Category: Business Day

In our fast-changing world, embracing digital transformation is essential for thriving-it’s no longer just an option, but vital for our future! Cybersecurity stands at the heart of this evolution, acting as both a guardian and a critical factor for global stability. While the digital age has offered incredible connectivity, it has also opened the door to new challenges with swiftly changing cyber threats that can outstrip traditional defenses. From ransomware to AI-based attacks, the call for strong cybersecurity has never been clearer. To truly succeed in this digital landscape, we need to cultivate a proactive mindset, emphasizing agility, foresight, and strategic resilience as the cornerstones of digital trust. It’s time for everyone-institutions, governments, and individuals-to rethink our strategies. The days of simply reacting are behind us; let’s embrace anticipation and innovation as we journey forward together into this exciting digital future!

Key Issues in cybersecurity today

The landscape of cyber threats has become increasingly sophisticated, primarily due to Advanced Persistent Threats (APTs) from nation-state actors and organized cybercriminals. These attackers use strategic, long-term methods to infiltrate and maintain access to systems. The malicious use of artificial intelligence is a growing concern, enabling attacks like phishing, deepfakes, and automated vulnerability discovery. Additionally, zero-day exploits are more common and harder to detect, posing significant challenges in complex software environments.

The evolving digital landscape brings both challenges and opportunities for security enhancement. The growth of IoT and edge devices increases the need for robust security protocols to protect against threats. While cloud infrastructure offers flexibility, it requires proper configuration and understanding of the shared responsibility model to mitigate risks. The rise of remote work fosters innovation but requires vigilance in securing decentralized access points. By proactively addressing these challenges, organizations can build a more resilient and secure framework.

Human factors are a decisive element in cybersecurity vulnerabilities. Social engineering tactics like phishing, baiting, and pretexting are not just common; they are among the most effective methods employed by cybercriminals to exploit individuals. Furthermore, poor cyber hygiene-characterised by weak passwords, outdated software, and a pervasive lack of awareness regarding security practices-significantly heightens the risk of breaches. Additionally, insider threats, whether born of malicious intent or negligence, pose a substantial danger to organizations. It is imperative that cybersecurity strategies address these human factors head-on to fortify defenses effectively.

Thought processes for strategic adaptation

Cybersecurity is more than just a collection of tools and practices-it’s a vital part of an organization’s culture. To truly safeguard our digital landscape, we need to shift our perspective from simply reacting to threats to embracing a proactive approach. This means weaving cybersecurity principles into the very fabric of our organisation. Every employee, whether you’re an executive in the boardroom or a team member in the breakroom, plays a crucial role in creating a secure environment. By fostering a collective understanding of its significance, we can empower everyone to become active participants in our cybersecurity efforts. Let’s make security a shared priority!

A risk-based approach involves prioritizing assets according to their impact on the business. This strategy emphasizes the importance of understanding which assets are most critical to operations. Additionally, employing threat modelling and conducting attack simulations can help organizations identify potential vulnerabilities, allowing them to proactively address risks before they escalate.

In the realm of intelligence-driven defense, organizations are encouraged to utilize Threat Intelligence Platforms (TIPs) to enhance their security posture. Additionally, it is crucial to integrate Security Information and Event Management (SIEM) systems with User and Entity Behaviour Analytics (UEBA). This integration allows for a more comprehensive understanding of security events and user behaviour, improving the overall effectiveness of threat detection and response strategies.

In today’s digital landscape, building trust and upholding ethical standards are essential for cybersecurity. It’s about integrating security into technology from the start, prioritising user privacy, and maintaining transparency. As we adopt AI tools in cybersecurity, embracing accountability and ethical practices is crucial to ensuring users feel secure and respected.

Assertive solutions and strategic recommendations

In the realm of cybersecurity, several technological interventions are essential to enhance protection against emerging threats. One key approach is the implementation of Zero Trust Architecture, which operates on the principle of never trusting any user or device by default, particularly within internal networks. Additionally, the incorporation of artificial intelligence can significantly bolster defense strategies; machine learning techniques can facilitate anomaly detection, enable automated responses to incidents, and provide predictive analytics to anticipate potential issues before they arise. Finally, with the advancement of quantum computing, it is crucial to prepare for new security challenges by adopting quantum-resistant cryptography, ensuring that encryption standards evolve to safeguard against post-quantum threats.

In the domain of governance and policy, it is essential for organisations to adopt established cybersecurity frameworks such as the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), ISO/IEC 27001, or the CIS Controls. Ensuring regulatory compliance is non-negotiable and must involve alignment with critical laws such as the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA), the Nigeria Data Protection Regulation (NDPR), and any specific mandates relevant to their sector. Furthermore, organisations are mandated to implement robust incident response plans that are regularly tested and updated to effectively tackle potential breach scenarios.

Capacity building in cybersecurity is a constructive and comprehensive approach designed to enhance skills and knowledge at all levels. It begins with a comprehensive cybersecurity education program that caters to a diverse audience, ranging from training executives to raising awareness among grassroots communities. A significant focus is placed on talent development, aiming to nurture the next generation of ethical hackers, analysts, and digital forensics experts. To further bolster defences, fostering public-private partnerships It is essential, as it promotes collaboration between different sectors, facilitating effective intelligence sharing and coordinated responses to cyber threats.

Resilience engineering focuses on constructing systems that not only withstand challenges but also emerge even stronger. Picture a world where organizations are fully equipped to confront disruptions directly-this is the essence of resilience engineering. Achieving this requires companies to implement a range of effective strategies.

By weaving in redundancy and designing rock-solid disaster recovery plans, they build safety nets that catch them when chaos strikes! Investing in cyber insurance is like equipping themselves with an impenetrable shield against the unknown, guaranteeing protection from the ever-present digital threats that lurk around every corner!

Regularly engaging in simulations and Wargaming exercises sharpens their crisis response skills, allowing teams to practice and perfect their strategies in real time. These proactive approaches not only bolster organizational continuity but also lay the groundwork for a resilient framework, paving the way for lasting success in the face of adversity.

Conclusive final thought

In today’s rapidly evolving digital landscape, cybersecurity stands at the forefront, guiding us in our battle against increasingly sophisticated threats. It’s not just about defence; it’s about weaving security into the very fabric of digital design and fostering dynamic collaboration across all sectors. Our mission extends beyond mere protection-it’s about safeguarding the integrity of our entire digital landscape.

Renowned expert Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola passionately asserts that cybersecurity is not just a necessity but a strategic priority that calls for innovative thinking, ethical leadership, and bold collaboration. With his unique blend of spiritual insight, technological savvy, and deep policy knowledge, he is helping to forge resilient digital futures that can weather the storms of tomorrow. Join the movement and be part of this crucial journey!

For the first time in the history of Nigerian politics, Mr. President seems to be enjoying the support from all political office-holders including those from the opposition camp.

The National Assembly has never dared to challenge him as its two chambers have approved every one of Mr. President’s wishes, including the ones their constituencies have been crying foul over.

The governors have also found delight in pouring encomium on Mr. President at every turn.

The reason for the above is well captured by Umo Eno, governor of Akwa Ibom State, who has repeatedly sung the praise of the President.

Governor Eno has been attributing the huge projects he has executed in the state to the increased federal revenue allocation.

But many, especially indigenes of the state, think that it was President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s huge allocations that drove him to the All Progressives Congress (APC) from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). It is believed that it is the too much allocation that is responsible for the cordial relationship between the president and the governors today.

Truly, Nigeria’s states and local governments, under President Bola Tinubu, are witnessing an unprecedented surge in allocations from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC), which increased from N3.58 trillion in 2023, to N5.81 trillion in 2024, a year-on-year increase of about 62 percent.

Yet, the largesse continued to soar in 2025, with states receiving N3.425 trillion between January and June.

Meanwhile, pundits attribute the windfall to: subsidy removal in mid-2023 that freed up significant oil revenues previously absorbed by petrol subsidy payments; surge in NNPC remittances by 98 percent in the first half of 2025; and rise in Value Added Tax (VAT) collections. But they equally decried that the huge allocations to the governors amount to ‘robbing Peter to pay Paul’ as the masses are not feeling the impact.

They also regretted that despite an obvious ‘bottomless pit’ allocations, the governors are still looking up to the federal government to solve their problems, especially infrastructural development and insecurity.

According to Bem Hembafan, a retired soldier, and security expert, with the huge allocations, money is no longer an issue for all the 36 state governors, but how to deploy the funds into good use, secure and lift the people.

‘I love Nuhu Ribadu’s call to action for the governors on security of their states. With the huge allocations from the federal government, each state can improve its security architecture, engage critical stakeholders and garner the needed support. You don’t always win a war by guns, dialogue works better and Governor Uba Sani has proved this in Kaduna,’ Hembafan, who runs a security outfit for private estates in Abuja, said.

Speaking further, he decried that building modern stations and buying hundreds of Hilux vans and donating them to security agencies in their states are not enough, as that is often ‘settlement’ for the contractors who were engaged to execute them.

‘Now, the governors are building stations, buying and donating more operational vehicles to security agencies and are boasting of it, but the stations and vehicles are run-down within six months of the donation. I am not saying this to despise my colleagues, but to say that the governors should do more than the donations to improve security in their states,’ Hembafan said.

Toeing the same line, Chijoke Umelahi, an Abuja-based lawyer, said that the states and FCT Abuja were not doing enough to secure lives and property in their domain, considering their huge allocations now.

He argued that with all the security agencies headquartered in Abuja, all the security personnel with intimidating guns and vehicles stationed on strategic places, yet there are still pockets of insecurity in Abuja, especially kidnapping that is getting out of hand.

The above points to the gaps in the security architecture, which, according to him, do not necessarily need funds to fill, but efficient strategies and collaborations.

The worst cases for him are Plateau and Benue states, which seem to have defied all solutions as more people die every day under the watch of security personnel, despite multiple security posts, and noise of huge funds expended on security by the governors.

‘It is clear now that guns only will not fight insecurity, but humans with the right frame of mind, well-boosted morale, whose future is secured while in the frontline and efficient strategy.

If these fail, the governors should put their offices on line and query the federal government’s sincerity in the fight of insecurity,’ he said.

According to him, the governors should be bold to step on toes after spending huge funds on security and little is achieved, especially to find out if there is sabotage, name and shame the culprits and insist on prosecutions to avert reoccurrence.

‘Governor Uba Sani seems to be doing this quietly and he is getting results. Sadly, he is spending less than his predecessor and still getting better results.

‘It is not all about the funds, but commitment to monitoring the deployment, welfare of security personnel in the frontline and regular engagement with stakeholders across the state,’ Umelahi said.

Toeing the same line, Godwin Amahaotu, a serving security officer, explained that buying operational vans without boosting the morale of the officers out there, without making them to own the fight, and without insurance has always ended up in sabotage of such efforts.

‘We are happy to work with good operational vehicles, but we also have families and needs to meet, which means that we may not always be in the right frame of mind to work and you know what means,’ Amahaotu said.

He argued that if a state augments what the officers earn, engage them on regular dialogue and see to their needs, the officers will own the fight against insecurity in that state.

While many cite instance with Kaduna, the reality is that the level of insecurity in the state has significantly reduced, with the rescue of kidnapped people, elimination of terrorists, reclaiming of communities and farmlands hitherto taken over by criminals and terrorists, and recent surrender of some of the bandits.

Citizens and residents are gradually returning to their communities.

All these are due to effective stakeholder management, people’s skills, and relationship management by Governor Uba Sani, which many urged other governors in the North-West zone, across the country and even the federal government, to emulate.

Umelahi noted that the escalating insecurity in Imo and Anambra states is due to the lack of buy-in the governors’ strategies by the people and the security agencies as well.

‘The Imo governor stays here in Abuja as well as half of the governors across the country. So, they often lose touch with the people, they depend on reports that are often doctored by their aids to impress them and that is why the less result in the fight against insecurity.

Soludo has failed to bring his economic magic wand to his state because the people seem not to connect with him, governance is not academic, you need direct and frequent engagement with the stakeholders to succeed, this where most governors fail. They keep hoping that Abuja will always save them,’ Umelahi said.

Speaking on the direct impact of security on the economies of the states, Adekola Ayeni, an economist, noted that apart from security of lives and property, a safe environment attracts investments to a state.

In this regard, he noted that the efforts of governors like Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos, Uba Sani of Kaduna, Peter Mbah of Enugu, Alex Otti of Abia, Seyi Makinde of Oyo and a few others, at improving security in their states beyond the rhetorics of vehicle donations, are attracting investments.

For him, it is not a surprise that the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS) has listed Kaduna State as one of the five out of 36 states and the FCT in Nigeria that attracted Foreign Direct Investments in the first quarter of this year, just two years of his administration.

‘Kaduna’s $4.06 million foreign direct investment points to safety, peace and conducive environment for living and business. But this was impossible during the Nasir El-Rufai’s administration when the state recorded no FDI due to the escalating insecurity.

‘Enugu is also opening up now for investment with the new airline, new hotels, international conference centre, partnerships here and there because of the security. For me, it is the most secured in the South-East and one of the most peaceful in Nigeria today because Mbah invested in security and is on hand to monitor it.

So, it is not rocket science but finding out what is working, blocking the loopholes and getting the buy-in of the people and security personnel in the frontline,’ Ayeni said.

He also commended the Lagos State government for its continued commitment at providing safe environment for the residents and especially businesses, which accounts for its year-on-year attraction of highest foreign direct investments in the country.

‘Lagos has been the most peaceful and safest state in the country for a long time now because of the Lagos State Security Trust Fund (LSSTF), which it has consistently funded,’ he said, while recommending Lagos’ approach and consistency to other states.

It would be recalled that the LSSTF once noted that it requires at least N15 billion yearly to effectively secure the state, and the state has leverage cordial relationships with its high-profile residents and corporate organisations to boost its security funds, away from the huge internally generated revenue and soaring federal allocations.

In 2024, UBA donated N500 million to the fund, while Femi Otedola, billionaire indigene of the state, also donated N1 billion in early 2024, among other donations.

As states are not allowed to establish state police, some are now following the Lagos example to establish their various state security trust funds, as some observers are insisting that the governors have enough funds now and should not hope on private or corporate donations to funds security of lives and property in their domains.

But beyond the funds, Hembafan noted that the governors, as the chief security officers of their states, should be proactive at ensuring security, rather waiting or blaming the federal government.

‘Governor Hycienth Alia of Benue State, my state, stopped Peter Obi from visiting the state sometime this year, saying Obi’s safety was not guaranteed. Of course, Obi cancelled the visit. Now, why can’t our governors stop invaders, foreign machinery and bandits from coming to their states. Governor Alia has exercised his power as the chief security officer of the state, but he should continue to exercise such powers over the real criminal elements in the state, and other governors against enemies of peace across the country. They should not politicise the insecurity issue and funds because innocent people are dieing every day for their actions or inactions,’ Hembafan said.

Umelahi also noted that no matter how little their power is in terms of the country’s security architecture, governors, as the chief security officers of their states, still have power that can improve security in their domain if they are proactive and willing to exercise such powers without fearing the consequences from Abuja.

A concerned Nigerian who spoke on condition of anonymity expressed sadness that state governors are claiming to be helpless in the fight against terror in their domain.

‘I think it is unbelievable for any state governor to come out to say that his hands were tied in the fight against insecurity. Why are they called chief security officers of their individual states? I was totally pissed off when I heard the Zamfara governor say ‘I know where bandits are, but security agents take orders from Abuja.’ He may be right in what he said but it is a shame that he should say it. Do you know the irony of it all? None of the first term governors would say because of the insecurity threat in their state, they were tired of being governor, and that they would not seek re-election in 2027. But you can’t see such thing; they will want to come back. They are just playing cheap politics with everything,’ the concerned Nigerian said.

Real Madrid are reportedly weighing a move for Chelsea’s Enzo Fernandez as Los Blancos continue their search for long-term midfield reinforcements following the departures of Toni Kroos and Luka Modric.

The departures of Kroos in 2024 and Modric in 2025 have created a creative void in Madrid’s midfield. Fernandez, who joined Chelsea from Benfica in January 2023 for a British record £106.8 million, is said to be highly admired by Madrid’s hierarchy. The Argentine World Cup winner has consistently impressed in the Premier League, showcasing the technical quality, composure, and vision that fit the profile of a modern Madrid midfielder.

His form has reportedly strengthened Los Blancos’ interest as they plan their next phase of midfield evolution.

Any potential deal would demand a massive fee well above £100 million, a valuation Real Madrid are reluctant to meet given their current financial strategy and ongoing investments in other areas of the squad.

Peter Mbah, Enugu State governor, will on Tuesday, October 14, officially dump the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) for the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Ben Nwoye, the newly appointed APC Caretaker Chairman, confirmed this while speaking to journalists on Friday.

According to him, Mbah will officially defect to the ruling party on Tuesday, October 14, 2025, in Enugu, alongside federal and state lawmakers, the state executive council members, and ward and local government leaders across Enugu State.

The APC National Working Committee (NWC) on Thursday dissolved the Enugu State Working Committee (SWC) over unresolved differences, appointing a seven-member caretaker committee to oversee the affairs of the party.

The wave of defections from opposition parties to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has continued to grow.

A few months ago, Akwa Ibom State Governor Umo Eno and his Delta State counterpart, Sheriff Oborevwori, both left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to join the APC. The development was also confirmed on Friday in Abuja by the APC National Chairman, Nentawe Goshwe Yilwatda, and the Deputy National Chairman (South-East), Chief Emma Eneukwu, during the inauguration of the party’s newly constituted Enugu State caretaker committee. The caretaker committee, chaired by former state chairman Ben Nwoye, was sworn in at the APC national secretariat amid growing speculation over Mbah’s imminent defection.

Speaking after the inauguration, Ben Nwoye confirmed that Governor Mbah would formally join the ruling party at an event scheduled to be held in Enugu next week.

‘Governor Peter Mbah will be joining the All Progressives Congress with all his appointees,’ Nwoye told reporters.

‘His coming into the APC will further strengthen the party’s presence and structure in Enugu State and across the South-East.’

He noted that the caretaker committee had been mandated to reconcile party members, build grassroots support, and prepare for upcoming elections in the state.

The APC leadership described Mbah’s expected defection as a major political milestone that would boost the party’s standing in the South-East, traditionally seen as a stronghold of the PDP and Labour Party.

Meanwhile, there are indications that Taraba State Governor, Agbu Kefas, may also be preparing to defect to the ruling party.

Though he has yet to make an official statement, sources within both parties confirmed that discussions were ongoing between his camp and key APC stakeholders.

If the two defections are confirmed, it would represent a significant blow to the PDP’s influence across both the South-East and North-East, ahead of what analysts describe as a critical pre-election period

Peter Mbah, Enugu State governor, has inaugurated a 29-member committee to implement the Enugu State Climate Policy and Action Plan (ESCPAP).

Mbah, while inaugurating members of the committee at the Government House, Enugu, said that the initiative was in demonstration of his administration’s unwavering commitment to tackling the global climate crisis through local solutions and sustainable development strategies.

Mbah, represented by the Secretary to the State Government, Chidiebere Onyia, said that ESCPAP, launched on March 17, 2025, provides a comprehensive framework to promote low-carbon economic growth, cut greenhouse gas emissions, and build resilience against climate impacts.

‘This plan positions Enugu as a leading subnational player in climate governance and sustainability across Africa,’ he said.

He highlighted the functions of the committee to include provision of strategic oversight, coordination, and technical guidance for the effective implementation of the policy and ensure the successful delivery of climate mitigation, adaptation, finance mobilisation, and monitoring in line with state, national, and global climate commitments.’

He also said that the committee would drive sectoral coordination across all relevant ministries, departments, and agencies (MDAs); strengthen climate governance; mobilise climate finance through green bonds, carbon markets, and development partnerships; and monitor progress through an established results-based framework.

‘Under mitigation, the committee will promote renewable energy, energy efficiency, low-carbon transport systems such as electric and CNG vehicles, sustainable waste management, afforestation, and climate-smart agriculture.

‘For adaptation and resilience, the committee will undertake vulnerability assessments, develop local adaptation plans, and implement nature-based solutions for erosion and flood control. It will also promote climate-smart infrastructure, clean cooking technologies, and resilient livelihoods in communities.

‘On governance and inclusion, the committee will mainstream climate actions across state policies, ensuring the integration of gender, youth, and disability considerations. It will also intensify climate education, capacity building, and public awareness programmes,’ he further stressed.

Mbah maintained that the committee had been mandated to develop a comprehensive Climate Finance Plan, attract domestic and international funding, and publish its annual progress reports for transparency, accountability and evaluation.

He urged the members to demonstrate professionalism, integrity, transparency, and inclusivity, describing the committee as ‘a key mechanism for translating Enugu’s climate vision into tangible action.’

Sam Ugwu, the state commissioner for Environment and Climate, pledged the team would diligently deliver on the assignment and thanked the governor for the trust reposed in them.

The 29-member team is chaired by the the secretary to the Enugu State Government, Chidiebere Onyia.

The television program In Search of Missing Persons, aired on Comcast Channel 66 and Verizon Channel 29, and also available on mobile platforms, offers a deeply human perspective on one of the world’s most urgent humanitarian challenges: the disappearance of loved ones.

Each episode captures the real-life journeys of families searching for missing relatives, blending empathy with investigative determination. The show follows how families work with law enforcement, private investigators, humanitarian groups, and volunteers to trace those who have vanished. Some stories end in joyful reunions, while others bring painful closure. Yet every episode conveys a universal truth: behind every missing person is a family waiting, hoping, and refusing to give up.

While the program originated in the United States, its mission and message extend far beyond American borders. Disappearances are a global crisis, one that knows no nationality, race, or religion. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), over 56,000 new cases of missing persons were registered globally in 2024 alone. As of the same year, more than 284,000 individuals remain unaccounted for through the Red Cross and Red Crescent Family Links Network. In the past five years, the number of missing persons registered globally has increased by nearly 70 percent, reflecting the growing scale of conflicts, migration crises, and natural disasters.

These numbers only represent documented cases; the true figure is believed to be far higher, as many disappearances go unreported due to fear, stigma, or lack of institutional capacity.

Nowhere is this crisis more pronounced than in parts of Africa, where insecurity, displacement, and migration continue to leave deep scars. In Nigeria and neighbouring regions, kidnappings, insurgency, and armed conflicts have torn families apart. Along perilous migration routes through the Sahara Desert and across the Mediterranean, countless lives are lost without record. In post-conflict zones such as Sudan, Libya, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, families continue searching for loved ones who vanished during years of unrest.

Yet, many of these stories rarely reach the global stage. Limited media coverage, institutional challenges, and lack of data often mean that the missing remain invisible. Recognizing this gap, the producers of In Search of Missing Persons, Shirley J. Carter have expressed interest in extending the program’s coverage to parts of Africa and other underrepresented regions, giving a voice to families whose struggles have long gone unheard.

Such an expansion would not only raise awareness but also promote cooperation between broadcasters, humanitarian organizations, and local authorities. By bringing African stories to international audiences, the show could help highlight the need for stronger search mechanisms, better recordkeeping, and more resilient community networks.

Importantly, the programme maintains a neutral and diplomatic tone, avoiding blame while emphasizing collaboration and compassion. It underscores the importance of cross-border partnerships and responsible reporting, presenting disappearance as a humanitarian issue that demands empathy rather than sensationalism.

In an age where technology, from facial recognition to digital tracing and social media campaigns, plays a growing role in finding the missing, In Search of Missing Persons remains grounded in the power of human connection. It reminds audiences that behind every statistic lies a name, a memory, and a family’s unending love.

For families across the world, whether in the cities of America, the villages of Africa, or the refugee camps of the Middle East, the pain of not knowing is universal. Through its storytelling, the show bridges continents, cultures, and emotions, reaffirming a simple truth: every missing person matters, and every story deserves to be heard.

As the program expands its mission into Africa, particularly Nigeria, where conflict and displacement continue to separate thousands of families, it carries a message of hope to those who feel forgotten. It offers not just a search for the missing, but a voice for the unheard.

In celebration of his sixth studio album, Fuji, award-winning singer and songwriter, Adekunle Gold, hosted a legendary street carnival that lit up the heart of Lagos Island.

At the centre of the momentous celebration of music, culture, and artistry was Legend Extra Stout, Nigeria’s original full-brewed stout, in partnership with Mainland BlockParty, to deliver a truly unforgettable experience; one that refreshed guests and fuelled the night’s bold energy with its unmistakably rich taste.

Fans turned out in droves for the singer they fondly call ‘Big Fish’, a sobriquet now used interchangeably with Adekunle Gold himself, and if there’s one thing that defines Lagos, it’s the city’s unmatched love for music and culture.

With premium refreshment flowing, courtesy of Legend Extra Stout, the atmosphere was electric. Cups were raised high as AG took the crowd on a journey through his discography: from the nostalgic rhythms of ‘Pick Up’ and ‘Orente’ to the introspective ‘Ire’, and the chart-topping energy of ‘High.’ Every lyric, every note, echoed through Broad Street as thousands sang along in unison, soaking in the night’s bold spirit.

The energy reached new heights when rapper and singer Zlatan stormed the stage, electrifying the crowd with his monster hits including ‘Cash App,’ ‘Hallelu,’ and ‘Ale Yi.’ Rising artist Tml Vibes also thrilled the audience with his performance, adding another layer of excitement to the already unforgettable night.

One of the night’s most powerful highlights came as Adekunle Gold paid homage to the genre that inspired his latest project, Fuji. Throughout the carnival, AG brought out Fuji music legends Saheed Osupa, Taye Currency, and Obesere during different sets, each taking the stage to perform their timeless hits. Their individual appearances sparked waves of nostalgia and excitement, uniting generations through sound and reaffirming the deep roots of Nigerian street music in the heart of Lagos Island.

As a special treat to fans and music lovers, AG performed songs off Fuji, the very album that inspired the night’s celebration including ‘Bobo,’ ‘Don Corleone,’ ‘Attack,’ and ‘Only God Can Save Me.’ From the first chord, the crowd was captivated, singing along to every new rhythm as if they’d known the lyrics for years. The reception was electric: a mix of awe, nostalgia, and pure Lagos energy as Adekunle Gold proved once again why he remains one of Nigeria’s most dynamic performers.

At the heart of it all stood Legend Extra Stout, fueling the celebration with its unmistakably rich, full-brewed taste. The iconic Legend Bar became a hub of excitement, where guests paused between performances to cool off, connect, and raise their glasses to bold moments. With every pour, the brand reaffirmed its place as the ultimate companion for those who live and celebrate life on their own terms.

As the night drew to a close, fans chanted, mirroring the energy that had pulsed through Broad Street all evening. What began as a celebration of Adekunle Gold’s artistry evolved into a full-blown cultural moment. With music, laughter, and the smooth taste of Legend Extra Stout uniting thousands, the Legend x Adekunle Gold Street Carnival will be remembered as a declaration that boldness, originality, and celebration will always have a home in Lagos.

What has your party, SDP, been doing since the 2023 elections?

Well, what we have been doing after the election is to let people know that the conversation continues, because while we were campaigning, part of our talking points were for the immediate electorate. Most of it was for a longer vision about the country and it wouldn’t matter who won the election or who lost the election. Some issues would not leave us. And the earlier we build consensus around those issues the better so that hopefully they will not be subject of campaign.

We are probably one of the few countries in the world that are still campaigning about corruption. Every decent person knows that corruption is not good. It’s not a political program. It is admitted by most people in the world that a corrupt society will not go anywhere. So, if we all agree about that, no one will choose a president with respect to the attitude towards corruption because all presidents, all presidential candidates, all politicians and all leaders at different levels of our national life will agree that corruption is bad. The fact that we need to be united around certain principles, like fairness, justice, equity and rule of law, should not make them to be political programmes. We had a guy, President Murray, who said the tenets of his administration would be rule of law. And I asked him; do you have an option? I mean, we have a government, but that’s the programme. And there was a debate as to where they were putting the 7-point agenda.

They were trying to put rule of law as part of the 7-point agenda. And I was thinking, rule of law cannot be manifesto. Rule of law has to be basic, what everybody has to follow. So these are the conversations we’ve been having after the election so that people can know that these are not election issues. These are basic and fundamental issues of how to define our society and how to organize ourselves. So that’s what we’ve been doing since that time.

Are you still in the SDP or in another party now? What are your political leanings, thoughts, and plans for 2027?

I joined the SDP in 1991 when I was 19 years old and even when the party was banned, I didn’t join any other party. As close as I was to those who were running the PDP in those days, I didn’t join the party even though some of them were my clients. I have relationships with some of them, and when they started this APC, I didn’t even consider it for a second. So, basically, the only party, the only political party I’ve ever joined in my life is the SDP, which I joined when I was 19 years old, and that’s where I will remain, unless the party ceases to exist, but I can’t join any other party. I will remain the SDP.

There were rumours that the SDP was working for the APC or open to negotiations. What do you have to say about that?

Well, we don’t know the rumours and talk, what I know is what the SDP is doing officially. I only participate in what the SDP is doing officially but what I find out is that people who are in political parties tend to have loyalty outside their political party. I think it’s part of the problems we try to solve by bringing more ethical leaders. But 100 percent of my own politics is done inside the SDP. And this day and time, there is no way you could have relationship with people that there won’t be evidence of it. Either they will see you with them, you will take a photo with them, they will trace their money to you or they will trace the activity to you. So, if you really want to know where somebody belongs to, other than just passing rumour or propaganda, you will know. There may be elements of people in the SDP who have sympathies for other parties but what we tend to do is when we catch them, we relegate them or expel them. But for the SDP, we know it has three different epochs. There was the SDP which I joined in 1991 which was the SDP of the third republic; that’s where you will see people like Rashidi Ladoja for example. He was our senator. You will see people like Lekan Balogun, Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar and so many of them like that, who were in the SDP at that time. So, if you look around those who are in politics today, many of them were in the SDP. There were two political parties that time, the SDP and the National Republican Convention (NRC). It looks like those who went to the NRC are not as successful as those who went to the SDP; you don’t see many of the NRC people any more. But the SDP ones, you’ll find them in every policy. So, sometimes when we go out, when we meet them, this is always our party, we’re all together and things like that. So, if President Tinubu and many of the people around him still have that nostalgia about SDP, that’s one epoch. The second epoch of the SDP was when Chief Alaye came with Pat Utomi and so many of them like that, and they started and they revived the SDP. And so anywhere I go now and I say I am a leader of the SDP, Utomi is quick to say, ‘no, that’s my party. The position you are now, I used to be there.’ So that’s the second epoch of it.

The third epoch is what we are doing now, which is the SDP of young people who don’t have the history of having occupied any office in the SDP. We just want to revive the little to the left principle of it, which incidentally coincides with chapter two for our constitution, fundamental objectives and direct principles of state policy. So, its achieved little to the right, never made it to the constitution. Everything that you find in chapter two is what you will find in the SDP. It has a unique constitution. Imagine if the British were to adopt the constitution and the objective, fundamental objectives and directive principle take the manifesto of the Labour Party and ignore that of the Tory or it is a chapter in the US Constitution that takes the platform of these Democrats and didn’t take that of the Republicans. So, I see that that’s a bit otherwise I think that the SDP tends to contest election against any party that is in power or that is available, and on many occasions, we have defeated them. Also, on many occasions, they defeated us. On some occasions, they cheated and said they defeated us but we actually defeated them. For instance, in Kogi State, we fought them. We know that we won, but they just stole it and it’s up to their conscience. In Ekiti State, we won it and they stole it but in some other states, they beat us handsomely because we don’t have strong people there. In Nasarawa State, we took two out of the three senate seats. We lost the third one because of some local problems around DOMA. The candidate that the PDP chose has a enthusiasm at home because the DOMA people had been looking for a way to produce a Senator. And we didn’t think about that one. Even when I spent like three nights in DOMA, it didn’t occur to me that they were just looking at me, how will you not choose one of us for at least Senate or something? So we lost that. So, but our opponents, which we must have, also tend to demarcate us sometimes if people are talking positively about us, about our ideas, our enthusiasm and our independence. So, they just say, oh, don’t mind them. It’s not something they will say. It’s normal in politics. But the SDP is an independent party. Our ideals are different. And it’s very rare to see a true SDP person that has interest in the APC or the PDP. It’s very hard because the idea of what they are doing is totally opposite to what we would do. So why would you, especially when the APC is open and in government, why would you waste your time coming to a more ideological party that has more work to be done, less money and less spread, when you can join APC in the village the next day and take a photo with the president, you know?

How will the SDP build a strong, sincere party with ethos and manifesto, given that most parties are just platforms for seizing power?

It is possible and it has happened. When it comes to Manifesto, you have the school of politicians and governors. You can ask the director to ask your students to analyse, do a comparative analysis of manifesto and look at the SDP and juxtapose it against what the constitution says. So, the manifesto is okay for us, we are fine with the manifesto. And you also remember that our manifesto did not arise from emergency company of words put together for election. It is the product of the Centre for Democratic Studies. So, at that time, there was some ideological grounding that, along with the party, was founded. And I thank Chief Alaye, professor Pat Utomi and others who, when they had the opportunity to create a new political party, decided to say, let’s go back to the SDP. Kofalaye was there, he ran for president on that platform.

So the ideology is okay. What is required is democratic patience, because in my background, we are asked to do revolutionary patience. Not everybody wants to be revolutionary like me, so we say democratic patience, which is that I am running for president on ideas. I will do my best to win based on those ideas and if I win, I will govern based on those ideas but if I don’t win and my time passes, another person is coming to carry that torch. That’s why, Abiola is not here but I’m running on farewell to poverty and insecurity. I’m running on the last programme; we still play the same Abiola mantra, the same jingle we’re running now in Abuja for the area councils and for Dr Obinna who is running for the Abuja Metropolitan Area Council, AMAC. He came to me and he had done all his manifesto, logo and everything. It’s following the same thing which the SDP used when Wole Adesina won this election. The first election to elect the mayor of Abuja was won by the SDP in 1992. Same thing that he used to campaign; same logo was added to the Abiola, so it continues. So, a time will come, maybe it will be in 2089, they will say SDP is 100 years old, so there will be a political party but that’s the idea; so, it’s not about the biofans club gathering together and I give them money and they are running after me. This is a political party that is going to be available and the principles are well known, so that’s the party already and you can see that the party is already showing sign of discipline and discipline is getting things to run well.

And anybody who is from outside and comes to SDP to try to use SDP processes or institutions or SDP persons for qualities other than what the party is set up for, will be suspended or disciplined; the party wants to run itself. I know that Nigerians believe that maybe it’s almost impossible for us to have a party of selfless people. But, I think if you come to the SDP, you will see a party of selfless people. And the struggle continues within us. The dialogue continues within us because there are elements, even when I ran for president, there are elements that worked against us, who were in the party. Party agents who would not show up. Party state chairman would collect our agent card and then go and give it to another political party. I went to Kwara, discovered that from our research sheets, we scored 122,000 votes, but they recorded only 22,000 for us. And the people who were working with us; who were supposed to protest and do everything thought that they could have a relationship with the ruling party and then they messed that up. So we’re changing those leaderships, we’re bringing new people in. So it takes a while to get a political party that majority will be people who are selfless, patriotic and who are doing the politics because they want nothing out of it other than a better country.

From time to time, there’s a great envy of evil, so when someone does something unethical and untoward and they’re getting reward out of it, you will envy them.

So, you want to know just like a person who works hard for the police or the army and is doing the right thing and we find junior officers riding Mercedes, building estate, building hotels, there can be an envy of evil. I come to you sometimes and wonder why don’t I be like them but it doesn’t work because, ultimately, all of us are going to be accountable for the time we spent.

The situation of our country is going to speak to our standing in the world and all of these things if they are the main reason you’re in politics I have no doubt that you would be patriotic and you will stay in your party and you’ll do what is right.

There are people in the party that I don’t even speak to at all. I don’t preach to them; I don’t speak to them because I know how their heart bleeds for the country. So, when they have reason to make a decision in the party, I don’t I want to disturb myself. I know that they are going to do what is right. But there are other people whom we have to be discussing with. There was a candidate in one of our recent government relations. He just joined us and for some reason the party leadership thought he should be the governorship candidate. I was overseas, I came back, I saw him and I said, okay. He said he wanted to meet with me. And he came with a brilliant way by which he could bribe voters. He knows the commissioner of police, he knows the United States, he knows this and that and that, and we can win the election. And I said, I’m sorry, we don’t want to win that way. You know, if this is how you want to win, we cannot do it. So, he said in his former party, he used to help them, but they never made him a candidate. Now he has been made a candidate, he wants to help us. I said, I’m sorry, I can’t do it but talk to other people. And when he talked to other people, more and more people are saying, well, we can’t do it. You know, and of recent, when they were putting together this coalition, they thought that maybe some of us were too rigid and we didn’t want to win. And when we started talking to other leaders in the party, the same question of ideology, purpose and credibility were being asked.

So it’s not like you go to other parties and say, well, the other party says, if you give us 500 million, you give us 1 million euros, you can take our party. But in SDP, nobody’s gonna tell you that. They’re gonna ask you questions about this and that. So, those are the things that give me hope that I’m not wasting my time in the SDP and that I’m not wasting my resources and I feel happy about it. We have issues from time to time but I don’t look right or left; I just look straight forward and if I’m fooling myself and I’m the only one who is sincere, I go to my grave but I know that definitely I’m not the only one. There are many people, old, young, male and female, who are committed to Nigeria and they’re working through the SDP.

What is your opinion of Nigeria at 65, the journey so far?

I think that there are two journeys taking place, like a parallel universe. There’s a journey of the country as a whole, and there are individual journeys inside the country. So, Nigeria, the 65 years is like someone who is on a train, maybe a train conductor, or someone who’s a cleaner on a train or someone who doesn’t work on the train. And the journey of the train is one journey. So, you look at the journey, the train started from Ido in Lagos and it’s going to Talata Marafa up North in Zamfara State. And so, you see how the train is trucking along.

And you can see for 65 hours, this train has not arrived in the journey that should have taken just about 12 hours. At the same time, the attendant inside the train is going from coach to coach, doing his duty. And it’s also counting whether he’s doing his own duty, how many journeys are you making around the train.

And for Nigeria, we started accidentally. There are no great philosopher or great thinker within our population who says, oh, let us all come together.

Let me unite people. If you study the history of some kingdoms, some countries, some societies, it will be indigenous, maybe warring tribes, warring groups, disunited by many factors, by politics, but united by culture. And a great leader rises among them and says, let me unite my people. That’s not the history of Nigeria. The history of Nigeria is an external necessity for trade. So Nigeria started merely as a trade zone, just like these days you have free trade zone and export processing zone; it’s a zone. It’s like the arbitrariness with which they created areas for discos. So we created Lagos disco, Ibadan disco, Benin disco, Yola disco, different discos, you know. So, that’s how Nigeria was to the Royal Niger Company. It was just a trade zone. Let’s have this trade zone. And those trade zones were different kingdoms and communities and all of that. And somehow for the efficiency of the business, they decided to hand it over back to the British government and run it as a protectorate and part of it as a colony. And then after a while, they ran it as protectorates, you know, next to each other. In 1914, they said let’s amalgamate together.

So, but 46 years later, the people who put it together just said, we’ve had enough of it, let’s see, let’s hand it over to the locals now. And young people who had never run anything before, but who were united by the philosophy that this is indigenous people, right from Herbert Macaulay in Lagos took charge. And those who gave a lot of trouble to Lugard and Clifford were called Trossard Negroes by Lugard, because he was highly irritated about them. And if you look at the way Lugard analyzed the elite who were asking for home rule, and asking that the British should leave, he considered them to be Trossard Negroes who had no knowledge of the country, who were in Lagos, sending their clothes through a dev star company to Liverpool to be laundered and well ironed and sent back to them in Lagos. And they didn’t know anywhere 100 kilometers north of Lagos. They didn’t know anything and he dismissed them. But over time, they organized a center of the Nigerian youth movement, they split into political parties, the NCNC, Action Group, Northern People’s Congress, and within a short order, they were getting independence. So, if you look at what happened in 1999, if look at the period between when Obasanjo came in 1999 and now, it’s about the same period that the independence movement started, and we got independence within that short time. Without independence, we had people who were going to parliament who did not know anywhere 25, 30 or 100 kilometres away from their hometown. There was no sense in going to parliament in Lagos, coming from, maybe, somewhere around Ikom, which is now the Cross River State. Even when they went to Lancaster House to negotiate independence, they went there as strangers because I remember that my uncle represented Ondo at that conference and went with the Action Group delegation. And they were going there almost like the way Ukraine is going to meet Russia in Washington or somewhere or Switzerland.

So, but somehow, they managed, elections were held and all the promises that we had at that time, majority of the promises arose from the self-governance of the regions. But they managed to create a region in 1963, not only that, to declare a republic. So somehow, whether they knew what they were doing or not, the politics of that time made them to declare a republic. We are now on our own.

We have nothing to do with the British judicial system, British Privy Council and all of that. The Queen is no longer our head of state. Nnamdi Azikiwe, our Governor General, is now our President and head of state. But you know, we didn’t manage hard to join so far. Secondly, the First Republic was a disaster because dishonesty happened in the election. Corruption crept in; collection of 10 percent was introduced; streets were named. Half the people had not achieved anything. So the guys were wanting to remove British colonial imprints but people like McGregor and all of that made Lagos livable.

When Dudley Seers, a British development theorist, asked in 1969, ‘What has been happening to poverty? What has been happening to unemployment? What has been happening to inequality?’ he was warning against mistaking economic statistics for real progress. Today in Nigeria, those same questions echo louder than ever.

As economic hardship bites and poverty deepens, a few continue to thrive in luxury while millions struggle to survive. The government’s bold reforms have steadied macroeconomic indicators but widened the gulf between comfort and despair, leaving many to wonder: whose economy is really improving?

The removal of fuel subsidy and the unification of foreign exchange rates by President Bola Tinubu’s administration were designed to stabilise the economy and attract investment. Instead, they have unleashed an uneven reality, where the wealthy adapt and thrive, while millions of ordinary Nigerians struggle to survive.

Reforms and the reality gap

The government’s economic team points to progress. Inflation is slowing. The naira is gaining strength currently trading below N1,500 against the US dollar. Foreign reserves now above $42 billion, highest since 2019. Yet, behind the numbers lies an uncomfortable truth, the majority of Nigerians are poorer today than they were two years ago.

According to the World Bank’s Nigeria Development Update titled ‘From Policy to People: Bringing the Reform Gains Home,’ poverty levels are projected to climb to 61 percent in 2025, meaning about 139 million Nigerians will live on less than $3 a day, up from 129 million in 2024.

‘Between 2019 and 2023, average consumption fell by 6.7 percent, especially in urban areas, while poverty rose from 40 percent (81 million people) to a projected 61 percent (139 million people) by 2025,’ the report said.

For the poor, this is not theory, it is daily life. The cost of transportation, food, rent, and healthcare has outpaced earnings. Once-comfortable families are now rationing meals. Many children have dropped out of private schools for public ones, and countless workers have relocated from city centres to far-flung suburbs where rent is cheaper.

The rich still thrive

But while the poor tighten their belts, Nigeria’s wealthy seem untouched by the crisis. Across Lekki, Maitama, and Ikoyi, new estates are springing up. Car showrooms are selling luxury SUVs at record rates. Restaurants serving N50,000-per-plate meals are fully booked on weekends.

The rich are not just surviving the harsh economy, they are exploiting its volatility. Many have investments in foreign currencies, real estate, and blue-chip stocks that profit from inflation and devaluation. The same reforms that have destabilised the poor, such as FX unification, have multiplied the assets of those with dollar holdings.

Some analysts describe this as ‘reform inequality’, policies that reward financial sophistication and access to capital but punish low-income earners who live hand-to-mouth.

While an elite minority sends their children to foreign universities and flies abroad for medical care, millions of Nigerians are trapped in failing public schools and hospitals.

Funso Doherty, an investment executive-turned politician, captures the paradox in a recent interview, saying, ‘While the government celebrates exchange rate stability and reserve build-up, the majority of Nigerians are battling declining living standards. When you talk about the quality of life of the people, education, health, income levels, poverty, you see that economically, we are in a very difficult place.’

The disappearing middle class

Perhaps, the most worrying casualty of the current economic strain is Nigeria’s middle class, the teachers, civil servants, small business owners, and professionals who once powered urban life.

Over the past two years, rising inflation and stagnant incomes have eroded their purchasing power. Once proud homeowners are selling property to cover bills. Some are migrating abroad in search of stability. Others are taking second jobs or moving into smaller apartments.

‘I recently relocated to Ebule Egba from Surulere due to house rent,’ said Idris Adewole, a middle-aged engineer. ‘I rarely go out with my car unless I’m going with my family.’

A call for people-centred policies

The World Bank says the government’s next challenge is to ensure that macroeconomic gains are felt at the household level.

‘The Nigerian government has taken bold steps to stabilise the economy, and these efforts are beginning to yield results. The true measure of success will be how these reforms improve the daily lives of Nigerians, especially the poor and vulnerable,’ Matthew Verghis, the World Bank’s country director for Nigeria, said.

Economists also said that the challenge now is not just about sustaining growth but ensuring that its benefits are shared more equitably.

‘Macroeconomic stability must be translated into tangible household relief,’ said Abdulfatai Adedeji, a research fellow at the Centre for the Study of Economies of Africa (CSEA).

He proposed three key steps: expanding social protection to cover all vulnerable groups through reliable cash transfers; investing strategically in agriculture to lower food prices and create jobs; and supporting small and medium enterprises (SMEs) through soft loans, tax breaks, and infrastructure upgrades.

‘These measures will empower businesses to expand, create jobs, and raise incomes, thereby bridging the gap between slowing inflation and Nigerians’ purchasing power,’ Adedeji said.

Simon Samson, an economics lecturer at Baze University, agreed that reforms must now focus on people rather than policies. ‘Policies should ensure food security for every Nigerian; make Nigeria the easiest place to do business; provide social safety nets for the most vulnerable; and ensure inflation rate is always on target,’ he said.

Nigeria’s economy, once described as a sleeping giant, may indeed be waking up. But for millions of its citizens, the awakening has come with pain, not prosperity.

If Seers were to revisit his questions today, Nigeria’s answers would be sobering. Poverty is climbing toward 61 percent, unemployment and underemployment remains high, and inequality has become the defining feature of national life.

The reforms may have steadied the macroeconomic ship, but millions remain adrift beneath its deck. Until growth is measured not just by fiscal discipline or investor confidence, but by the dignity of ordinary Nigerians, true development will remain an illusion, a statistic that hides more than it reveals.

Ahead of the 2027 presidential election, a former governor of Abia State, Orji Uzor Kalu has said non of Atiku Abubakar, Goodluck Jonathan or Peter Obi can stop president Tinubu from winning second term.

The former Abia State governor, Kalu, is confident of President Bola Tinubu’s re-election in 2027.

The Abia state politician also warned Jonathan against contesting, saying he is constitutionally banned from doing so.

Kalu, who represents Abia North Senatorial District in the National Assembly, stated this during an interview on Channels Television’s Politics Today.

According to Kalu, an All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftain, the President has done well to turn around the nation’s economy.

Speaking further the former governor, said the former president Olusegun, was trying to distort history for lying that he did not seek a third term while in office.

Kalu pointed out that Obasanjo told him personally that he wanted to run for office again after the expiration of his two terms, in which he objected instantly, because it was unconstitutional and would have plagued the country into crisis.

He dismissed recent comment by Obasanjo on the issue, stressing that several governors and individuals who the former president confided him about his third term ambition were still alive and could be consulted.

He also stated that United States was crucial in the aborting of the third term ambition of Obasanjo, saying that several meeting was held with key politicians on the issue.

‘Obasanjo told me personally that he wanted a third term and I objected to such plan because it was undemocratic and again the constitution of Nigeria.

‘He can’t deny that, he is trying to rewrite history that is why he is denying now. I wish his late wife was alive today.

‘There are some several politicians that he told, governors then that are still alive today and can be consulted. Why was he fighting Odili? Why did he remove Wabara? What he is saying is not true’, Kalu said.

The federal lawmaker also lamented the continued marginalisation of the Igbo in the country, stressing that the Igbo’s have not been fully integrated into the country’s since after the civil war in the 70s.

He noted that he was interested in ruling the country and remain the only man from South Eastern Nigeria that can do that, but added that for now he was fully backing President Tinubu to emerge the candidate of the APC.