Namfrel: BARMM poll faces post-election legitimacy risk

The results of the first Bangsamoro Parliamentary Election could face a legitimacy challenge after voting as several unresolved political and security fault lines converge, according to the National Citizens’ Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel).

Namfrel said the Commission on Elections (Comelec) is showing strong mechanical and technical readiness for the September 14 polls, shifting the principal risks toward external factors, chiefly vote-buying and the conduct of the political campaign.

‘None of these fault lines is individually disqualifying, and none currently points to a failure of elections,’ Namfrel said.

‘Together, however, they create multiple plausible pathways to a post-election legitimacy dispute-regardless of who wins,’ it added.

The group identified the unresolved Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) succession fight, the gap between official and independent conflict data, unresolved corruption findings and the presence of private armed groups as key fault lines.

Malacañang link raises political risk

It also identified perceived Malacañang or national-patronage interference as the most consequential political risk, scoring it as critical and almost certain in its risk register, the highest possible composite score of 16.

Malacañang’s Partido Federal ng Pilipinas (PFP) allied with the United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP) in October 2024, but Namfrel said that alliance appears to have shifted toward the Bangsamoro Federalist Party (BFP) following the March 2025 installation of Abdulraof ‘Sammy Gambar’ Macacua as interim Chief Minister.

The report noted that UBJP’s Mohagher Iqbal has accused unnamed Malacañang officials of pressuring local executives toward BFP, mirroring allegations made in 2024 by the Mangudadatu bloc that the same officials favored UBJP.

Namfrel stressed that no independent finding has substantiated either round of allegations, but said their repeated and opposing nature creates a ready-made delegitimization narrative for either side after the election.

The MILF succession fight could also continue beyond election day because the chief minister will be selected by the seated parliament rather than directly by voters.

With 80 members of Parliament to be elected across 13 parties, Namfrel said a fragmented result could lead to coalition bargaining during the October 30 transition period, making the Chief Minister selection another potential flashpoint.

Security, results face scrutiny

Security reporting presents another potential source of dispute, with official and independent monitoring producing sharply different pictures of the election environment.

The joint Commission on Elections (Comelec)-Philippine National Police (PNP) monitoring report for July 16 to Sept. 4 recorded one validated election-related incident, along with 20 gun-ban violations, 34 firearms and 129 rounds of ammunition confiscated, 23 arrests and four persons detained for investigation and prosecution, and 192 firearms voluntarily surrendered or deposited.

The CCAA Critical Events Monitoring System, however, recorded 611 incidents and 235 deaths across Mindanao from January to July 2026, including 28 explicitly labeled election-connected.

Namfrel said Comelec and PNP use a narrower attribution standard that excluded even the August 15 ambush of Macacua’s convoy from the official election-related incident count, while Comelec publicly hedged on whether the attack was election-related.

‘This is a definitional gap, not simply a data-quality one,’ Namfrel said, warning that reliance on either source alone could lead to an inaccurate reading of the security environment.

The watchdog also flagged the risk that postponement rumors could evolve into claims questioning the results once counting begins.

‘Namfrel’s assessment is that the postponement narrative is highly likely to mutate into a results-related delegitimization narrative once counting begins – the highest-probability disinformation vector for E-Day and E-Day+1,’ the report said.

Technical readiness, meanwhile, remains relatively strong, with more than 2.3 million ballots printed for 2.39 million registered voters and election materials confirmed deployed to provincial hubs as of August 30.

Namfrel said the remaining risks include low-connectivity and grid-vulnerable areas, where delays in results transmission could be mistaken for tampering or other election problems if not explained in real time.

The watchdog recommended that Comelec publicly disclose its Random Manual Audit sampling methodology, reconcile its election-related incident classification with broader independent monitoring and identify areas covered by Starlink or other backup transmission arrangements.

It also urged candidates and political parties to commit to a transparent, rules-based Chief Minister selection process and refrain from amplifying unsubstantiated claims of Malacañang interference.

Women human rights defenders must be protected, Equality Commissioner says

The Commissioner for Gender Equality, Josie Christodoulou, emphasised the need to protect women human rights defenders in a recorded message during an event held on Wednesday in Geneva on the sidelines of the 63rd Session of the Human Rights Council.

The event, titled “Providing Protection and Support to Women Human Rights Defenders in Times of Crisis: Lessons from the Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund (WPHF),” was organised in collaboration with the Republic of Cyprus.

A press release issued by the Commissioner’s Office said that the Commissioner highlighted that we are experiencing a period of shrinking civic space, reduced funding, and increasing pressures on women’s rights. In this context, she stressed that it is essential not only to reaffirm our commitments to gender equality and human rights but also to defend them.

“Referring to the Beijing Platform for Action and UN General Assembly Resolution 68/181, she emphasised their enduring significance for the promotion and protection of women’s rights and the recognition of the role of women human rights defenders,” it is added.

Christodoulou highlighted the crucial role of women’s civil society organisations and women’s rights defenders, especially in times of conflict, displacement, and humanitarian crises. As she noted, they often find themselves on the front lines of defending rights, documenting violations, demanding accountability, and building peace, while they themselves frequently face intimidation, stigma, exclusion, and violence.

“She emphasised that their protection requires legal, institutional, political, and economic conditions that will allow them to act safely and freely, noting that supporting women-led organisations is an investment in resilience, accountability, peace, and human rights,” the press release said.

The Commissioner pointed out that supporting defenders requires specific political action and strong alliances between governments, institutions, and civil society. “We must listen to them, protect them, and empower them, ensuring that they have the space and resources to lead change,” she concluded.

Alert MFB supports 100 Lagos pupils with back-to-school materials

In a bid to ease the financial burden of preparing children for the new academic session, Alert Microfinance Bank, a member of Alert Group, has supported 100 pupils across two schools in Lagos State with essential educational materials.

The initiative, implemented under the bank’s Back-to-School Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) programme, benefited 50 pupils each from IPHY Kiddies School, Ebute-Metta, and Rock of Ages School, Ikorodu.

The intervention, according to the bank, underscores its commitment to responsible banking, community development and creating meaningful social impact in communities where its customers live and operate.

Each beneficiary received a back-to-school package containing a school bag, exercise books, writing materials, a mathematical set and a reusable water bottle.

The bank said the initiative was designed to help reduce some of the costs associated with preparing children for a new school term, while ensuring that pupils have access to basic learning materials needed for effective participation in school.

Speaking during the exercise, Raji Saheed, managing director/CEO, Alert Microfinance Bank said the initiative reflected the bank’s belief that its relationship with customers should extend beyond financial services to creating positive impact in the communities it serves.

‘At Alert, we believe that our responsibility goes beyond providing financial solutions. The communities and businesses we serve are important partners in our growth, and we are committed to creating opportunities that positively affect the lives of people around them,’ he said.

Also speaking, Kayode Abraham, chief marketing officer, Alert Group, described education as one of the most important investments in the future, noting that the initiative was aimed at giving the beneficiaries greater confidence as they return to school.

‘Education remains one of the most important investments we can make in the future. Through this initiative, Alert is supporting these children with some of the tools they need to learn with greater confidence as they return to school.

‘This intervention demonstrates our philosophy of turning customer relationships into tangible community impact, captured in the idea: ‘Bank with Us, Grow with Us, Give Back Together,” Abraham said.

At IPHY Kiddies School, representatives of the institution expressed appreciation to the bank for the gesture, describing it as timely support for the pupils and their families.

The Proprietress of IPHY Kiddies School, Okeke Anna Ifunaya, said the materials would provide meaningful support to both the pupils and their parents ahead of the new academic session.

‘We appreciate Alert Microfinance Bank for this thoughtful intervention. The materials will be useful to the children and will also provide meaningful support to their parents as they prepare for the new school session,’ she said.

Similarly, the management of Rock of Ages School commended the bank for extending its relationship with the institution beyond banking services to an initiative that directly benefits the children.

Alert Microfinance Bank said it would continue to identify opportunities to create value in the communities it serves, particularly through initiatives focused on education, financial inclusion, enterprise development and sustainable community growth.

The bank added that its Back-to-School programme forms part of its broader commitment to combining financial empowerment with measurable social impact, while building lasting relationships with customers and communities.

Alert Microfinance Bank is a financial institution with a national licence, committed to providing accessible financial solutions to individuals and businesses while promoting financial inclusion, enterprise development and sustainable economic growth.

100K households without electricity to benefit from microgrid program

THE Department of Energy (DOE) has identified an initial 369 unserved and underserved areas in 23 provinces that could benefit more than 100,000 unenergized households through future microgrid development under the Microgrid Systems Act (MGSA).

Based on DOE’s initial list, the 101,468 unenergized households are located in Antique, Basilan, Bohol, Cagayan, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Cebu, Davao Occidental, Dinagat Islands, Eastern Samar, Lanao del Sur, Marinduque, Masbate, Negros Occidental, Northern Samar, Palawan, Quezon, Southern Leyte, Sulu, Surigao del Sur, Tawi-Tawi, Samar, and Zamboanga del Sur.

The list remains subject to further validation, updating, and final determination by the DOE.

By providing the initial list ahead of competitive selection process (CSP) rounds, the DOE aims to give prospective investors early visibility to conduct technical assessments and plan investments.

Energy Secretary Sharon S. Garin said microgrid development is an important part of the government’s effort to bring reliable electricity to communities that remain beyond the reach of adequate power services.

‘For families in remote and last-mile communities, electricity means more than keeping the lights on. It supports education, livelihoods, health services, communications, and economic opportunity.

Through microgrid development, we want to bring reliable and affordable electricity closer to communities that remain unserved, while giving capable investors a clear pathway to help us deliver it,’ Garin said.

The initiative forms part of the DOE’s continuing implementation of the revised implementing rules (RIRR) of the Microgrid Systems Act under Department Circular 2025-04-0007, which seeks to improve the efficiency, transparency, and investor responsiveness of the competitive selection framework for microgrid development.

The DOE also said it has partnered with the United Kingdom’s Partnering for Accelerated Climate Transitions (UK PACT) program to improve project readiness and reduce development risks for microgrids.

Under this initiative, a site-specific assessment framework has been developed to support pre-feasibility studies and evaluate prospective projects.

A detailed validation has already been completed for 10 unserved areas in Camarines Sur and Palawan.

A second phase of technical assistance is underway to assess and validate an additional 15 to 25 unserved and underserved areas.

The DOE stressed that the published list of areas is subject to updates, removals, or reclassifications based on new technical data, stakeholder inputs, and alignment with the National Total Electrification Roadmap.

For areas excluded from the CSP rounds, the DOE said these can still be electrified via unsolicited proposals, and authorized entities can independently assess outside opportunities.

IBPAP looks beyond US for future growth

FOR years, the United States (US) has been the Philippine information technology and business process management (IT-BPM) industry’s biggest market. Now, the industry is looking farther afield.

The Information Technology and Business Process Association of the Philippines (IBPAP) is broadening its investment push, with Europe, Japan, the Middle East and Asia-Pacific among the markets it wants to tap.

The country remains second only to India among the world’s largest IT-BPM destinations, but its lead is no longer uncontested. IBPAP previously said South Africa, Egypt, Poland, Colombia, Costa Rica and Vietnam are expanding their presence in the global outsourcing market.

Now, IBPAP, together with a coalition of advisory firms, real-estate developers, banking partners and investment-promotion agencies, has launched a coordinated initiative to attract global companies looking to establish or expand operations in the Philippines.

The initiative targets companies headquartered in Australia, Japan, the Middle East and the United Kingdom, as well as fast-growing mid-market firms and organizations in banking, financial services, insurance and healthcare.

Healthcare is among the areas where the industry sees room to expand, particularly in clinical support, revenue cycle management, health technology and patient services.

The industry is likewise looking to deepen its role in artificial intelligence (AI)-enabled services across customer experience, healthcare, information technology, finance and accounting, and human resources, helping global companies adopt AI, strengthen cybersecurity and scale their operations.

The broader investment push comes as the local IT-BPM sector also keeps an eye on policy developments in its largest market.

Last July, Celeste Ilagan, IBPAP chief operating officer and incoming president and chief executive officer (CEO), said the industry does not expect an immediate disruption from proposed US measures that could discourage companies from moving customer-service operations offshore.

The proposed Keep Call Centers in America Act of 2025 and the HIRE Act have shown limited legislative progress, she said, although the industry is not dismissing their potential impact on Philippine outsourcing.

For IBPAP, the response is not to turn away from the US but to build a wider base of markets and capabilities.

‘The conversation has changed. Companies no longer choose locations based solely on cost. They choose places that can deliver resilience, capability, and depth of talent,’ IBPAP President and CEO Jack Madrid said.

‘That is where the Philippines competes today. We invite global companies ready to build their next chapter to build it with us,’ he added.

The industry aims to reach between $43.3 billion and $50.5 billion in annual revenue and employ 1.85 million to 2.14 million workers by 2028.

Ayala Group, EJAP renew tieup for business journalism awards

The Ayala Group has renewed its partnership with the Economic Journalists

Association of the Philippines (EJAP) for the 35th EJAP Business Journalism Awards, continuing a collaboration that has supported excellence in business journalism for more than two decades.

The partnership was formalized during a signing ceremony on September 3, led by EJAP President Ted Cordero and Vice President for External Lorenz Marasigan, and Ayala Corporation Chief Social Infrastructure Officer Paolo Borromeo.

Communications leaders from across the Ayala Group attended the ceremony alongside EJAP’s 2026 Officers and Board of Directors.

The 35th EJAP Business Journalism Awards is supported by Ayala Corp., Ayala Land, BPI, Globe Telecom, ACEN, AC Health, AC Logistics, ACMobility, ACX, Integrated Micro-Electronics Inc., Mynt, iPeople, and Ayala Foundation.

‘The broad participation reflects the Group’s continuing support for the awards and its recognition of the important role of business journalism in helping the public better understand the forces shaping the economy and their daily lives,’ Ayala said.

The EJAP Awards have become one of the country’s leading recognition programs for economic and business journalism, honoring work that brings greater clarity and insight to important economic and business matters. By recognizing excellence in the profession, the awards also help uphold the value of credible, insightful, and responsible reporting.

The 35th EJAP Business Journalism Awards will recognize outstanding work by journalists covering business, the economy, finance, and related fields. The awards night is scheduled for November 6.

Bauchi: Bala fumes over N29.6b ACReSAL project’s delay, warns contractor

Governor Bala Mohammed Abdulkadir of Bauchi State has expressed deep dissatisfaction with the slow pace of the N29.6 billion Agro-Climatic Resilience in Semi-Arid Landscapes (ACReSAL) flood and erosion control project, which currently stands at just 7.2% completion.

The governor expressed his dissatisfaction during his inspection visit to the project site at the Abubakar Tatari Ali Polytechnic and urged the contractor to urgently deploy additional equipment and manpower to accelerate work and meet the stipulated deadline.

He emphasised that because the project is fully funded, there is no justification for unnecessary delays.’The state has demonstrated its commitment by releasing 40 per cent of the contract sum.’

The governor said that ‘We expect the contractor to show a matching readiness and capability to execute this vital work.’

Governor Bala Mohammed highlighted the deep historical and humanitarian significance of the project, noting that it was originally conceived during the administration of former Governor of the state, Ahmed Adamu Mu’azu.

While described the current phase as a massive humanitarian effort designed to safeguard vulnerable communities living along riverbeds and flood-prone areas.

Also speaking during the inspection, Joy Agene, who is the ACReSAL Task Team Lead, commended the quality of the engineering work executed so far, while echoing the Governor’s concerns regarding the sluggish timeline.

Agene said that the project is one of ACReSAL’s largest interventions nationwide in terms of scope, scale and financial cost, making swift execution critical.

The project contractor blamed the slow progress primarily on the challenges of the ongoing rainy season.

He assured the Governor that a massive remobilisation strategy is already underway to salvage the timeline,

He also promised that four separate teams will be deployed simultaneously across different sections of the micro-catchment area, armed with extra equipment and increased manpower.

The contractor expressed absolute confidence that the entire project will be completed between March and April, 2027.

EU needs Azerbaijan more than it likes to admit

There is a particular kind of diplomatic choreography that gives away more than the speeches do. It must have raised questions as to who was courting whom when Ursula von der Leyen, Antonio Costa, and Kaja Kallas visited Baku over a period of ten months – the president of the European Commission, the president of the European Council, and the European Union’s chief foreign policy official, respectively – all making a beeline to a nation of ten million on the western shores of the Caspian Sea.

The official framing, delivered by the EU’s newly appointed ambassador to Azerbaijan, Marijana Kujundžic, at a roundtable in Baku last week, was suitably diplomatic. “We are entering a new phase of our relations,” she said. “They have intensified.” Negotiations on a new bilateral agreement, stalled for years, are set to resume at the end of September. The EU, she noted, remains Azerbaijan’s largest trading partner, three decades after the two sides signed their first partnership agreement in 1996.

All true, and all beside the more interesting point. There is definitely an ‘unevenness’ in the traffic of visitors between Brussels and Baku. Azerbaijani delegations visiting Brussels consist mostly of ministers, like Minister of Foreign Affairs Jeyhun Bayramov and Minister of Energy Parviz Shahbazov, whereas President Ilham Aliyev has not set foot in Brussels in years. Perhaps it is the only possible proof of which of the two parties needs the other. The reason is not hard to find, I assume.

With the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the urgent attempts by Europe to disengage itself from Russian gas supplies, Azerbaijan went almost overnight from being simply a useful secondary supplier to a near necessity. One of the pipelines supplying gas from Azerbaijan to the rest of Europe, via Georgia and Trkiye, through the Southern Gas Corridor, is one of the only non-Russian pipelines that the Europeans can boast about. By her own admission, von der Leyen’s main objective in Baku was the implementation of an agreement signed in 2022 according to which Azerbaijan undertook to increase gas deliveries to the EU by almost twofold up to 20 bn m3 annually until 2027, as well as the construction of the “Green Energy Cable” under the Black Sea.

For his part, Costa took advantage of his visit to Baku to argue for sustained EU engagement as mediator in the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process, as well as Baku’s involvement in the development of the Middle Corridor, the Caspian transportation corridor that is now being mentioned in Brussels as a way around the Russian routes. Kallas’ concern, on the other hand, was even more straightforward: the military-political stability of the South Caucasus, cutting off the channels through which Moscow tries to circumvent Western sanctions, and creating a modicum of security structure in the Caspian-Black Sea basin.

Where the leverage runs out

This is when the EU’s old approach begins to show its limits. The Europeans have always made their agreements on trade and cooperation subject to certain criteria – regulatory convergence, human rights standards, judicial reform, and the trappings of their “values-based” diplomacy. But now, they are doing this even in Azerbaijan by advocating its entry into the WTO, lowering customs duties, granting access for European businesses, and above all, monitoring systems linked to civil and political freedoms.

But Baku is not having any of that. Azerbaijan has absolutely no intention of joining [at least for now] the WTO due to concerns about what it will do for the country’s agriculture and non-oil economy, but it wants to secure its own flexible trade agreement instead. Regarding the political prerequisites, the stance taken by Baku has been indisputable: there should be no interference in Azerbaijan’s internal affairs, period, and all relations should be based exclusively on “equal partnership and respect for sovereignty.” Taking into account the continuous flow of European Parliament resolutions regarding human rights in Azerbaijan and Baku’s perception of pro-Armenian bias in some of the EU institutions, this attitude has become one of distrust.

The only sphere in which convergence occurs without any friction is the one farthest removed from politics altogether: energy. In the case of the Green Energy Cable and the export of renewable energy to Europe, the interests of the two sides align clearly enough that the file has more or less negotiated itself. There could not be a more telling demonstration of how the priorities of the EU have shifted: whereas Brussels used to try to lead on the basis of values, and make the economic interest the carrot that was offered for good behaviour, it is now the economic interest doing the job of values-based diplomacy.

Perhaps, there is a deeper irony buried in Costa’s interest in the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process. The European Union clearly hopes to come across as the indispensable player bringing about stability in a region that, at long last, has made headway toward true peace after decades of war, given that it is technically the most effective peace agreement in the 21st century. This hope is less likely to be taken seriously in Baku because in recent years, Europe’s own institutions have been adopting resolutions which Azerbaijan sees as favoring the other side. One cannot both seek to establish oneself as an unbiased arbitrator and advocate for one of the sides.

What distinguishes this period from others in EU-Azerbaijani diplomacy is not the demand by Brussels of something from Baku because this has been the case throughout; what has changed now is that Baku, after three decades, has no great compulsion to make this easy. The traditional model of the European Union’s quid pro quo in exchange for market access rests on an imbalance that has ended.

None of this means the relationship is heading for rupture. Both sides have too much to lose. However, “inextricably linked” may be the way that the ambassador and his staff would refer to this situation privately. Nevertheless, “inextricably linked” does not necessarily mean “equal.” What this year’s events really show is an EU shifting from its preferred moralist diplomacy to its transactional realpolitik due to its anxieties about post-Ukraine energy needs, and an Azerbaijani government that will happily allow the EU to make the shift. When talks resume this month, the outcome worth watching is not whether a deal gets signed, but which side’s definition of “partnership” survives the negotiating table intact.

The three monkeys in the boardroom: When ignorance enables wrongdoing

The ancient proverb of the three wise monkeys, ‘see no evil, hear no evil, speak no evil,’ was originally a parable encouraging personal values and virtue. In the modern corporate boardroom, the proverb has evolved into a blueprint for complicity. When directors and senior executives deliberately ignore misconduct, refuse to hear warnings, and remain silent in the face of wrongdoing, they are not protecting themselves or their institutions. They are actively enabling corruption, destroying governance, and perpetuating cycles of harm. In my experience, I have witnessed widespread instances of wilful ignorance (comprising wilful blindness, wilful deafness, and wilful muteness) that have transformed passive inaction into active complicity. I have also witnessed the whistleblower who sees and hears, dares to speak up and challenge wrongdoing, rapidly become a pariah and have the tables turned so the would-be hero/heroine becomes the sinner/enemy of the corporation.

Wilful ignorance is a deliberate choice to avoid knowledge that would demand action. In corporate settings, this manifests not as negligence or oversight. It manifests as executives who sign off on suspicious transactions without asking questions, boards that schedule no time for compliance reports, and managers who instruct subordinates, ‘Don’t bring me bad news.’ The legal and psychological doctrine of conscious avoidance holds that deliberately ignoring red flags is equivalent to actual knowledge. In practice, boardrooms across the world have elevated this evasion to an art form, deliberately limiting their direct/explicit knowledge of unethical actions and thus giving rise to the possibility of plausible deniability.

Closer to home, the saga of NNPC refineries offers a clear example. Between 2010 and 2024, according to media reports, billions of dollars were allocated to ‘turnaround maintenance’ of the Port Harcourt, Kaduna, and Warri refineries. Despite the huge sums allegedly expended, the refineries remained largely non-operational. Reports from various quarters revealed systematic contract inflation, over-invoicing, and payments for work never performed. No proper maintenance had occurred since 2001. The question is not whether senior officials knew; the question is how they could not have known. The answer is wilful blindness, a collective decision to look away because seeing would perhaps require stopping a lucrative flow of public funds.

Defenders of corporate silence often argue that looking away is a rational self-protection mechanism. Speaking up risks retaliation, losing bonuses, or career termination. In toxic organisational cultures and high-poverty environments, silence is the safest path. However, this argument collapses once a director has reason to know that serious misconduct is occurring. At that point, continued inaction ceases to be defensive and becomes complicit, aiding and abetting. Silence in the boardroom is not neutrality; it is a vote for the status quo.

Wilful ignorance cannot coexist with good governance; it systematically dismantles it. Effective governance relies on psychological safety and four pillars: transparency, accountability, checks and balances, and a culture of dissent. Each of these is corroded when board members adopt the three monkeys’ posture.

Transparency vanishes when executives conceal risks and boards do not ask to see them. Accountability evaporates when no one can be queried on a decision because everyone looks away. Checks and balances become farcical. Thus, corporations have audit committees that never audit and risk committees that never meet. Most damagingly, a culture of dissent is crushed. Whistleblowers are fired or driven into hiding. Honest employees learn that raising concerns ends careers. Over time, the boardroom becomes a rubber stamp and a chamber of enforced silence, where the only safe words are ‘I saw nothing, I heard nothing, I said nothing.’

The NNPC case again illustrates this collapse. Whistleblowers who attempted to expose refinery fraud were publicly accused of blackmailing the company. An attempt by a former Group Managing Director to scrap the dysfunctional refineries and start fresh was ignored-presumably because the ‘maintenance’ cycle had become a patronage machine. Nobody was tried; nobody went to jail. No director resigned in protest. The governance system did not fail; it was just subverted by those who chose not to see.

The final and most destructive consequence of wilful ignorance is that it perpetuates wrongdoing across time. When misconduct goes unpunished, it becomes normalised, and deviance then escalates. A culture of looking away does not limit corruption; it recruits new cowed participants. Junior managers observe that silence is rewarded and speaking up is punished. They learn to produce the reports that no one reads, to attend the meetings where no one speaks, and to sign the documents that no one verifies. By refusing to hear the warnings, corporations perpetuate wrongdoing. The wrongdoing does not stop; it is simply ignored into continuity.

The three monkeys belong in parables, not in boardrooms. When leaders choose wilful blindness, muteness, and deafness, they cross a clear line from self-protection to complicity. They destroy the very foundations of governance: transparency, accountability, checks and balances, and the courage to dissent. True corporate leadership demands the opposite: see evil, hear evil, speak evil, and then act. Anything less is cowardice dressed as prudence, and it makes every silent director an accomplice to the very crimes they claim to have never witnessed.

Corporations cannot rely on individual conscience alone and need to set up enabling structures for accountability, e.g., mandatory reporting, risk assessments, whistleblower protection, and most importantly, legal consequences and criminal liability for unethical corporate activities and wilful ignorance.

Only Kaduna, Kwara stay afloat as wage bills drown Northern IGR

Public sector wage bills are overwhelming Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) across Northern Nigeria, leaving almost the entire region fiscally vulnerable and dependent on federal allocations.

According to BudgIT’s 2026 analysis of the state finances report, Kaduna and Kwara were the only northern states among those covered by the study that generated enough revenue to cover their personnel costs in 2025, while every other state recorded staggering deficits.

Kaduna generated N86.72 billion in IGR against personnel expenditure of N77.63 billion, leaving a positive balance of N9.09 billion. Kwara generated N85.21 billion compared with N65.22 billion spent on personnel, representing a surplus of N19.99 billion.

The performance of other northern states was considerably weaker.

Yobe generated only N15.42 billion in IGR while spending N76.34 billion on personnel, leaving a gap of N60.91 billion. Jigawa recorded N35.27 billion in IGR against personnel expenditure of N92.66 billion, producing a N57.39 billion shortfall.

Kogi generated N36.50 billion against personnel expenditure of N89.20 billion, while Benue generated N29.38 billion compared with N73.94 billion spent on personnel. Adamawa recorded N24.14 billion in IGR against N65.73 billion in personnel expenditure.

Sokoto generated N20.58 billion against N58.65 billion in personnel expenditure, while Kebbi recorded N18.41 billion in IGR compared with N44.82 billion in personnel costs.

Gombe generated N36.36 billion against personnel expenditure of N53.95 billion.

Other northern states, including Bauchi, Borno, Kano, Katsina, Nasarawa, Niger, Plateau and Zamfara, also recorded personnel expenditure above their IGR.

The figures are particularly significant because they come at a time when the debate over fiscal federalism is gaining renewed momentum, with increasing calls for states to take greater responsibility for raising revenue, attracting investment and financing development.

Sani Yau Babura, an economist, said the figures should be viewed beyond the narrow question of whether states can pay salaries from IGR, arguing that the more important issue is the capacity of state economies to generate sufficient resources to finance sustainable development.

For northern states, the challenge is particularly acute because weak IGR means that increased federal allocations can provide temporary fiscal relief without necessarily addressing the structural weaknesses of their local economies.

The BudgIT analysis shows that aggregate FAAC allocations to the states increased from N3.43 trillion in 2022 to N11.38 trillion in 2025, representing a 232.06 percent increase.

IGR also increased during the period, rising from N1.57 trillion to N4.15 trillion. However, the increase in IGR was slower than the growth in FAAC receipts.

As a result, the proportion of aggregate state revenue coming from FAAC increased from 68.7 percent in 2022 to 73.3 percent in 2025, while the contribution of IGR declined from 31.4 percent to 26.7 percent.

For the northern economy, this trend presents a fundamental policy dilemma.

Greater fiscal federalism would ordinarily require states to possess stronger independent revenue bases. But where state governments remain heavily dependent on federal transfers, increased fiscal responsibility without corresponding economic expansion could constrain their ability to provide infrastructure, improve public services and stimulate private-sector activity.

This could also affect the quality and pace of physical development.

A state with a weak revenue base has less fiscal room to consistently invest in roads, water infrastructure, healthcare, education, urban renewal, industrial estates and other productive infrastructure after meeting salaries and other recurrent obligations.

The problem is more pronounced in states where personnel expenditure is rising faster than internally generated revenue.

Jigawa provides one of the clearest examples. Its IGR declined from N59.40 billion in 2022 to N35.27 billion in 2025, while personnel expenditure increased from N52.37 billion to N92.66 billion.

The state therefore experienced the unusual combination of declining internally generated revenue and sharply rising personnel costs.

Sokoto and Ebonyi were also among the three states in the study whose IGR declined between 2022 and 2025. Sokoto’s revenue fell from N23.60 billion to N20.58 billion, while Ebonyi’s declined marginally from N23.89 billion to N23.25 billion.

The challenge, however, is not simply a northern problem. Across the 34 states covered by the BudgIT report, only eight generated enough IGR to exceed their personnel expenditure in 2025.

The remaining 26 states collectively generated about N1.16 trillion internally but spent approximately N1.91 trillion on personnel, leaving a combined gap of about N747 billion.

The figures do not mean that states are expected to finance salaries exclusively from IGR. Statutory allocations remain a legitimate source of government revenue. Rather, the comparison highlights the extent of states’ fiscal independence and the vulnerability of their finances to changes in federal transfers.