Category: Business Day

The Abia State Government has reaffirmed its commitment to deepening collaboration with security agencies to strengthen security architecture in the state.

This is as the government and security agencies in the state agreed to forge stronger partnership to engage and sustain practical measures for stronger communication, coordination and public confidence in the security.

Okey Kanu, commissioner for Information, Abia State, while hosting public relations and communication officers of security agencies in the state, noted that the collaboration between the government and security agencies in the state will strengthen information sharing, improve public enlightenment and enhance security communication.

He said that the visit of the officers marked an important step towards building a stronger working relationship between the state government and the communication officers of the various security agencies. ‘There is every need for the state government to collaborate with the security agencies. Security is the bedrock on which society thrives,’ he said.

The commissioner noted that the Governor Alex Otti-led administration places high premium on security, stressing that the government’s investments in the sector had contributed significantly to the peaceful atmosphere and development being witnessed across the state.

‘You can spend all the money in the world. If you don’t have security, nothing really moves.’

Kanu explained that the protection of lives and property, which is a fundamental responsibility of the government, could only be effectively achieved in an environment where security is guaranteed.

He also highlighted the strategic role of security spokespersons in providing accurate, timely and responsible information to the public, particularly at a time when misinformation and disinformation can affect public confidence and security.

The commissioner explained that the proposed collaboration will provide a platform for better coordination and unified communication among the government and security agencies.

‘It is not enough to just visit. The important thing is what we make out of this visit going forward,’ he stated, adding that the ministry would engage further with the security communication officers to examine their proposals and develop practical recommendations that could be presented to Governor Otti.

Kanu noted that the government will continue to consolidate on its security achievements, through stronger partnerships with relevant stakeholders.

He noted that the recent South-East Security Summit hosted in Abia underscored the importance attached to security by the Otti administration and the need for continued collaboration among stakeholders.

Chris Onwuegbu, permanent secretary, Ministry of Information, while welcoming the delegation, assured them of the ministry’s readiness and availability to work closely with the security agencies.

He affirmed that stronger collaboration between the government and security communication officers, would promote effective information dissemination and improve public understanding of security issues across the state.

Linus Kalu Ikpe, leader of the delegation and Public Relations Officer of the Nigerian Correctional Service, commended the Abia State Government for its developmental strides and efforts towards strengthening communication, transparency and public trust in governance.

Ikpe said that the delegation’s visit was primarily to seek stronger collaboration with the state government, particularly in the area of security communication.

He said that the team of security spokespersons was committed to promoting accurate, timely and responsible information management across the state.

According to him, communication officers occupy a critical position in today’s security environment, stressing that greater synergy among them would enhance effectiveness, particularly as the election period approaches.

He proposed measures that would strengthen information sharing, enhance coordination and improve public confidence and safety through consistent and unified efforts.

He expressed appreciation to the state government and the commissioner for their continued support and expressed optimism that the proposed partnership would produce positive results.

The 2026 Osun governorship election has produced a result that is bigger than a routine second-term victory: Governor Ademola Adeleke has defeated the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Bola Oyebamiji, and demonstrated that Osun remains one of Nigeria’s most fiercely competitive political battlegrounds.

Adeleke, running on the platform of the Accord Party after leaving the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), polled 511,067 votes, against Oyebamiji’s 444,815, giving the incumbent a winning margin of 66,252 votes. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Adeleke winner after the results from all 30 local government areas were collated.

The headline of discussion in Nigeria political landscape therefore, is simple: Adeleke survives. But the deeper story is how he survived and what the result says about Nigerian politics ahead of 2027.

A victory against the federal tide. On paper, the APC had formidable advantages. Its candidate, Oyebamiji, benefited from the machinery of the governing party at the centre and the political weight of President Bola Tinubu. The APC also had the opportunity to turn Osun into a referendum on the performance of Adeleke’s administration.

Yet the federal advantage did not translate into victory. That matters. Osun has traditionally been an intensely competitive state where party labels alone rarely guarantee victory.

The 2026 Osun election again demonstrated that local political structures, candidate popularity, incumbency and voter sentiment can overpower the attraction of federal power.

Oyebamiji was not a lightweight challenger. He had strong political connections and the backing of former Governor Gboyega Oyetola, while the APC entered the contest determined to reclaim a state it regarded as strategically important.

Earlier assessments had identified the race as essentially a two-horse contest, with Adeleke’s incumbency facing the organisational strength of the APC. But on election day, Adeleke built the more effective coalition.

The 19-LGA question

Perhaps the clearest explanation for the result is the geographical spread of Adeleke’s support.

The incumbent carried 19 of Osun’s 30 local government areas, while Oyebamiji won 11. That is important because it shows that Adeleke’s victory was not simply the product of one overwhelming pocket of support.

The governor had to accumulate votes across different parts of the state, while the APC candidate was unable to turn victories in its strongholds into a statewide majority.

This is one of the central lessons of Osun politics: winning the loudest political territories is not necessarily the same thing as winning the state.

The final numbers reinforce that point. Adeleke’s 511,067 votes amounted to a clear lead over Oyebamiji, while ADC candidate Najeem Salaam finished far behind the two front-runners with 17,180 votes.

Adeleke’s incumbency finally paid dividends. Adeleke’s first-term campaign was effectively a referendum on his record.

His administration consistently pointed to road construction and rehabilitation, workers’ welfare, education, healthcare and social interventions as evidence that Osun had moved in the right direction since he took office in November 2022.

Opposition parties, however, challenged that narrative and accused the administration of weaknesses in areas including education, healthcare and financial management.

The election suggests that, whatever the criticisms, a substantial section of the electorate accepted the governor argument for continuity. That is politically significant.

Adeleke’s first victory in 2022 was achieved after a bitter contest with Oyetola. His second-term victory shows that he has moved from being an insurgent candidate to becoming an established political force in Osun.

The dancing governor has become a two-term governor. That is a considerable transformation. The bigger shock: Accord has defeated APC.

There is another layer to the result that should not be missed. Adeleke did not win under the PDP banner through which he originally became governor.

He won on the platform of Accord. That makes the victory particularly uncomfortable for the PDP, while simultaneously raising questions about the traditional importance of party structures in Nigerian elections.

The PDP’s failure to field a candidate in Osun had already radically altered the political landscape. INEC’s final candidate list confirmed that 14 political parties were participating, but the practical contest was dominated by Accord, APC and ADC.

Adeleke has therefore demonstrated something Nigerian politicians understand very well: in a personality-driven electoral environment, the candidate can sometimes become bigger than the party.

That lesson will not be lost on politicians preparing for 2027.

APC’s defeat is not the same as political collapse. It would, however, be a mistake for the APC to read the result as evidence that it has become irrelevant in Osun.

Far from it. Oyebamiji’s 444,815 votes show that the APC possesses a substantial electoral base in the state. The party won 11 LGAs and came within 66,252 votes of defeating a sitting governor. That is not a political wipeout. It is a warning.

The APC demonstrated that it can mount a serious statewide challenge. What it could not do was convert that strength into the broader coalition required for victory.

For the party, the post-election question will be brutally simple: where did the additional votes needed for victory disappear?

Was it candidate selection? Internal cohesion? The strength of Adeleke’s personal network? Voter perception of federal performance? Or the APC’s inability to translate its national political dominance into local enthusiasm? Those questions matter well beyond Osun.

The real winner may be the 2027 political strategist. Osun is an off-cycle election, but its consequences are national.

The election has become an early laboratory for the strategies that may dominate the 2027 general elections.

The APC will study the result for clues about the limits of federal incumbency.

Opposition politicians will study it for evidence that a popular incumbent can survive against a powerful ruling party even after changing platforms.

And political consultants will focus on something even more basic: turnout.

Before the election, Osun’s registered electorate had grown dramatically, from about 1.96 million in 2022 to roughly 2.34 million in 2026 an increase of nearly 20 per cent.

Analysts had also identified younger and first-time voters as a potentially decisive demographic.

Yet turnout remained below half of registered voters. That is both an opportunity and a warning.

The politicians who can mobilise voters without relying primarily on intimidation, inducement or fear may possess a major advantage in future elections.

But the election was not without troubling signs

The victory should not obscure the problems surrounding the contest. There were reports of violence, intimidation and disruption at some polling locations.

In Ejigbo, for example, INEC materials were reportedly destroyed and voters fled a polling unit after an attack.

Other incidents, including reports of gunfire around a collation centre in Osogbo, raised concerns about the security environment.

There were also allegations of vote buying. Some residents alleged that political parties offered cash to voters, while fears of intimidation contributed to concerns about voter participation.

These incidents are a reminder that Nigeria’s electoral progress remains uneven.

Technology can improve transparency, thousands of polling-unit results were uploaded to INEC’s IReV portal during the process, but technology cannot by itself prevent violence, inducement or political intimidation.

The credibility of an election ultimately depends on what happens before, during and after the vote.

What Adeleke must do now. The campaign is over.

The dancing, rallies, accusations and counter-accusations must give way to governance.

Adeleke’s second term will be judged more harshly than his first because the excuse of being a new governor is gone. He now has a clear mandate and four years of experience.

The expectations will be higher on infrastructure, jobs, education, healthcare, workers’ welfare and the management of the state’s finances.

Most importantly, Adeleke must resist the temptation to interpret victory as a licence for political triumphalism.

His 511,067 votes are a mandate, but they are not the entire electorate.

A second-term governor has an opportunity to turn a competitive electoral victory into a broader political reconciliation.

And what next for Oyebamiji?

For Oyebamiji and the APC, the result should trigger introspection rather than recrimination.

The party was competitive enough to win 11 LGAs and collect nearly 445,000 votes. That means the foundation for a future comeback remains intact.

But APC strategists must determine why the party could not break through in the decisive areas.

They must also consider whether an overly nationalised campaign can defeat a locally popular incumbent.

Osun has repeatedly shown that its voters are capable of making independent calculations.

The final verdict

The 2026 Osun election has produced three immediate conclusions.

First, Adeleke is no longer an electoral experiment. He is now a two-term governor.

Second, the APC remains a formidable force but has not yet solved the Osun puzzle.

Third, the result is an important signal ahead of 2027: Nigerian voters may still reward incumbents on the basis of local performance, personality and political organisation, even when the opposing party controls the federal government.

The deeper significance of Osun is therefore not merely that Adeleke won.

It is that the federal machine came to Osun, confronted a determined incumbent, and discovered that state-level politics still has its own logic.

That may be the most important message from the Living Spring to Nigeria’s political class.

For Adeleke, the celebration can begin.

For the APC, the post-mortem has already begun.

And for 2027, the political calculations have just become considerably more complicated.

Coronation Registrars, a subsidiary of Coronation Group, has been recognised with three international awards in 2026, underscoring its leadership in shareholder services, capital market administration, and registrar innovation in Nigeria.

The company received two honours at the Global Economics Awards: Most Innovative Registrar for Unclaimed Dividend Resolution and Leading Registrars for Capital Market Services.

It also won the Gazet International Annual Award for Excellence in Shareholder Services and Capital Market Administration – Nigeria 2026.

The awards recognise Coronation Registrars’ consistent focus on innovation, operational discipline, and customer-centred service delivery in support of a more efficient and investor-friendly capital market.

Commenting on the achievement, the Chief Executive Officer of Coronation Registrars, Oluseyi Owoturo, said the recognitions reflect the company’s deliberate efforts to transform shareholder services and create long-term value for investors and issuers alike.

‘These recognitions reflect our commitment to redefining shareholder services through innovation, operational excellence, and a deep understanding of our clients’ evolving needs. At Coronation Registrars, we believe every interaction should build trust, simplify processes, and create lasting value for shareholders, issuers, and the wider capital market ecosystem. We are honoured by these awards and remain committed to setting higher standards of excellence in the industry,’ he said.

Over the years, Coronation Registrars has continued to strengthen its service model through technology-enabled solutions designed to improve shareholder engagement, simplify key processes, and deliver greater efficiency across the registrar value chain. Its work spans dividend administration, corporate actions management, shareholder data management, and digital platforms that make it easier for investors to access and manage their holdings.

The award for Most Innovative Registrar for Unclaimed Dividend Resolution is particularly significant, as it recognises the company’s contribution to addressing one of the Nigerian capital market’s most persistent challenges. By deploying practical and technology-driven solutions, Coronation Registrars has helped make the dividend recovery process more accessible, transparent, and efficient for shareholders.

Its recognition as Leading Registrars for Capital Market Services further affirms the company’s role in delivering dependable registrar services and supporting issuers with the operational infrastructure required for effective stakeholder management, compliance, and market engagement.

The Gazet International recognition adds to this momentum, highlighting Coronation Registrars’ reputation for service excellence, governance, and its broader contribution to strengthening confidence in Nigeria’s capital market.

As the market continues to evolve, Coronation Registrars remains focused on deepening digital transformation, enhancing shareholder experience, and delivering solutions that respond to the changing needs of investors, issuers, and regulators. The triple recognition reinforces the company’s standing as a trusted registrar and a forward-looking partner in the continued development of Nigeria’s capital market.

Parents have been advised to ensure that education of their children is on the top of their families’ priority lists.

The advice was given by Funmilayo Oladipo, proprietress of TOMVIC Group of Schools, Ilasamaja, Lagos, during the graduation ceremony held recently.

‘Investment in education is the most enduring legacy any parent can leave for his/her children. So, I must remind all our parents to continue to put top on your priority list the education of your children,’ she said.

Appreciating the efforts of parents of the pupils in her school, Oladipo said: ‘We cannot thank you enough. We understand the realities of the current economic situation in our country. But you have continued to make enormous sacrifices to give your children quality education. We sincerely appreciate every school fee paid, every early morning school run, every word of encouragement, and every sacrifice you have made.’

Addressing the graduating SS3 students, she urged them to remember that their certificate alone would not define their future, but their character, integrity, humility, hard work, and fear of God ‘which will open doors that certificates alone cannot.’

According to her, ‘The world you are stepping into is full of opportunities, but it also comes with challenges. Be responsible young men and women. Avoid bad company, remain focused on your goals, and never stop learning. Whatever career path you choose, strive to be the very best.’

She also gave the assurance that all the schools under the group- Nursery, Primary and College- would continue to build on its legacy of excellence.

Making particular reference to the exploits of the school’s alumni in various fields of endeavour, Oladipo said: ‘Tomvic Comprehensive College has produced graduates who are making meaningful contributions in different professions and sectors of society. Our alumni are today medical doctors, engineers, lawyers, scientists, teachers, entrepreneurs, public servants, among others. Many of them have completed their master’s degrees, while others are pursuing their Doctorate degrees. Several are excelling both within Nigeria and abroad.

‘This should encourage our JSS3 students to know that great things can begin right here at Tomvic. The success stories of those who have gone before you are proof that with determination, discipline, and the right guidance, you too can achieve greatness.’

She further assured the parents that the school was ‘committed to maintaining high academic standards, sound discipline, moral values, and quality education that will prepare them for a successful future. We look forward to continuing this journey with your families.’

There is something we often miss when we talk about economic confidence. We tend to look first at inflation, exchange rates, foreign reserves, GDP growth, and investment flows. And rightly so. These indicators tell us something important about the health of an economy.

Extract:

‘People don’t experience policies as press releases. They experience them at petrol stations, markets, workplaces, banks, hospitals, schools and on the roads.’

But confidence is not built by numbers alone. It is also shaped by what people believe those numbers mean, and, perhaps more importantly, whether they believe what their leaders are telling them about the road ahead. This is where leadership communication becomes more than public relations.

When a government announces a major economic reform, citizens do not hear the announcement in isolation. Businesses interpret it through the cost of doing business. Investors interpret it through risk. Households interpret it through the price of food, transport and electricity. Young people interpret it through a more personal question: Will my future be better than my present?

The words may be the same. The experience is not. Nigeria’s recent economic reform journey offers a useful case study. Over the past three years, the country has undertaken significant reforms, including the removal of fuel subsidies, changes to the foreign-exchange regime and tighter monetary and fiscal policies. The International Monetary Fund says these reforms have improved macroeconomic stability, rebuilt external buffers and strengthened resilience. Investor confidence has also improved.

Those are important gains. But there is another side to the story. The same IMF assessment notes that conditions remain difficult for many Nigerians, with poverty, food insecurity and higher living costs continuing to weigh heavily on households.

So which story should Nigerians believe? The answer is: both can be true. An economy can become more stable at the macroeconomic level while households continue to struggle at the microeconomic level. And this is precisely where leadership communication is tested.

When the policy is right but the message falls short: Consider fuel subsidy reform.

There was a strong economic argument for ending a costly subsidy system. The World Bank has argued that subsidy reform could create fiscal space for development spending, while also stressing the need to protect vulnerable households from the immediate effects of higher fuel prices.

The policy rationale may therefore be clear. The communication challenge is harder. For government, the message may be about fiscal sustainability. For a commuter, it may be the cost of getting to work. For a small business owner, it may be transportation, energy costs, and the price of keeping the doors open. For a parent, it may simply be whether the monthly income can still cover food and school expenses.

This is why economic communication cannot stop at explaining why a reform is necessary. Leadership must also explain what happens next. What will improve? When? Who will be protected? What sacrifices are temporary? What should citizens watch for? These are not merely public-relations questions. They are questions of credibility.

The problem with announcing the destination without explaining the journey: The same principle applies to tax reform.

Government may say: ‘We need a stronger revenue base.’

A business may hear: ‘My operating costs may increase.’

A citizen may ask: ‘What will I get in return?’

That last question matters. People are generally more willing to accept difficult reforms when they understand the destination and can see evidence that the journey is being managed fairly. People don’t experience policies as press releases. They experience them at petrol stations, markets, workplaces, banks, hospitals, schools and on the roads.

That gap between the policy narrative and the lived narrative can become a serious credibility problem.

Investor confidence is not the same as citizen confidence: Perhaps the more interesting question for Nigeria is whether investor confidence and citizen confidence can move in different directions. The evidence suggests they can.

An international investor may be encouraged by stronger reserves, improved foreign-exchange market functioning and fiscal reforms. A Nigerian household may be asking a different question:

‘Can I afford my life?’ Both perspectives matter. A government that communicates only to investors risks losing citizens. A government that communicates only to citizens risks failing to reassure the markets that provide capital. Good economic leadership therefore requires something more sophisticated: a narrative that connects macroeconomic reform to everyday economic reality.

People need to understand not only that the economy is improving, but how that improvement will eventually reach them.

Words must meet evidence: This is where leadership communication deserves a rethink. The problem is not necessarily that governments communicate too much. Often, they communicate too little about the things people actually want to understand.

There is a tendency to announce achievements rather than explain trade-offs; to celebrate milestones rather than acknowledge uncertainty; and to present reforms as destinations rather than journeys. But credibility is rarely built by pretending that difficult things are easy.

A leader who says, ‘This reform will be painful. Here is why we are doing it, here is who will bear the greatest burden, here is how we intend to protect them, and here is how you can hold us accountable,’ may ultimately build more trust than one who promises that everything will quickly become better.

Honesty does not weaken economic communication. It can strengthen it. Communication should not be the final stage of policymaking. It should be part of policymaking.

What should leaders do differently? First, communicate the trade-offs, not just the benefits. Every serious economic reform has winners, losers, costs, and uncertainties. Saying so does not make leadership weaker. It makes the communication more credible.

Second, connect national indicators to household realities. If inflation is falling, explain what that should mean for businesses and households. If investment is rising, explain how that translates into jobs, productivity and opportunity. Third, make timelines part of the message.

People can tolerate uncertainty better when they understand what is known, what is not known and when the next review will happen.

Finally, listen. Communication is not simply the transmission of information from government to citizens. It is a feedback system. The strongest leaders do not only speak. They pay attention to what comes back.

The narrative test: Nigeria does not lack economic announcements. What we need is greater confidence that announcements, policies and lived experiences are telling the same story. That is the real test of leadership communication. Not whether a speech sounds reassuring. Not whether a headline is positive.

Not whether a press statement is beautifully written. But whether, over time, the evidence catches up with the promise. Economic confidence is ultimately an act of belief.

Investors must believe the rules will hold. Businesses must believe they can plan. Citizens must believe that sacrifice has a purpose. And young people must believe that the future their leaders describe is one they have a realistic chance of participating in.

Leadership therefore has a responsibility that goes beyond managing perception. It must manage expectations honestly, explain difficult choices clearly, and build a credible bridge between today’s sacrifice and tomorrow’s promise.

Because when leadership speaks, people are not merely listening to the words. They are listening for a reason to believe. And that is where the narrative truly matters.

As Nigerian households increasingly embrace technology to simplify everyday living, laundry care is evolving beyond a routine household chore into a smarter, more efficient home experience.

From busy professionals navigating demanding schedules to growing families seeking greater convenience, consumers are looking for washing solutions that save time, reduce effort, and deliver better care for their clothes.

While TwinTub washing machines remain a familiar feature in many Nigerian homes because of their affordability and practicality, consumer expectations are changing. Increasing awareness of convenience, hygiene, fabric care, and energy efficiency is driving interest in solutions that offer more than basic washing performance. Today’s consumers are seeking appliances that simplify household routines while supporting a more modern lifestyle.

Responding to these changing needs, LG Electronics offers a portfolio of TwinTub, Top Load, and Front Load washing machines designed to suit different household requirements. Developed with advanced washing technologies, the range delivers powerful cleaning performance while helping users improve efficiency, protect fabrics, and enjoy greater convenience in their daily lives.

For consumers considering an upgrade from traditional laundry methods, LG Top Load washing machines are designed to handle the demands of modern households, offering larger load handling, intuitive controls, and efficient washing performance that simplify everyday laundry care.

At the premium end of the range, LG Front Load washing machines deliver advanced laundry care through enhanced washing performance, improved water and energy efficiency, and superior fabric protection. Their intelligent washing systems are designed to provide thorough cleaning while helping garments maintain their quality over time, making them an increasingly attractive option for consumers seeking long-term value and convenience.

Oktae Kim, general manager, Home Appliances Solutions, LG Electronics West Africa, modern laundry solutions should do more than simply wash clothes. They should help families reclaim valuable time and make everyday life easier.

‘Modern families are looking for solutions that help them spend less time on household chores and more time on the moments that matter most,’ he said.

Kim further said: ‘At LG, our approach to laundry innovation combines advanced technology with consumer education and community engagement. Through our Free Laundry Centres, our partnership with Aspira Nigeria Limited, makers of VIVA-Matic Detergent, and the LG Laundry Masterclass organised in collaboration with Clean Ace Dry Cleaners, we are helping consumers make informed decisions about garment care while enjoying a more convenient laundry experience. These initiatives reflect our commitment to making laundry easier, more efficient, and more rewarding for Nigerian households.’

Beyond convenience, hygiene has become an increasingly important consideration for many consumers. Families are paying closer attention to how effectively their clothes and household fabrics are cleaned, particularly as awareness around health and wellness continues to grow. This has increased demand for washing solutions that deliver deeper cleaning performance while supporting proper fabric care.

As smart living continues to shape purchasing decisions across Nigeria, household appliances are increasingly being evaluated based on their ability to combine performance, efficiency, and convenience. Features that support improved hygiene, fabric care, and resource management are becoming important considerations for consumers seeking practical solutions for modern living.

Against this backdrop, consumer education and access to innovative technologies are playing an important role in shaping the future of laundry care. Through its range of washing solutions and consumer-focused initiatives, LG is helping Nigerian households embrace smarter approaches to laundry while supporting greater convenience, efficiency, and confidence in garment care.

Transforming Nigeria’s Socio-Economic Development arrives at a critical juncture in the nation’s history and has been widely recognised as a work of considerable intellectual weight and practical relevance. The book’s launch in Lagos drew an impressive gathering of diplomats, legal luminaries, academics, and industry leaders. Major General Ike Nwachukwu (rtd), former Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivered the keynote address, described the volume as ‘reference material for policymakers,’ and committed to supplying copies to military libraries and other national institutions. Former Minister of External Affairs, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, hailed Ojumu’s ‘extraordinary intellectual bandwidth’ and marvelled at the rare feat of presenting three comprehensive volumes simultaneously.

Professor Eghosa Osaghae, Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), characterised the work as ‘a masterclass in public intellectualism.’ He commended Ojumu’s ‘fearless, passionate, and blunt writing style’ and noted that the author confronts difficult modern realities with unflinching honesty. Most significantly, Osaghae observed that Ojumu is ‘not just a jack of all trades; he is also a master of all trades,’ writing with ‘the authority of the master.’

The book’s scope is ambitious. Across three volumes, Ojumu addresses corporate governance, jurisprudence, foreign policy, and autobiography, handling each subject with remarkable dexterity. Transforming Nigeria’s Socio-Economic Development does not confine itself to narrow economic prescriptions; it situates policy within a broader legal, historical, and geopolitical framework. The volume comprises 39 essays: Part One (National Development) contains 30 chapters, while Part Two focuses on economics in nine chapters.

Synopsis

The book is a collection of policy essays addressing Nigeria’s persistent socio-economic constraints-over-reliance on oil, weak institutions, infrastructure deficits, human-capital gaps, governance shortfalls, and the need for structural transformation. Consistent with Ojumu’s established approach, it adopts a pragmatic, interdisciplinary lens that links economics, law, governance, leadership, and technology. The themes echo those in his prior work and columns: the limits of ‘trickle-down’ approaches, the role of public-private partnerships, digital inclusion, sectoral contributions to GDP (including insurance and related areas), corporate and public-sector accountability, meritocracy versus partisanship in statecraft, and concrete options for diversification, revenue mobilisation, and inclusive growth.

The author presents jurisprudence and sound policy design as practical tools for development, not as abstract exercises, offering actionable perspectives for executives, legislators, the judiciary, and private-sector leaders. The volume forms part of a broader intellectual project that provides strategic blueprints for navigating national and global complexities, with Nigeria-Africa’s most populous country and a major economy-as the central case study.

Review: The Case for State Police

The challenge of topicality undergirds this book’s decision to include three essays on state police: ‘State Police: Upending the Tyranny of Inertia,’ ‘State Police in Nigeria? Now,’ and ‘State Police in Nigeria: Dispelling the Paranoia.’ These essays become central to the volume’s policy force. As this review is written, the Presidential Working Group on the National Policing Bill has announced an extension of the deadline for submission of memoranda and position papers to 21 August 2026-underscoring the continuing national relevance of the debate.

Ojumu’s three essays strongly advocate decentralising policing in Nigeria through the establishment of state police as a necessary reform to address systemic insecurity, overcome institutional inertia, and improve effectiveness within the federal system.

Core Theses

Insecurity, Ojumu argues, has rendered the unitary Nigeria Police Force (NPF) model unsustainable. Section 214 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) creates a monopoly: ‘there shall be a police force for Nigeria… and… no other police force shall be established.’ He regards this provision as unfit for purpose amid terrorism, mass kidnappings, and related threats. Concrete 2024 incidents-killings of Civilian JTF personnel in Maiduguri, a lecturer in Ogun State, army officers in Delta, school abductions in Sokoto and Kaduna, and attacks on police stations-are cited alongside broader data on terrorism-linked kidnappings and large ransom payments. The argument is straightforward: repeating the same centralised command-and-control structure while expecting different results is irrational.

‘State Police in Nigeria? Now!’ calls for immediate legislative action rather than further delay. The scale and complexity of the threats are framed as existential; continuing the status quo is described as retrogressive. Devolution is presented as bringing policing closer to communities, thereby improving local intelligence and responsiveness, while federal agencies (the Armed Forces, DSS, EFCC, Customs, Immigration, NSCDC, and others) continue to play collaborative roles. No claim is made that state police is a panacea.

‘State Police: Upending the Tyranny of Inertia’ targets the political and institutional resistance that has preserved the post-1966 centralised model despite earlier regional and local policing experience after independence. The ‘tyranny of inertia’ framing treats defence of the status quo as a barrier that must be overcome through political will, constitutional amendment (removing police from the Exclusive Legislative List), recruitment and training scale-up, and appropriate incentives. Historical maturity is asserted: independence in 1960, prior devolved policing until 1966, decades of civilian rule interspersed with military periods, and survival of the civil war.

‘State Police in Nigeria: Dispelling the Paranoia’ systematically rebuts three principal objections:

1. Immaturity. Nigeria is not a ‘nanny-state.’ It has operated democratic institutions for substantial periods and previously ran a more decentralised policing model.

2. Governor abuse / ‘demigod’ risk. Governors do not have absolute power. Constitutional checks exist (impeachment under sections 143 and 188, with historical precedents such as Balarabe Musa, Alamieyeseigha, and Nyako). The current unitary model is imperfect, as cases of corruption and misconduct demonstrate. Safeguards and oversight can be designed.

3. Funding. Many states face fiscal pressure, but this is treated as a solvable design issue rather than a fatal flaw-through optimising internally generated revenue, public-private partnerships and security trust funds, and technology. Lagos is cited as an exemplar of PPP and technology-enabled approaches. Artificial intelligence, robotics, and modern tools are proposed to improve efficiency.

Ojumu offers comparative evidence: the United States-the source of Nigeria’s presidential system-operates multi-tier policing, and other federations succeed with devolution. He presents crime-index data (World Population Review 2024 figures cited for Australia ˜46.7, UK ˜46.9, USA ˜49.2 versus Nigeria ˜65.8) to suggest that the centralised model underperforms relative to decentralised peers. The recommendation is pragmatic legislative action by the National Assembly, together with improvements in recruitment, training, incentives, and retention.

Critical Interrogation

Strengths of the thesis. The security diagnosis is empirically grounded in well-documented patterns of kidnapping, banditry, and terrorism that a single national force of limited effective frontline strength (relative to population) has struggled to contain. Local knowledge and faster response times are standard advantages claimed for subnational policing in federal systems. Nigeria’s size, diversity, and existing informal state-backed outfits (for example, Amotekun and various vigilante or community formations) already demonstrate de facto decentralisation in a legal grey zone. The inertia critique correctly identifies decades of constitutional and political blockage. Checks-and-balances arguments and the Lagos funding and technology example reasonably counter absolutist fears. Framing reform as complementary rather than zero-sum with federal agencies is realistic.

Weaknesses and open questions.

Abuse and politicisation risks remain significant. Historical regional police forces in the First Republic acquired partisan reputations. Even with formal impeachment powers and proposed commissions or oversight bodies, weak institutions, elite capture, and electoral incentives could lead to selective enforcement, harassment of opponents, or ethnic bias. Designing robust, independent mechanisms for appointment, discipline, and inter-force coordination is harder in practice than on paper; recent national debates (2025-2026 constitutional amendment efforts) repeatedly return to precisely these safeguard questions.

Funding and capacity are not merely ‘red herrings.’ Many states already struggle with salaries, pensions, and basic services. Scaling professional forces requires sustained revenue, training infrastructure, equipment, and cultural change. Technology and public-private partnerships help but do not automatically resolve fiscal federalism or human-capital gaps. Crime-rate comparisons, while directionally useful, are imperfect owing to differing reporting standards, socioeconomic confounders, and definitions of ‘crime.’

Implementation sequencing and transition costs. Creating dual or multi-tier structures raises risks of command conflicts, intelligence-sharing failures, duplication, and potential gaps during transition. The essays prioritise the case for change over detailed operational blueprints.

Root causes beyond architecture. Insecurity is also driven by poverty, youth unemployment, governance failures, arms proliferation, and justice-system weaknesses. Policing reform is necessary but insufficient without parallel economic and social measures.

Evidence base. The essays rely on recent incident lists, secondary intelligence estimates, and selective international indices. Stronger longitudinal evaluation of what has worked (or failed) in Nigerian state-level security initiatives would strengthen the causal claim that formal state police will deliver better outcomes.

Overall Assessment

Ojumu’s theses correctly identify the unitary model’s performance shortfalls and the costs of prolonged inertia, and they offer coherent rebuttals to the most common objections. The urgency and ‘dispel the paranoia’ framings are rhetorically effective and align with recent constitutional and policy movements towards dual federal-state structures. However, the arguments under-specify the institutional design details required to minimise politicisation and to ensure sustainable financing and professional standards. Success depends less on the abstract principle of devolution than on the quality of the enabling laws, oversight bodies, inter-agency protocols, recruitment and vetting, and complementary governance reforms. The essays make a strong case that the status quo is untenable; they leave the harder engineering of a workable dual system for subsequent work.

The many essays in the book offer various lenses for the policy buff. Standout essays include ‘NYSC’s Relevance and Heightened Insecurity in Nigeria’, ‘Recalibrating Nigeria’s Education Policy for the 21st Century’ and ‘Strategic Options for Nigeria’s Nuclear Development’.

Overall, the book continues Ojumu’s contribution as a bridge between legal-professional insight and development discourse, offering policymakers and informed readers a coherent set of perspectives on transforming Nigeria’s socio-economic trajectory.

Adedamola Gbenga, the National Commander of Man O’ War Nigeria has charged volunteers of the organisation to strengthen community-based safe school frameworks to protect children and build resilient communities across Nigeria.

Gbenga gave the charge at the opening of the 4th National Camp of Man O’ War Nigeria at the Citizenship and Leadership Training Centre (CLTC) on Wednesday in Jos, Plateau State, where participants from across the country gathered for the week-long programme.

He said the camp, themed ‘Strengthening Community-Based Safe School Frameworks for a Secure and Resilient Nigeria,’ was designed to strengthen volunteers, renew their commitment to national service, build leadership capacity and prepare the organisation for greater responsibilities.

‘Our SSAPT Coordinators are therefore being positioned as important human resources in our collective effort to support safer learning environments across Nigeria,’ he said.

The National Commander said the Safe School Awareness and Preparedness Training (SSAPT) Coordinators would receive training in safeguarding and child protection, early warning and response, emergency preparedness, security awareness, school risk management, community mobilisation and resilience building.

‘Let every SSAPT Coordinator return home with a renewed determination to protect children, strengthen our schools and contribute to the safety and resilience of our communities,’ Gbenga said.

He said Man O’ War Nigeria would continue to strengthen the SSAPT initiative and partnerships with government agencies, educational institutions, security and emergency management organisations and development partners, while urging volunteers to uphold the organisation’s core values of discipline, leadership, service, patriotism and volunteerism.

The Presidential candidates of the Accord Party, African Action Congress (AAC) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) have resolved to work together towards a common democratic force ahead of the 2027 presidential election, in what could become a significant realignment of Nigeria’s opposition politics.

The three candidates, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim of Accord; Omoyele Sowore of AAC and Adewole Adebayo of the SDP, reached the resolution after a meeting in Port Harcourt, Rivers State where they deliberated on Nigeria’s democracy, economy and security during the weekend.

They expressed concern over the concentration of political power, weakening of democratic institutions and shrinking space for genuine political competition, warning that Nigeria risks moving from competitive multi-party democracy towards what they described as ‘a coronation disguised as an election.’

The leaders consequently resolved to align their political forces towards presenting Nigerians with a joint democratic alternative in 2027.

The proposed alliance will seek to mobilise workers, youths, women, professionals, entrepreneurs, civil society organisations and Nigerians across ethnic, religious, regional and political divides.

Further consultations, they said, would determine the structure, modalities and presidential candidate of the proposed alliance.

‘The larger national interest must take precedence over individual political ambitions,’ they declared.

The three presidential candidates demanded an immediate review of cases involving Nigerians detained or imprisoned over political expression, self-determination advocacy or the peaceful exercise of constitutionally protected rights.

They specifically called for the immediate release of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, whose agitation has centred on the political rights and aspirations of the Igbo people, and Bichia Maisango, whom they identified as an advocate of Hausa Zallah cultural rights.

They also called for an end to what they described as the legal and political persecution of Omoyele Sowore over his political activities.

The leaders stressed that their position did not necessarily amount to an endorsement of the views or methods of the individuals concerned.

‘Democratic societies must accommodate dissent and peaceful disagreement,’ they said.

The three candidates called on the international community, democratic governments, regional institutions and international democracy and human-rights organisations to closely monitor Nigeria’s democratic trajectory.

They expressed concern over alleged attempts by individuals within the security architecture, electoral institutions, judiciary, legislature and executive to weaken opposition parties, manipulate public institutions and frustrate genuine political competition.

While rejecting foreign interference in Nigeria’s sovereign affairs, they called for accountability where individuals abuse public office or institutional authority to undermine constitutional democracy.

They urged international partners to document credible evidence of democratic reversals and consider targeted sanctions, including visa restrictions and other lawful measures, against individuals credibly established to have participated in such activities.

‘Nigeria’s multi-party democracy must be preserved. No individual, political party, security agency, electoral official or institution is bigger than the Nigerian Constitution,’ they declared.

The leaders also criticised the economic policies of the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, particularly fuel subsidy removal and currency devaluation, which they said had contributed to rising living costs, declining purchasing power, unemployment and widespread economic hardship.

They called for urgent economic reforms, including substantial salary reviews towards a genuine living wage, stronger domestic production, investment promotion, job creation and measures to reduce inflation.

On insecurity, they demanded a proactive national security strategy built around intelligence, technology, adequately equipped security forces, community cooperation, economic opportunity and effective prosecution.

They rejected what they described as appeasement, selective enforcement and political complicity that enables violent groups to operate with impunity.

The three candidates pledged to defend Nigeria’s multi-party system and reject political monopolisation.

‘A democracy without meaningful opposition is merely an electoral ritual,’ they said, affirming their commitment to the constitutional right of Nigerians to form political parties, contest elections, disagree with government and offer alternative programmes without intimidation.

They also declared that national unity must be founded on justice and inclusion.

‘Unity cannot be built by suppressing differences; it must be built by guaranteeing justice within diversity,’ they said.

The proposed alliance, according to the leaders, is not merely an anti-incumbency arrangement but an attempt to develop a credible governing alternative based on democratic accountability, economic justice, security, institutional reform, social inclusion and national development.

They resolved to continue consultations with other presidential candidates, political parties, organised labour, civil society organisations, professional associations, youth and women’s groups, traditional institutions and religious bodies.

They called on Nigerians committed to democracy and accountable government to join the process.

‘The 2027 election must be a genuine contest over Nigeria’s future, rather than a predetermined political coronation. Nigeria belongs to its people. Political power belongs to the people. The ballot belongs to the people.’

They concluded by urging Nigerians to defend the country’s Constitution and multi-party democracy peacefully.

‘The time has come for Nigerians to rise, not with violence, but with courage; not with hatred, but with organisation; not against Nigeria, but in defence of Nigeria.’

Meanwhile, the Movement for Democratic Renewal (MDR) for the South-South and South-East zones was launched on Saturday in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, with speakers calling for unity of purpose to rescue the country.

The MDR is Co-Chaired by Gbenga Hashim and the NLC President Comrade Joe Ajaero .Leaders of NLC gathered with leaders of industrial unions at the NLC Labour House, Port Harcourt, to confront what they described as a fundamental national question, How do we rescue Nigeria’s democracy and restore hope to millions of our people?

The Co-Chairman of the movement, Dr. Gbenga Hashim, said Nigeria had always been a great country but that recent leaders had conspired to make it small.

According to him, ‘the prosperity in Nigeria continued until 1976 and Nigeria was a lender, not a borrowing nation.

‘Today, industrialisation has gone out of Nigeria.

‘But we must rescue our democracy. Any democracy that abandons the welfare of the workers is a mirage.’

Also speaking, Adebayo Adewole, presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), urged Nigerians to reject intimidation and political pressure.

‘All workers must vote, because our problem is that our leaders today see themselves as colonial masters in black skin.’

He stressed the importance of ideological unity, saying, ‘Unity is important. For people, we can only be united by ideology. You must raise cadres not for protest alone, but for government.’

Denja Yakub, who represented Joe Ajaero, NLC president at the event, said Nigerians could not depend on others to rescue the country.

‘Nobody will fight for us. We need to fight for ourselves,’ he said.

He added that ‘there will never be industry for us if we don’t have worker-friendly people in power.’

The NLC Chairmen of Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Bayelsa, Edo, Enugu, Anambra, Imo, Abia and Ebonyi attended the event, alongside leaders representing industrial unions, civil society and faith-based organisations.

Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election is shaping up to be a high-stakes contest between an entrenched political machine and a deeply frustrated, increasingly tech-savvy electorate.

Historically, Nigeria’s ‘machinery of power’ built around vast financial networks, incumbency, political godfatherism, party structures and influence over electoral institutions, has played a major role in determining election outcomes. But the political landscape is changing.

The 2027 presidential election is already taking shape as a contest that goes far beyond campaign rallies, political speeches and early endorsements. Persistent economic hardship, changing voter demographics and growing political awareness mean that the machinery of power may be more vulnerable than it has been in years.

Whether voters can genuinely ‘break’ that machine, however, will depend on several critical variables.

With the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) scheduling the presidential and National Assembly elections for January 16, 2027, the real contest is increasingly being fought behind the scenes-over governors, party structures, political financiers, regional alliances and the machinery capable of converting political influence into votes.

At the heart of the emerging power map are three major forces: the governing All Progressives Congress (APC) and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s incumbency advantage; an opposition struggling to build a formidable national coalition, and a growing number of political actors whose allegiances appear increasingly fluid as the election draws closer.

The defining question may therefore, not be who has the loudest campaign today, but who controls the political machinery when Nigerians enter the polling booths.

How the machine intends to win

The political machine relies more on structure than popularity.

Ruling coalitions typically depend on entrenched subnational political networks to secure a baseline of votes across Nigeria’s diverse regions. Historically, political machines have also benefited from low voter turnout.

In the 2023 presidential election, turnout was historically low, with only about 27 percent of registered voters casting ballots. A smaller pool of voters can be easier for established patronage networks to mobilise and influence.

The machine also benefits from a fragmented opposition. When prominent opposition figures divide the anti-incumbency vote, the ruling party may be able to secure victory without winning an overwhelming majority of the electorate. It may only need to finish ahead of its rivals while satisfying the constitutional requirements for victory.

The governors’ equation

In Nigerian presidential politics, governors are far more than chief executives of their states.

They control political networks, influence party structures, shape local alliances and remain central to grassroots mobilisation. This makes the movement of governors from opposition parties into the APC one of the most significant developments on the road to 2027.

Among the governors who had moved into the APC camp by early 2026 were Delta State’s Sheriff Oborevwori, Akwa Ibom State’s Umo Eno, Enugu State’s Peter Mbah, Bayelsa State’s Douye Diri, Plateau State’s Caleb Mutfwang and Taraba State’s Agbu Kefas.

The significance of these defections goes beyond the number of governors involved.

The bigger question is whether a defection represents merely an individual political realignment or whether an entire electoral structure is moving with the governor.

A governor with influence over local party leaders, legislators, traditional institutions and grassroots networks can wield political weight far beyond personal popularity.

However, there is a danger in assuming that governors can automatically deliver their states to presidential candidates.

Nigeria’s electoral history shows that voters do not always obey political instructions from state capitals. Economic hardship, insecurity, ethnicity, religion, local grievances, candidate appeal and voter turnout can all disrupt carefully-constructed political calculations.

The governor may control the political machine. The voter still controls the ballot.

Defectors and the politics of access

The rapid movement of politicians across party lines has exposed another enduring reality of Nigerian politics: access to power can sometimes matter more than ideology.

For politicians facing elections, investigations, succession battles or internal party crises, proximity to the federal government can offer considerable political advantages.

For the presidency, meanwhile, every high-profile defection potentially weakens the organisational capacity of an opposition party.

The result is a political economy in which loyalty is rarely permanent and alliances are constantly negotiated. Traditional party boundaries are consequently becoming less decisive than they once were.

The APC’s expanding political reach has also triggered concerns among opposition figures and civil society actors about the possibility of one-party dominance.

President Tinubu has rejected the suggestion that his administration is pursuing a one-party system.

However, the larger democratic question goes beyond whether Nigeria formally remains a multiparty state.

The real test is whether opposition parties retain enough governors, legislators, funding, organisation and grassroots structures to make electoral competition meaningful.

The opposition’s great gamble

The opposition appeared to understand the arithmetic after the 2023 presidential election.

That election produced three major political blocs around Bola Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi. Any serious attempt to defeat the incumbent would therefore, require some form of consolidation.

If nationally recognised opposition candidates continue to divide the anti-incumbency vote, the APC may not need to win an overwhelming majority of the electorate. It may simply need to emerge ahead of a divided opposition while satisfying the constitutional requirements for victory.

That makes the opposition’s ability to agree on a common strategy-and potentially a common presidential candidate-one of the most consequential questions of the election.

Where the Money Moves

Personalities will dominate the headlines, but money will power much of the 2027 contest.

A serious presidential campaign requires enormous resources: transportation, rallies, media operations, communications, legal teams, polling agents, logistics and election-day mobilisation across thousands of polling units.

Campaign finance itself is not the problem. Elections require resources.

The danger begins when public funds, government contracts, regulatory decisions or access to state institutions are allegedly converted into instruments of political financing.

That is where the 2027 election demands sustained scrutiny.

Every major political alliance should invite three basic questions: Who is financing it?

What does the financier expect in return?

Can the source of the money be legitimately traced?

The answers could reveal as much about the real power structure of the election as any rally or endorsement.

The federal leverage

The presidency enters the race with an advantage no opposition candidate possesses: incumbency.

The federal government controls appointments, national institutions, policy instruments and a level of visibility that opposition candidates cannot easily match.

But incumbency is not an electoral guarantee.

The Tinubu administration has introduced major economic reforms, including the removal of fuel subsidies and changes to the foreign-exchange regime.

Supporters argue that these measures are necessary to correct longstanding structural distortions in the economy. Critics, however, have focused on their immediate impact on household incomes and the rising cost of living.

By 2027, the political verdict will likely depend on how Nigerians experience those reforms in their daily lives.

Will voters judge the government by its stated objectives or by the cost of the transition?

That answer could prove decisive.

The governors who did not defect

Despite the defections, the opposition retains important political bases.

Governors such as Alex Otti of Abia, Chukwuma Soludo in Anambra, Ademola Adeleke in Osun, Seyi Makinde of Oyo and Bala Mohammed in Bauchi remain significant players, even as political relationships and alignments continue to evolve.

Their importance is not merely numerical.

A governor outside the APC can provide an opposition party with something increasingly valuable: an institutional base from which to organise, mobilise and build an electoral network.

Yet even this picture is complicated.

Some opposition governors maintain pragmatic relationships with the presidency, while others have adopted more confrontational positions. Consequently, formal party membership does not always tell the full story of actual electoral allegiance.

The four battlegrounds

The real battle for 2027 may ultimately be fought on four interconnected fronts. One- The Presidential Candidate. Can Tinubu turn incumbency, political alliances and an expanding national network into a convincing mandate? Or can the opposition produce a candidate capable of uniting the fragmented anti-APC vote?

Two- The governors: Can the opposition retain enough state-level structures to prevent the APC from dominating the electoral map?

And can APC governors actually translate political influence into votes?

Three- The money: Which political networks have the financial capacity to organise nationwide?

And can campaign financing withstand the level of public and institutional scrutiny that a consequential election demands?

Four- The voters: Will Nigerians vote according to party structures and elite alliances? Or will economic conditions, insecurity, regional identity, religion, candidate appeal and local grievances disrupt the calculations of the political class?

This may ultimately be the most important battleground of all.

How voters can break the machine

To weaken the entrenched political machinery, the electorate must move from symbolic political participation to sustained, organised civic engagement.

Three conditions could be particularly important.

Massive Turnout

A significant increase in voter turnout-particularly among younger Nigerians-could make it much harder for established political networks to rely on narrow, highly localised mobilisation strategies.

Low turnout gives organised political structures greater influence over the relatively small number of people who actually participate. Higher turnout could change that equation.

Protecting the ballot and electoral technology

Voters must move beyond social-media engagement and focus on what happens on the ground.

That means monitoring polling units, understanding electoral procedures, reporting violations and demanding that INEC comply with its legal and procedural obligations regarding the use and transmission of election results through technologies such as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV).

Technology alone, however, cannot guarantee credible elections. Its effectiveness ultimately depends on transparent procedures, institutional independence and the willingness of citizens and election observers to hold all actors accountable.

A united front

Voters cannot easily break the political machine if their choices remain excessively fragmented.

Pressure from civic movements and voters for credible candidates, issue-based politics and meaningful opposition cooperation could help create a more viable alternative to the incumbent political structure.

The verdict

The machine will not break on its own. It is designed to adapt-to technological changes, shifting alliances and public anger.

If the opposition remains fractured and voter turnout remains low, the machinery of power could once again play a decisive role in determining Nigeria’s next president.

But if citizens translate their economic grievances into sustained political participation, organise effectively at the grassroots and protect the integrity of the ballot, voters will possess the strongest weapon in any democracy: their collective vote.

For all the talk of defections, endorsements and political alliances, one fact should remain at the centre of the 2027 contest: Political elite do not cast the final votes. Nigerians do.

The APC can accumulate governors and still encounter voter anger.

The opposition can produce a popular candidate and still lose through fragmentation.

A wealthy campaign can dominate television and social media and yet fail to mobilise effectively at the polling-unit level.

And a governor can promise his political structure to a presidential candidate without possessing the power to command every voter.

That is why Nigeria’s 2027 power map remains unfinished.

INEC has formally set January 16, 2027 for the presidential and National Assembly elections, with the governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections scheduled for February 6, 2027.

Between now and election day, alliances will be tested, parties may fracture or regroup, politicians will change platforms, financiers will make new calculations and governors will be courted.

Yet beneath all the movement among the political elite lies one decisive question: The power of voters.