learn to think of yourself.’

‘I think that the way I navigate the world and the way that I think of myself, right, is because of who I am in my family, right? But, yeah, and I don’t think I’ve ever written a story where someone is a lonely child…’

Speculative fiction as a tool for political imagination

Ugandan writer, filmmaker and publisher Dilman Dila, German-Cameroonian author, curator and theatre maker Mirrianne Mahn, and award-winning South African actor and playwright Philisiwe Twijnstra explored speculative fiction as a tool for political imagination, asking what happens when African writers reclaim the right to imagine the future.

The panel, ‘Speculative Futures – Science Fiction as Fantasy and Political Imagination’, moderated by Kenyan editor, journalist and literary facilitator Otieno Owino, considered speculative genres as an important space for political thought, where the assumptions of the present can be entirely rewritten.

Dila said his 2026 science fiction solarpunk novella, The Blossoming of the Big Tree, published by Ododo Press, revolves around Adita, a 70-year-old woman who is anxious around people and struggles to fit in because her village has a tight sense of community.

To avoid coming across as anti-social, she agrees to chair the committee for national defence because it is easier for her to interact with other people through work. The job is simple, requiring her to coordinate responses to the climate crisis, until a superpower attacks to steal the technology that makes her country a solarpunk utopia.

Her nation is a loose union of hundreds of thousands of self-sufficient villages. It has no army or weapons, so how will Adita coordinate their defence? Will the invasion lead to the disintegration of their utopia, or will they find a way to defeat the coloniser?

According to Dila, solarpunk is an opposition to popular genres, especially the dystopian genre that dominates popular media.

‘Solarpunk is kind of an opposition and it is trying to imagine a better future. …where there’s no dictatorship, no poverty, capitalism, and everybody agrees because there’s no central government, it is a decentralised world; there are no politicians; there are no elections.’

Dila said Adita likes being alone but has to live in a world where there is a tight-knit community.

‘…people are always in her space, because they are neighbours, so they help each other, they don’t leave anybody struggling. And so, she’s struggling to fit in in this kind of world. She also happens to chair the National Committee for Defence…’

‘And so, there is a technology that they use to make their world really worth living in, without capitalism, without a central government, but it is the technology that gives them limitless energy, and makes it possible for any villager to manufacture anything they want, whether it’s a smartphone, a TV or a car. You don’t need to go to a factory; you do it in your backyard,’ he added.

Dila says every good story has a villain who, in this case, invades the country because he wants to steal its technology.

‘And so, this old woman finds herself trying to figure out how to defend the country. …They don’t have weapons, but they have to defend themselves against a heavy-armed invader.’

Twijnstra’s collection of short stories, Flying Cows and Other Traumas, published by Jacana Media, explores magical realism, speculative fiction and fantasy. Twijnstra portrays women succeeding in the face of brutality. The protagonists – Black women – are thrust into magical, terrifying and spellbinding worlds, with stories set in the past, present and future.

She says her collection consists of stories about women struggling to fit into society.

‘Firstly, I was raised by these kinds of women. …Women that had to, behind closed doors and walls, had to take care of a home…’

‘And I find that they were more human than those who are in the centre. And they were on the margin, but they were able to watch what’s happening in the centre. And they see all the cracks that the centre cannot actually see.

‘And then they became interested. I always think about how intelligent the drunken man was next door. How much of stories they had, how much of a wisdom they had,’ Twijnstra added.

She added that as a black woman, she carries her body and it introduces her to the world that has not accepted her.

‘And these characters, sometimes I tend to be emotional…So, sometimes I see how the world is not as, you know and there’s so much that I want to say that I don’t have words for. Thus, I use literature and theatre to do that.’

Meanwhile, Mirrianne Mahn’s debut novel, Issa (Rowohlt, 2024), spans four generations of women across Cameroon and Germany. She weaves together the fate of five women whose lives span more than a century and are connected by the lines of colonial exploitation and the pursuit of self-determination.

Issa does not really want to embark on this journey. Pregnant, she sits on a plane to Douala, driven by her mother’s fear for her daughter’s life during childbirth.

In Cameroon, the land of her childhood, she is supposed to follow the healing path of rituals under the watchful eyes of her grandmothers. However, it is not that simple when you are considered too Black in Frankfurt and too German in Buea.

The visit becomes a confrontation for Issa with her own family history and the certainty that both trauma and the unwavering will to love and live are inheritable.

‘…to centre a black woman in my literature and then centre a black African woman in my literature is such a powerful political decision in my writing. And it’s such a way of resistance, because we love telling stories about struggle, about oppression, but we barely and rarely tell the stories about the resistance,’ Mahn said.

Adding: ‘And I don’t mean the resistance of a Winnie Mandela, who is like loud and proud and shouting about her husband in jail. I am talking about the resistance of the everyday woman who chooses to love the child of her rapist, who chooses to lend her neighbouring woman a hand even though she barely has anything, who chooses to divide the little rice she has into four portions so everyone can have something.’

‘That is political resistance in a world that oppresses you, and where your bare existence is a form of revolution because this world was not built for you and me to sit on a stage with a microphone. So, that’s a political resistance,’ Mahn further added.

Storytelling and impressionist performances

Lloyd Lutara and Anna Grace Awilli opened the festival with storytelling and impressionist performances.

Lutara’s My Feet Are All I Have Left, is an original musical composition that draws loosely on Okot p’Bitek’s 1953 novel Lak Tar (White Teeth) and the Acholi proverb at its root: Lak Tar Miyo Kinyero We Lobo – ‘Our teeth are white and so we laugh at the world.’ The music was by Unravel Me Gently.

Neither a music album nor a lecture, the piece grew out of a long period spent living inside p’Bitek’s lesser-known writing – Lak Tar, Two Songs: Song of a Prisoner, and Song of a Malaya, his rejected master’s thesis, Oral Literature and Its Social Background among the Acholi and Lango – alongside the work of Elvania Namukwaya Zirimu, Lubwa P’Chong, Pio Zirimu, Kalundi Serumaga and the early African run of Transition magazine, Lutara said.

He added that it is a contemporary addition to a particular literary lineage – the dance and song of the Lwo, the epic poetry of p’Bitek and the performance literature of the great post-colonial literary minds Uganda has largely forgotten.

Awilli recited ‘O Romeo, Romeo! Wherefore art thou Romeo?’ by imitating English, Acholi, French, Runyankole and Indian accents, sending the audience into laughter.

The famous line ‘O Romeo, Romeo! Wherefore art thou Romeo?’ is spoken by Juliet in Act 2, Scene 2 of William Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet.

Art installation

On display at the reception of the National Theatre was a large art installation by Ugandan visual and performing artivist Sandra Suubi titled Samba Gown-era. It was a physical and visual counterpoint to the festival’s spoken and written word, imagining and re-enacting the Ugandan Independence ceremony of 1962 as a wedding ceremony.

The installation offered a different experience for attendees to engage with at their own pace.

Samba Gown-era is a performance/wearable installation featuring a gown made from waste plastic that can be worn. It underscores the problem of plastic waste in Uganda and the role of women in cleaning up this waste.

Women make up 80 per cent of the informal waste-picking and collecting sector in Uganda, while also carrying out different forms of unpaid domestic labour.

This toxic marriage with consumerism, and the difficulty of escaping it, alludes to environmental pollution and exploitation, as well as the inequitable relations that persist in contemporary society.

Trust remains elusive

The main opposition People’s Party (PP) may be calling on Pheu Thai to abandon the Bhumjaithai-led coalition government, but rebuilding trust between the two parties could prove considerably harder than bringing them together against a common political adversary.

PP deputy leader Wiroj Lakkhanaadisorn recently urged Pheu Thai to leave the government and join the opposition, a move that could increase parliamentary pressure on Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and undermine Bhumjaithai’s dominance.

But for Pheu Thai, the proposal raises a question that goes beyond the current balance of power: why should it trust PP now, after the two parties have repeatedly put their own political interests ahead of their relationship?

The trust deficit is not new, according to a political source.

The decisive rupture came when Pheu Thai abandoned the possibility of forming a government with the PP and instead joined forces with Bhumjaithai, resulting in the formation of the Srettha Thavisin administration.

For the PP, that decision was more than a tactical setback. It reinforced the perception that Pheu Thai was prepared to put its own political survival and access to government ahead of cooperation with a party that had emerged as a major electoral force.

The PP subsequently found its own opportunity to settle the score.

Ahead of the Feb 8 general election, it supported Mr Anutin, the Bhumjaithai leader, as prime minister of a minority government, a move viewed as partly political retaliation against Pheu Thai. In doing so, the PP effectively overlooked Pheu Thai’s own leadership aspirations.

That history makes Mr Wiroj’s latest appeal politically awkward, the source said.

The PP is now asking Pheu Thai to reverse course and join forces against the very government that the PP itself once helped facilitate. From Pheu Thai’s perspective, the proposal may therefore be viewed with considerable caution.

Political parties can forgive electoral competition. They are less likely to forget being strategically abandoned, the source said.

The problem is compounded by the fact that Pheu Thai and the PP are not simply competing parties. They are competing for overlapping territory in the broader anti-conservative and reform-oriented political space.

Any Pheu Thai decision to leave the government and join the opposition would therefore benefit the PP as much as, or potentially more than, Pheu Thai.

The PP would gain a larger opposition partner and greater parliamentary weight. It could also present itself as the natural centre of an alternative government.

Pheu Thai, meanwhile, could find itself playing second fiddle to the PP at precisely the moment when it needs to rebuild its own political identity. That is a particularly unattractive prospect for a party recovering from a serious electoral decline.

The Feb 8 election exposed the extent of Pheu Thai’s political erosion. The party suffered a major setback after years of dominance, while the fallout from the so-called ‘uncle audio clip’ episode further damaged its credibility and contributed to its diminished electoral standing.

Pheu Thai has little incentive to make another high-risk political move before it has rebuilt itself.

This is where the question of Yodchanan Wongsawat, nephew of former premier and Pheu Thai spiritual leader Thaksin Shinawatra, becomes significant.

Pheu Thai is not merely trying to survive the current parliamentary term. It needs to prepare for a leadership transition and cultivate a new political generation capable of restoring the party’s electoral competitiveness, the source said.

Mr Yodchanan could be an important part of that strategy.

If the party ultimately wants to groom him for the leadership and potentially develop him into a future prime ministerial candidate, he needs things that cannot be acquired overnight: political experience, public exposure and a track record.

Remaining in government can provide all three.

A coalition position gives Pheu Thai an opportunity to place its emerging politicians in positions where they can demonstrate competence, build networks and develop policy credentials.

It also gives the party time to gradually introduce a new generation to voters without forcing them immediately into a high-stakes opposition contest against a much stronger PP.

For Mr Yodchanan in particular, the political value of this period could be substantial.

A future prime ministerial candidate cannot be created simply by announcing his candidacy. He needs to establish a political identity of his own, demonstrate that he can handle policy and parliamentary responsibilities, and convince voters that he represents more than the legacy of the Pheu Thai political family.

That requires careful cultivation, according to the source.

A premature departure from government could complicate that process.

If Pheu Thai were to join the PP-led opposition, Mr Yodchanan would immediately be drawn into a much more confrontational political environment. Rather than being given time to develop his own profile, he could become part of an opposition struggle dominated by PP’s political agenda and leadership.

The risk is that Pheu Thai would once again be defined by its relationship with another party rather than by its own political proposition.

Staying in government gives the party greater room to manoeuvre.

Pheu Thai can use the coalition period to rebuild its organisation, revamp its public image and prepare its next generation while monitoring Bhumjaithai’s performance. It can support government policies that benefit the party politically while distancing itself from measures that are unpopular.

Most importantly, it retains the option of leaving later. That makes remaining in government less a declaration of loyalty to Bhumjaithai than a strategic holding position.

The source said Pheu Thai may calculate that its best political asset at present is time and patience.

It needs time to recover from the Feb 8 defeat. It needs time to rebuild voter confidence after the audio-clip controversy. It needs time to nurture new leaders. And it needs time to determine whether Mr Yodchanan can eventually establish himself as a credible successor capable of carrying the party into the next electoral cycle.

The PP, by contrast, has an obvious interest in forcing Pheu Thai to make a decision now.

Bringing Pheu Thai into the opposition would solidify the PP’s parliamentary position and potentially accelerate the collapse of the Bhumjaithai-led coalition. It would also allow the PP to turn the page on its own past cooperation with Mr Anutin and present itself as the centre of an anti-government alliance.

But Pheu Thai sees little reason to make the PP’s strategic objective its own. The two parties may share an interest in challenging Bhumjaithai, but that does not mean they share a common political future.

Indeed, their previous dealings provide Pheu Thai with ample reason to remain wary. If the PP was prepared to abandon Pheu Thai when circumstances changed before the election, Pheu Thai can reasonably ask what would prevent the same thing from happening again.

There is therefore a paradox at the heart of Mr Wiroj’s appeal.

The PP needs Pheu Thai to trust it at a time when the PP has not yet demonstrated that it can be trusted as a long-term political partner.

And Pheu Thai, having already paid a heavy price for its previous strategic miscalculations, may be reluctant to take another gamble.

For now, the safer calculation may be to stay put, the source said.

EC ruling fails to settle doubts

The Election Commission’s decision to refer 77 people in the Senate election collusion case to the Supreme Court’s Election Cases Division has done little to settle the controversy.

After all, the commission spared Bhumjaithai Party executives and key party figures accused of involvement, citing a lack of credible evidence against them.

The decision has drawn criticism from the opposition People’s Party (PP) and Democrat Party, as well as the civil society group iLaw, which has campaigned on the Senate election issue for almost three months.

The full commission’s decision has also raised questions about whether the EC, an independent public agency, is being influenced by political interests.

EC chairman Narong Klanwarin has insisted that the EC considered the case independently and within the framework of the law, rather than at its own discretion or under pressure from society or any particular group.

Critics point out that the 77 people referred to the Supreme Court are lower-level participants, while those believed to have played more important roles have been left untouched.

The investigation involved 67 complainants and 427 respondents, with allegations covering seven offences under the organic law on the acquisition of senators.

Of the 77 people referred to the Supreme Court, 26 are sitting senators, 36 are Senate voters, and 15 are other individuals. No reserve senators, political party executives, MPs or political office-holders were referred.

From a legal perspective, independent legal scholar What Tingsamitr said the EC appears to have applied the criminal law standard of proving a case ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ when deciding whether to refer cases to court.

Mr What, a former senior Supreme Court judge, said the EC had applied a much stricter standard than that required in the Senate election case. The law only requires ‘reasonable grounds’ for a case to be submitted for judicial review.

He also questioned whether the legal standard was being applied in a way that ran counter to the intent of the law.

According to Mr What, the Supreme Court’s approach in election-related cases has generally involved considering circumstantial evidence, voting patterns and digital evidence together.

There is not necessarily a need for a direct financial trail to establish wrongdoing, he said, adding that the EC’s claim of insufficient evidence to dismiss the cases against the others runs counter to the approach normally taken in such cases.

However, he noted that the commission has exposed itself to legal risks of its own.

If it could be proven that the commissioners deliberately acted to help certain individuals avoid scrutiny, the EC could potentially face charges of dereliction of duty under Section 157 of the Criminal Code and Section 69 of the law governing the EC.

From a political perspective, the EC’s decision is understandable, said Olarn Thinbangtieo, deputy dean of political science and law at Burapha University and chairman of the Campaign for Popular Democracy.

Referring the cases against 21 Bhumjaithai figures and executives allegedly involved in the case could have a much wider impact on the political arena, as it could put the party at risk of dissolution, he said.

Bhumjaithai is seen as an important political ally of the political establishment, making the party an asset that cannot easily be put at risk, he noted. Mr Olarn believes the Constitutional Court’s Sept 28 ruling on the use of barcodes and QR codes on ballots is likely to favour the government. The case centres on whether the systems could be used to trace ballots back to individual voters.

If the court rules that the Feb 8 election was conducted in secret, the issue will be settled. But if it finds that ballot secrecy was compromised, the election could be declared invalid and a new poll ordered, although this would affect only the party-list system.

Mr Olarn said Bhumjaithai would have only a slim chance of winning despite being the best prepared for a new election and having extensive political resources. The PP is expected to emerge stronger, making the prospect of a new election a risk that the political establishment would be reluctant to take, he added.

Political tensions are likely to remain high, with the PP expected to push hard for charter amendments, Mr Olarn said.

However, constitutional amendment requires the support of one-third of the Senate, creating a dilemma for the main opposition party, which may have to take a more flexible approach and negotiate with both senators and Bhumjaithai to reduce political tensions.

According to Mr Olarn, the two sides could work together on constitutional changes, particularly on issues such as decentralisation of power.