Category: Business Mirror

The National Grid Corporation of the Philippines (NGCP) emphasized the importance of reliable power plants and efficient transmission lines to manage and possibly prevent system loss, which refers to excessive power delivery waste.

‘So many ways to…prevent voltage and system loss; among them is building more power plants in areas that can provide voltage support and lessen system loss as well as answer for increased demand for electricity.

On the part of NCCP, what was mentioned in the discussions is correct, we

continue to build more efficient high-voltage lines,’ said NGCP Spokesperson Cynthia Alabanza during last week’s joint hearing of the Senate committees on energy and public services.

The NGCP runs, builds, and looks after the high-voltage power transmission network. It takes electricity from power plants and sends it safely to local distribution companies across Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.

She cited the 500-kiloVolt (kV) for Luzon, 230-kV backbone in Visayas-Mindanao, and the installation of capacitor banks and static synchronous compensator (STATCOM) as technologies that can compensate for system loss.

A STATCOM is an advanced power electronics device used by the NGCP to stabilize voltage levels, improve power quality, and manage reactive power across high-voltage transmission networks.

She said the NGCP is committed to continuously upgrading to higher voltage lines as the greatest system losses normally occur within the lower 69-kV voltage lines.

‘The NGCP still manages the 69-kV lines because the electric cooperatives still lack the capacity for various reasons.

Regarding our higher-voltage lines, power delivery is significantly more efficient. For areas with long lines-and as was correctly mentioned earlier, the longer the line, the greater the system losses- we install technologies such as capacitor banks and STATCOMs.

We are increasingly utilizing STATCOMs because we observe that power generators are being located further and further away from certain load centers,’ added the NGCP official.

The grid operator had said that it is on track to complete 10 projects worth P30.88 billion this year.

NGCP is advancing major infrastructure upgrades to secure grid stability and accommodate new renewable and non-renewable generation plants.

The grid operator recently completed massive interconnections including the Mindanao-Visayas Interconnection Project (MVIP) and Cebu-Negros-Panay Backbone, unifying the Philippine Grid.

In 2025, NGCP completed the upgrading and expansion of 14 substations to enhance grid reliability and stability. The Castillejos Substation was installed with 1,000-MVA transformer capacity, the Calaca and Concepcion Substations were each installed with new 300MVA transformers, the Corella, Toril, Pitogo, Maramag, Dingle, Calbayog, and Paranas Substations with 100MVA transformers, the Davao Substation with a 150-MVA transformer, and the San Jose and Mabinay Substations with a 50-MVA transformer.

A 100-MVA expansion at NGCP’s Iloilo Substation, a component of the Panay-Guimaras Interconnection project, was also completed in April 2025.

The Department of the Interior and Local Government’s recent directive to plaster ‘Bawal ang Red Tape’ posters across its offices nationwide reads like a familiar scene in Philippine governance: bold declarations against bureaucratic inefficiency accompanied by the ceremonial unfurling of banners, streamers, and government-mandated signage. While the DILG’s alignment with the Anti-Red Tape Authority’s (ARTA) campaign against fixers is commendable in intent, we have seen enough well-intentioned memorandums dissolve into performative compliance to warrant healthy skepticism about whether this latest push represents genuine institutional reform or merely another layer of administrative theater. (Read the BusinessMirror story: ‘DILG backs Arta’s anti-fixer drive,’ August 17, 2026).

There is, of course, nothing inherently wrong with visibility campaigns. The directive to display anti-fixing materials in ‘strategic and conspicuous areas,’ alongside the harmonized Client Satisfaction Measurement (CSM) survey, theoretically creates an environment of accountability where citizens are reminded of their rights and encouraged to report irregularities. The DILG’s reported 99.50-percent client satisfaction score in its 2025 CSM Report suggests, at least on paper, that streamlining efforts are resonating with the public. Yet such astronomical satisfaction ratings should raise eyebrows rather than expectations-perfection in government service delivery remains an aspirational fiction, and numbers that approach it often signal measurement instruments calibrated more for public relations than for genuine feedback.

The core issue with anti-red tape campaigns in the country has never been a shortage of signage. Republic Act No. 11032, the Ease of Doing Business Law, has been in force since 2018, yet fixers continue to operate with impunity in government offices, not because citizens are unaware that fixing is illegal, but because the underlying conditions that create demand for fixers-convoluted procedures, unclear requirements, arbitrary processing delays, and the informal ‘tax’ of bureaucratic inconvenience-remain stubbornly entrenched. People do not patronize fixers because they missed the memo that red tape is prohibited; they patronize fixers because the legitimate pathway is deliberately engineered to be slower, more expensive, and less certain than the illicit shortcut.

The DILG’s emphasis on ‘surprise inspections and spot monitoring’ by its Compliance Monitoring and Evaluation Office (CMEO) suggests recognition that signage alone cannot transform behavior. However, government self-regulation often fails because internal watchdogs are compromised by the same systemic issues as the programs they oversee. Real accountability requires external pressure-civil society watchdogs, media scrutiny, and most importantly, citizens who feel empowered to complain without fear of retaliation or further bureaucratic retribution.

What would signal genuine commitment beyond the current campaign? First, the publication of binding processing timelines with automatic approval provisions when deadlines are missed-the ‘silent’ provision of the Ease of Doing Business Law that agencies have been slow to implement. Second, the digitization of end-to-end processes that eliminate face-to-face interactions where fixers traditionally operate. Third, the prosecution not merely of fixers but of the government employees who enable them, including those in supervisory positions who create the bottlenecks that make fixing profitable.

The DILG’s declaration that ‘red tape has no place’ in the department is welcome rhetoric, but rhetoric is where reform often begins and ends. Our people do not need more reminders that red tape is forbidden; they need government transactions that are actually swift, hassle-free, and customer-friendly-not just in the pages of compliance reports, but in the lived experience of securing permits, clearances, and certifications. Until then, the ‘Bawal ang Red Tape’ signs will serve less as warnings to erring bureaucrats and more as ironic decorations in offices where the unwritten rules of palakasan, padrino, and lagay continue to dictate who gets served and who gets stalled.

The campaign is a start. But in the fight against bureaucratic corruption, starts are cheap. It is the finish that matters-and on that front, the verdict remains very much out.

THE ambush of Bangsamoro interim Chief Minister Abdulraof Macacua’s convoy has exposed deepening political divisions within the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), raising concerns over the stability of the Bangsamoro region just weeks before its first parliamentary election, a media brief by Climate Conflict Action Asia (CCAA), said.

Macacua’s convoy was attacked on August 15 in barangay Bitu, Datu Odin Sinsuat, as

he was returning to Cotabato City after attending a general assembly of the Bangsamoro Federalist Party (BFP) in Kabuntalan, where he took his oath as the party’s chairperson. No one was injured, although the vehicles were riddled with bullets.

The national government, MILF Central Committee, Moro National Liberation Front, Commission on Elections and other organizations condemned the attack.

The National Police, in coordination with the Armed Forces, has launched an investigation and identified a person of interest, although authorities were still determining whether the incident was election-related as of Aug. 18.

CCAA said the timing of the attack has fueled speculation that it could be connected to tensions surrounding the upcoming elections.

One narrative circulating on the ground and on social media alleges that individuals aligned with the BFP may have staged the ambush, either to create grounds for postponing the election and keeping Macacua in power or to generate public sympathy. CCAA stressed that these are among several theories surrounding the incident and have not been established as facts.

The incident came a day after the MILF Central Committee publicly announced its decision to indefinitely suspend Macacua as chief of staff of the Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces, along with nine base commanders who had pledged allegiance to the BFP.

Another possibility raised by CCAA is that the attack could have been carried out by supporters of the United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP) who oppose Macacua and his recent actions against the MILF Central Committee, including the removal of Mohagher Iqbal as Education minister.

Macacua’s decision to take the BFP chairmanship may have further heightened tensions by reinforcing perceptions that he is challenging the MILF leadership and its authority. CCAA also noted the possibility that other political parties, gun-for-hire groups or extremist organizations could have been behind the attack in an effort to generate fear and violence ahead of the election.

CCAA warned that the ambush could further widen divisions within the MILF and deepen political polarization across the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).

The organization said this could have significant implications for the MILF’s support base and potentially threaten both the parliamentary election and the broader political settlement. The area where the ambush occurred has also been a longstanding hotspot for political and identity-based violence, with rival clans previously contesting the mayoralty.

The rhetoric from opposing camps has added to concerns about a potential escalation. During a BFP rally in Kabuntalan before the ambush, Macacua reportedly said the group was ‘prepared for war to ensure that the Bangsamoro is on the right path.’ Meanwhile, MILF-linked politician and Member of Parliament Abdullah Macapaar, also known as Commander Bravo, warned during a UBJP assembly on Aug. 3 that they were prepared for armed confrontation if there was manipulation of the electoral process.

According to CCAA, such declarations raise the risk that succeeding developments could become increasingly volatile and potentially threaten the transition away from armed struggle that the Bangsamoro political settlement was intended to achieve.

CCAA warned that the political divide could reignite long-standing conflicts and trigger new cycles of violence, particularly between MILF-affiliated groups aligned with the UBJP and BFP.

The organization said signs of such tensions are already evident in areas including Nabalawag in the Special Geographic Area, and warned that violence could spread to other areas with a history of clan rivalries and intra-MILF conflict, including the SPMS Box, where several MILF base commands remain active.

With the parliamentary election approaching, CCAA said the coming weeks will be a critical test for the Bangsamoro peace process.

It added that the first parliamentary election could either strengthen the foundations for lasting peace or, if political polarization continues to deepen, create conditions for renewed conflict.

THE Sandiganbayan’s Fifth Division has allowed detained Senator Jinggoy Estrada to undergo a knee X-ray at Cardinal Santos Medical Center (CSMC) in San Juan City on August 26 despite objections from the prosecution.

In a four-page resolution, the anti-graft court granted Estrada’s motion for leave, filed via electronic mail, seeking permission to undergo the procedure after experiencing persistent pain in both knees that has made it difficult for him to walk.

The Sandiganbayan said Estrada will be allowed to leave his detention cell at the New Quezon City Jail at around 11 a.m. for his scheduled 1 p.m. X-ray.

The court directed his security escorts to return him to the Quezon City jail no later than 3 p.m. on the same day.

Aside from his security escorts, Estrada may be accompanied only by immediate family members, legal counsel and attending medical personnel during the procedure.

‘Photography, video recording, and any social media postings regarding the accused’s procedure are strictly prohibited,’ the court said.

All hospital, medical, transportation and incidental expenses will be shouldered by Estrada.

In his motion, Estrada said that even before his detention on June 1, 2026, he had been suffering from joint effusion and intermittent pain in both knees.

He was previously diagnosed with osteoarthritis, a degenerative condition affecting his mobility. His orthopedic doctor, Dr. Jose Fernando Syquia, recommended an X-ray to determine whether his condition has worsened.

The prosecution opposed Estrada’s request, suggesting that the procedure instead be conducted at the New Quezon City Jail using a portable X-ray machine or mobile X-ray clinic.

It also proposed that the court tap government hospitals or other public medical facilities to conduct the examination.

Estrada is facing trial before the Sandiganbayan for plunder and graft over allegations that he received more than P573 million in kickbacks from government flood-control projects from 2024 to 2025.

The Office of the Ombudsman alleged that Estrada, former Public Works Secretary Manuel Bonoan and several others were involved in an ‘intricate mechanism involving illegal budgetary insertions and project allocations’ within the Department of Public Works and Highways’ infrastructure portfolio.

The Ombudsman said its evaluation of the records showed that ‘substantial public funds were deliberately funneled into designated infrastructure projects in exchange for pre-determined commission fees or kickbacks.’

Estrada has maintained that there is no strong evidence showing that he demanded or solicited kickbacks or ‘commitments’ from former DPWH Undersecretary Roberto Bernardo or his aide in connection with flood-control or other infrastructure projects.

A SUPREME Court challenge is likely whichever way the Senate Impeachment Court ultimately resolves the number of votes needed to convict Vice President Sara Z. Duterte, a House of Representatives prosecutor said.

Party-list Rep. Terry Ridon of Bicol Saro, a member of the House prosecution team, said the issue surrounding the conviction threshold remains unresolved despite previous statements from Impeachment Court officials.

He explained that whichever interpretation the Senate adopts-whether requiring 16 votes or a lower number-there is a possibility that the matter will eventually be brought before the Supreme Court.

‘Realistically, whatever decision may be reached, there will likely be someone who will go to the Supreme Court, whether we are talking about 16 votes or a lower number,’ Ridon said during a news forum.

He added that either side involved in the impeachment proceedings may seek judicial clarification depending on the final decision of the Senate Impeachment Court.

Ridon made the statement in response to a hypothetical situation where the Impeachment Court changes its interpretation of the constitutional requirement for a two-thirds vote and convicts Duterte with fewer than 16 votes.

However, he declined to speculate on how such a scenario would unfold, saying that the issue would only be addressed if it actually happens.

The Constitution provides that no person shall be convicted in an impeachment trial ‘without the concurrence of two-thirds of all the Members of the Senate.’ The Senate Impeachment Court had previously maintained that 16 votes are required to convict Duterte. Senators who have been affected by cases include Sen. Ronald dela Rosa, Sen. Jose Pimenel Ejercito alias Jinggoy Estrada and Sen. Rodante Marcoleta.

Ridon emphasized that the prosecution is not seeking a specific interpretation of the voting requirement and that the decision ultimately belongs to the senator-judges. He said the role of the prosecution is only to present its arguments and allow the impeachment court to determine the proper application of the constitutional provision.

When asked about concerns that Senate Impeachment Court Presiding Officer Senator Francis Escudero would continue to uphold the 16-vote requirement, Ridon said that different positions on the issue have already been expressed.

‘There have already been statements from various officials. The presiding officer has his position, and the spokesperson of the court has also provided clarification,’ Ridon said.

However, he noted that the matter may still be subject to further discussion, saying that the question of the proper interpretation of the requirement has not yet been completely settled.

Quorum

RIDON said that the absence of some senator-judges should not affect the impeachment proceedings as long as the Senate Impeachment Court maintains a quorum.

He explained that the trial can continue even if some senator-judges are not physically present on the Senate floor, provided they remain within the Senate premises and the required number of members is present to conduct official proceedings.

Ridon added that the greater concern involves senator-judges who are completely outside the Senate premises, including those who are abroad.

Despite these concerns, Ridon stressed that the most important consideration is whether the Senate impeachment court has enough members present to establish a quorum.

‘As long as there is a quorum to proceed, that shouldn’t have any impact on the proceedings itself,’ Ridon said.

Ridon also clarified that the prosecution is not asking the Senate to reduce or adjust the number of votes required for conviction because determining the threshold is a matter for the senator-judges.

‘It is not for the prosecution or defense to determine the threshold. It is for the Senate judges to make that determination,’ Ridon said.

He reiterated that the Constitution does not specifically mention an absolute number of 16 votes but instead states that conviction requires the concurrence of two-thirds of all senators.

‘The Constitution does not state an absolute number of 16. It states two-thirds of all senators. Whatever that provision means will be decided by the Senate judges,’ Ridon explained.

The Senate Impeachment Court previously ruled that 16 votes are required to convict Duterte.

DAMAGE to public and private infrastructure and farms during the onslaught of the recent storms Luis and Maymay, and Neneng, and aggravated by excessive rainfall from the prevailing southwest monsoon, have reached P6.6 billion, the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (NDRRMC) reported.

Of these, P4.9 billion damages was in public and private infrastructure, mainly to the 2,300 houses that were damaged by floods and landslides, and P1.7 billion was in agriculture.

The NDRRMC noted that the combined effect of storms Luis, Maymay and Neneng, and the southwest monsoon has severely affected almost the entire Luzon, with 89 cities and towns having been declared under a state of calamity.

Over 2.1 million families or 7.4 million persons were affected, with 11,900 families or 40,600 persons still being provided care in 549 different evacuation centers, the NDRRMC said.

According to the NDRRMC, the inclement weather that triggered flashfloods, severe flooding, and landslides claimed the lives of 29 people as of August 22.

Search and rescue operations are still ongoing for 3 other persons reported missing in Quezon, Manila, and Batangas City.

The government said it continues to assist affected families and has so far spent P1.1 billion.

Meanwhile, the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration (Pagasa) said that it is currently tracking Typhoon Saudel, which is now moving west-northwest over the Philippine Sea off extreme northern Luzon.

The typhoon was estimated to be some 2,085 kilometers east of extreme northern Luzon, packing maximum sustained winds of 165 kilometers per hour near the center, and gustiness of up to 206 kph.

The state weather bureau also said the southeast monsoon or habagat continued to affect Luzon on Sunday as two tropical systems outside the Philippine Area of Responsibility (PAR) are being tracked.

In its 4 a.m. bulletin, Pagasa said Batanes will experience occasional rains while

Metro Manila, Ilocos Region, Cordillera Administrative Region, Central Luzon, Rizal, Cavite, Batangas, Occidental Mindoro and the rest of Cagayan Valley will have cloudy skies with scattered rains and thunderstorms.

The rest of Luzon will experience partly cloudy to cloudy skies with isolated rain showers or thunderstorms due to habagat while the rest of the country will have partly cloudy to cloudy skies with isolated rain showers or thunderstorms due to localized thunderstorms.

Meanwhile, Pagasa continues to monitor Typhoon Saudel and Tropical Depression Gaenari, which are both outside of the PAR.

As of 3 a.m., Saudel was located 2,245 kilometers east of extreme northern Luzon packing maximum sustained winds of 175 kilometers per hour (kph) with gustiness of up to 215 kph, and moving west northwestward at 25 kph.

Gaenari, on the other hand, was located 565 km north of Itbayat, Batanes packing maximum sustained winds of 55 kph with gustiness of up to 70 kph, and moving westward at 10 kph.

ANOTHER big oil price increase awaits motorists and consumers this week.

The Department of Energy (DOE) said Monday that diesel prices will increase by as much as P2.31 per liter, gasoline by P1.08 per liter, and kerosene by P0.95 per liter. The estimated oil price adjustments were announced ahead of the oil firms’ official announcements.

The new pump prices will take effect on Tuesday, August 25.

‘This is what we call the permitted price adjustment. The adjustments of gasoline retailers tomorrow must not exceed these amounts,’ said Energy Undersecretary Mario Marasigan during a news conference.

Seaoil’s price movements are aligned with the DOE’s numbers except for kerosene which will increase by only P0.91 per liter. Other oil companies have yet to announce their fuel price adjustments.

Oil companies adjust their prices every week to reflect movements in the world oil market.

During a press briefing, the DOE also said that the country’s fuel inventory as of August 21 stood at 47 days. Of which, gasoline supply will last for 44 days; diesel, 47; kerosene, 121; jet fuel, 75; fuel oil, 54; and LPG, 34.

The government has implemented a P12-per-liter fuel discount for public utility vehicles (PUVs). The subsidy was increased from P10 per liter amid rising petroleum prices, allowing eligible public utility jeepney and UV Express drivers to claim their fuel benefits at more stations.

‘As of August 19, compared to August 12, the total budget for our fuel subsidy program has increased to P537 million. On average, the government is dispensing around P52 million in subsidies per week. This is being received by an increasing number of public utility drivers. We added around 2,000 drivers in just one week, bringing us to around 98,000 beneficiaries.

THE latest inflation numbers revealed the vulnerability of a number of provinces to oil shocks, according to a deputy governor of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP).

While headline inflation has come down to 6.2 percent in July, Zeno Ronald R. Abenoja, the Deputy Governor for the Monetary and Economics Sector of the BSP, emphasized that there is ‘unfortunately’ a wide distribution of inflation in the regions.

In Manila, Abenoja said inflation was around 5.5 percent in the past few months. However, in Central Visayas, he said the average inflation over the last three months spiked to over 10 percent.

Meanwhile, in the Mindanao region, the BSP deputy governor said inflation has been hovering around 8 to 9 percent in the past few months.

‘So there’s a lot of heterogeneity that we are observing,’ Abenoja said, adding the central bank’s observation that because transportation cost has increased ‘quite dramatically,’ that has affected some prices for food supply.

‘And this is something that the national government is looking at very carefully, making sure that the supply for food items remains adequate moving forward,’ added Abenoja.

The BSP official explained that some regions are performing ‘not as well’ as other regions because some are more oil-intensive than others, hence they suffer from faster increase in the prices of goods.

‘We’ve looked at, for example, Central Visayas. It’s a net importer of food and a lot of the commodities are either shipped or flown in from other islands,’ said Abenoja.

‘And because that’s an oil-intensive portion, or there’s a lot of oil and transport components in those commodities, then they get the adverse impact coming from that,’ the BSP deputy governor explained further.

As the central bank scrutinized the Mindanao region, Abenoja said the BSP found out that vegetables, meat, and cereals are what he described as ‘outliers,’ or commodities that posted ‘extraordinarily high’ inflation in the region.

‘So we ourselves are asking, what is really happening on the ground? Some of the feedback is that perhaps this is a food-producing region, but still it’s hit hard by oil prices,’ he said.

No control over anti-supply shocks measures

As he explained the central bank’s mandate, Abenoja stressed anew: ‘We do not do policies concerning directly such supply shocks.’

However, he said he heard from his colleagues in the government that they are bracing for the impact of oil shock, climate change, and the weather disturbance he dubbed as ‘Godzilla El Niño,’ which he said may be experienced for the remaining part of 2026 until early next year.

‘So if you can just recall the models, the models have recently updated their forecast and they seem to say that there’s a very good chance, at least 80 percent, that we will have a strong El Niño and the peak will be in the fourth quarter of this year and first quarter of next year. So again, that’s something that our government is looking at very carefully and has already started preparations [for]. So that hopefully can help mitigate the inflation pressures across regions, across the country,’ Abenoja said.

As for the other initiatives of the government, Abenoja said he heard that the government may be ‘looking at shifting the calendar for planting season, supporting water resources like irrigation, looking at drought-tolerant varieties of food, of crops, so that the food industry can maintain its productivity even in these adverse weather conditions.’

‘Risk factors’

During the Development Budget Coordination Committee (DBCC) briefing held last week, Abenoja said upcoming inflation forecasts of the central bank would have to take into account the recent ‘risk factors’ such as the recent global oil prices and the potential impact of El Niño, which may peak in the final quarter of 2026 until the first half of 2027.

BSP Governor Eli M. Remolona Jr. said during the same briefing last week: ‘We worry about inflation because it diminishes the purchasing power of Filipino families.’

While the central bank chief reported that inflation has eased somewhat over the last three months, he said inflation remains well above its target of 3 percent.

The Department of Agriculture (DA) is currently reviewing 19 project proposals that may be bankrolled by a competitiveness fund, which consists of fees and safeguard duties slapped on imported agricultural goods.

The DA recently confirmed to the BusinessMirror that it has received 19 proposals from farmers who are seeking to gain access to the competitiveness enhancement measures fund (CEMF).

Broken down, the agency said 14 projects came from coffee cooperatives, four from the poultry industry, and one from the onion sector.

The DA recently revised the guidelines for the implementation of the CEMF, which was created under Republic Act (RA) 8800 or the Safeguards Measures Act to boost local industries injured by the influx of imports.

Under Memorandum Circular (MC) 34, the CEMF will bankroll initiatives within the domestic agri-fishery industries affected by higher import volumes.

The DA retained the P50-million grant ceiling per project for every proponent, which will be disbursed in a staggered or milestone release following a memorandum of agreement (MOA) entered into by both parties.

The MOA should stipulate the terms, requiring the proponent to provide an equity contribution for the project, which could be given in the form of cash, labor, land for the project site, facilities, equipment, or a combination of these.

Under MC 34, however, the value of a proponent’s contribution would depend on the size of their assets.

For those whose assets do not exceed P3 million, their equity contribution should be 20 percent of project cost; more than P3 million to P15 million, 40 percent; over P15 million to P100 million, 60 percent; and more than P100 million, 85 percent. The DA will complete the required amount through grants.

‘The proposed counterpart contribution of the proponent shall be considered in the prioritization for the grant of the fund, taking into account the need to distribute the limited funds equitably,’ the circular read.

‘The amount of the request per proponent shall not exceed the value of their total assets, provided that the maximum amount that may be requested remains at P50 million.’

Eligible project proponents include registered cooperatives or associations of Filipino farmers and fisherfolk accredited by the DA, as well as registered agribusiness enterprises or corporations, preferably micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) in the farm sector.

The CEMF consists of 50 percent of earnings collected from fees, charges, and safeguard duties on imported goods.

Currently, the DA has P1.275 billion in its coffers to implement the projects that have been given the green light for implementation-P25 million under its 2026 General Appropriations Act (GAA) plus P1.25 billion from last year’s budget, based on government reports.

Industry sources noted that the fund, which they said stood at P5.16 billion as of 2024, comprises mostly of safeguard duties collected from shipments of imported coffee and poultry.

A resignation ordinarily ends a tenure. Three resignations may begin a reckoning. The leadership dispute within the Knights of Rizal’s Eastern USA Region has widened following the resignation of Regional Commander Dr. Emmanuel Malasig, KGOR, LM, amid allegations involving the unauthorized use of his digital signature in connection with a promotion recommendation.

Information subsequently provided to this writer indicates that Vicente Gesmundo, KCR, the Eastern Regional Deputy Pursuivant and younger brother of Chief Justice Alexander G. Gesmundo, and Mariano F. Aquino Jr., KGOR, LM, have likewise resigned from their regional posts. If so, the issue can no longer comfortably be regarded as an isolated disagreement among members abroad.

The resignations raise a more fundamental question: What has happened inside an organization devoted to the ideals of Jose Rizal when some of its own officers conclude that resignation is preferable to remaining in positions of leadership?

Malasig’s case is particularly disturbing because his allegations concern something more basic than rank or protocol. He alleges that his digital signature was placed on a recommendation for promotion without his authorization and that the recommendation proceeded without his endorsement as Regional Commander. He further alleges that, after questioning what happened, he came under pressure to allow the matter to pass.

Questions have previously been raised by members over the Order’s finances, trust funds, real-property tax obligations, accounting practices and contributions originating from overseas members. Complaints have likewise been made regarding the creation and admission of numerous chapters and their effect on elections within the organization.

Those allegations should be independently examined. The Knights of Rizal arose from an act of Congress, which gave the organization a legislative charter through Republic Act No. 646. The law converted the Order into a body corporate and politic and stated its purposes with unusual moral clarity: to study and propagate the teachings of Rizal, encourage Filipinos by words and deeds to emulate his example, promote patriotism and Rizalian chivalry, and develop unity among Filipinos in revering his memory.

That creates an extraordinary standard against which the Order must measure itself. An organization carrying Rizal’s name cannot credibly teach integrity outside its walls while leaving serious questions about integrity unanswered within them. It cannot preach courage while treating uncomfortable questions as disloyalty.

When one officer resigns, there may be a personal disagreement. When several responsible officers leave positions surrounding the same institutional controversy, the organization owes its membership an explanation of what produced the rupture. That does not establish guilt. It establishes the need for inquiry.

And perhaps this is where the controversy ceases to belong solely inside the Knights of Rizal. For the Order did not acquire its public character merely from tradition. Congress gave it one through Republic Act No. 646. That fact creates a legitimate legislative question without requiring senators to decide who should govern the organization or which faction is right.

Congress can ask whether the charter it enacted 75 years ago still contains sufficient safeguards for the institution it created. Does Republic Act No. 646 provide adequate mechanisms for transparency, financial accountability, democratic governance, protection of members’ rights and responsible stewardship of an organization carrying the name of Jose Rizal? That is where a Senate inquiry in aid of legislation acquires both purpose and restraint.

It would not begin by asking, ‘Who is guilty?’ It would begin with a more statesmanlike question: ‘What, if anything, in the law allowed these controversies to reach this point-and what must Congress change so they do not recur?’ That distinction could determine whether a Senate proceeding becomes political theater or institutional repair.

The inquiry should therefore begin with documents rather than accusations. Bring the audited financial statements, the trust-fund records, contributions and disbursements, chapter applications and approvals. Invite the present leadership. Invite the complaining members. Invite the resigned officers. And invite independent auditors, governance specialists and legal experts who have no stake in which group prevails.

Our national hero Jose Rizal spent much of his life exposing institutions that demanded reverence while resisting accountability. There would therefore be a terrible irony if an organization established to perpetuate his teachings were to respond to questions about itself by demanding silence instead of examination.

The resignations from America should consequently be read not merely as departures. They should be treated as an alarm. And the proper response to an alarm is not to punish the person ringing the bell. It is to find out why the bell had to be rung.