Category: Daily Financial Times

The 2nd Data Privacy and Protection Summit 2026, organised by the Daily FT and CICRA scheduled for 23 July 2026 at the Oak Room, Cinnamon Grand, is set to be the foremost gathering for data protection professionals, legal experts, and technology leaders in the country.

As data breaches grow more sophisticated, AI enablement takes center stage, and the enforcement of Sri Lanka’s Personal Data Protection Act (PDPA) draws nearer, this summit provides a vital platform to understand the evolving landscape of privacy, security, and compliance.

In a major development, Concentric AI, in partnership with local technology leader Orin Corporation, has come on board as the Strategic Partner for this year’s summit. Concentric AI is an advanced, AI-driven data security platform that autonomously discovers, classifies, and protects sensitive business data across cloud and on-premises environments, fast growing to be one of the leaders in AI Data Security and Governance. Orin Corporation, a trusted name in the local tech landscape, was a Strategic Partner during the inaugural Data Privacy and Protection Summit in 2025. Their continued collaboration with CICRA and DFT underscores a long-term commitment to elevating data protection standards in the region.

CICRA Group Director/CEO Boshan Dayaratne said: ‘We thank Orin Corporation for their unwavering trust in CICRA and DFT for the second successful year of partnership,’ said Dayaratne. ‘Today, AI-driven solutions are key factors in defending against cyber attacks. Humans cannot defend against AI-driven attacks without the support of AI. While attackers use AI, defenders must also evolve their AI to fight back. We invite everyone to attend the Summit on 23rd July to understand how organizations and Data Controllers can achieve PDPA compliance, especially as enforcement is soon approaching.’

Orin Corporation Chief Operating Officer Rehan Ariyaratne said: ‘Our contribution to this year’s summit goes beyond technology, it’s about empowering local businesses to stay ahead of the threat curve. By bringing Concentric AI to the forefront, we aim to demonstrate how we will protect our organisations key asset, data, in a world that is enabling and using AI at an ever growing pace. Participants at the summit will gain hands-on insights into deploying AI to defend against AI-powered threats, reduce data security threat surfaces, understand real world use cases of data risk management in an AI driven world, and walk away with actionable strategies to build a resilient, PDPA-ready compliance framework.’

Both Government institutions and private sector organisations have a shared responsibility in protecting citizen and customer data. With PDPA enforcement imminent, public sector data controllers and private enterprises alike must act now to avoid penalties, reputational damage, and security breaches. This summit offers a unique opportunity to learn from global AI-driven solutions like Concentric AI, understand regulatory obligations, and build a proactive defense strategy.

Zahira College Principal Trizviiy Marikkar this week set the record straight on integrity and recruitment policy of rugby players by the school.

Marikkar’s move follows what he described as ‘unfounded misinformation’ circulating on various social media platforms concerning the college. Misinformation also comes after stellar performance by Zahira todate in the on-going Schools Rugby League and ahead of a crucial match against Trinity on Saturday.

Clarifying the Rugby Player Recruitment Policy, the Zahira Principal said as an institution with a storied history in Sri Lanka sports, ‘we believe it is our duty to set the record straight and uphold the transparency that defines our sporting culture. Zahira College maintains a strict policy – We do not recruit or «import» players from other ‘A’ Division rugby-playing schools.’

‘Our philosophy is built on mutual respect for our fellow competitors. We believe that every ‘A’ Division school works hard to develop its talent, and we have no intention of disturbing or hindering the growth of these institutions by poaching their players. We stand by the principle that the health of Sri Lankan rugby depends on the stability of all its top-tier programs. Thus, we believe that winning a match with imported players is a sad state of affairs in sports,’ Marikkar said, adding Zahira ‘takes immense pride in its current First XV squad.’

To clarify the scale of Zahira’s internal development, the Principal said 99% of Zahira’s current team consists of home-grown talent. ‘These are students who have risen through our own junior ranks, embodying the Zahira spirit from a young age. Our success on the field is a result of years of internal coaching, dedication, and the loyalty of our own students,’ he said.

When Zahira College does engage in external recruitment, it is done with a clear philanthropic and developmental purpose. We offer scholarships to talented athletes from remote areas or ‘C’ Division schools. These recruitments are conducted with full transparency and the explicit consent of all parties involved. For these players, a Zahira scholarship is more than just a spot on a team; it is a life-changing opportunity to access high-quality education and professional sports training that might otherwise be out of reach.

‘We refuse to win matches at the expense of a student’s future. To us, a trophy is temporary, but an education and a disciplined character last a lifetime,’ Zaid Principal Marikkar.

He urged the general public, Zahira alumni, and the rugby community to disregard the misinformation currently being circulated.

‘Zahira rugby remains committed to the highest standards of sportsmanship, ethical recruitment, and holistic development of the youth of Sri Lanka. We continue to groom sportsmen who will graduate as responsible educated citizens of our nation,’ Marikkar emphasised.

The District Court of Colombo has recently issued an enjoining order against the former Minister and Member of Parliament Wimal Weerawansa on an application preferred by The Kingsbury PLC.

The Kingsbury PLC set out in the plaint that, it is one of the most prominent and well-known luxury hotels in Sri Lanka having a long-standing presence in the hospitality industry in Colombo and a reputation within both Sri Lanka and internationally. The plaint further included that the company’s board of directors consists of esteemed individuals in the country. It was further set out that The Kingsbury was originally constructed in the early 1970s and opened in or about the year 1973 as the Ceylon Inter-Continental, which at the time was the first five-star hotel in Colombo The hotel was rebranded and reopened in or around January 2013 following a major refurbishment and development under the name ‘The Kingsbury’. It was also set out that the reputation and goodwill attached to The Kingsbury constitutes a valuable commercial asset of The Kingsbury PLC and form and integral part of its business operations.

The Kingsbury PLC in its Plaint stated that, against this backdrop, Wimal Weerawansa, in or around February 2026, directly and/or indirectly referred to the Kingsbury PLC through various social media platforms and made statements of a defamatory nature. The Kingsbury PLC further alleged that Wimal Weerawansa, either expressly or by innuendo, identified the Kingsbury PLC and, through the publication of such defamatory statements, damaged the reputation of The Kingsbury PLC. In particular, it is alleged that Wimal Weerawansa disseminated a video containing the said statements across several social media platforms, thereby causing further harm to the Company’s reputation.

Following Weerawansa’s failure to respond to a Letter of Demand from The Kingsbury PLC seeking Rs. 1 billion in damages and requiring him to cease and desist from his wrongful conduct, the Company instituted proceedings in the District Court of Colombo and upon support, the District Judge of Colombo issued an Enjoining Order restraining the Defendant from republishing, rebroadcasting, publicising, distributing or circulating the said video.

The matter is to be called in Court on 22 June 2026.

The Plaintiff Kingsbury PLC was represented by M. A. Sumanthiran President’s Counsel with Lakshmanan Jeyakumar Attorney-at-Law and Gayani Wickramarathne Attorney-at-Law instructed by R. Moahan Balendra Attorney-at-Law.

There is cautious optimism in the past few days that the peace treaty between the US and Iran would lead to a de-escalation of the situation in the Middle East/Gulf region and the opening of the Straits of Hormuz, a lifeline for the world’s shipping ways.

The framework of a peace deal between the US and Iran has been reached, US President Donald Trump and senior Iranian officials said on Monday, putting the entire world at ease. The reopening of the Strait of Hormuz would depend on the signing of an initial memorandum of understanding on Friday, which Pakistan, acting as mediator, said would take place in Geneva.

Much of the success of a peace deal would depend on Israel which continues to attack Lebanon, even though Iran insists that there can be no peace unless Israel ceases these attacks.

This conflict has particularly hurt countries such as Sri Lanka which depend heavily on oil imports from the region and on the expatriate workers in the region whose inward remittances are crucial for the economy.

Since the start of the war in February, Sri Lanka has seen a rapid rise in oil prices while its tourism sector too has been hit due to the disruption of airline services through aviation hubs such as Dubai, Doha and Abu Dhabi.

Sri Lanka has done its best to remain neutral during the conflict trying to juggle US/Israel interests and balancing relations with Iran and the Gulf region nations. Since the inception of the conflict the Government has called for restraint and dialogue and use of diplomatic initiatives to de-escalate the tense situation. It is the best the country can do given that all these nations are important for Sri Lanka and the country cannot afford to fall foul of any of them.

More than a million Lankans are employed in the region and while their safety and security have been of concern, almost all of them have chosen to remain in these countries hoping for a quick resolution to the conflict.

That a majority of Sri Lankans have chosen to remain in their jobs in the conflict hit region shows a hard truth. People will not give up a lucrative job and return to the country knowing they would be hard-pressed to find proper employment here. For many Sri Lankans who have lived through years of violence and now work in the region, the random Iranian missiles coming in may not cause too much worry and hence their decision to brave the hard times.

The Government on its part will be relieved that the foreign remittances from the Sri Lankan workers have not been impacted by the crisis.

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) said that the country received $847 million in workers’ remittances in May 2026, marking a 32% increase compared to the $641.7 million received in May 2025.

According to a CBSL report, the May 2026 figure is the second-highest monthly remittance recorded in the country’s history, behind the record $879.1 million received in December 2025. During the first five months of 2026, Sri Lanka earned $3.9 billion in remittances, up 26% from the $3.10 billion recorded during the same period last year. The highest number of remittances this year came from the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

So while Sri Lanka can be thankful that its citizens are doing their part to assist the country’s economy, the world as a whole is hoping that the US-Iran agreement will see a permanent end to hostilities and more engagement to iron out the issues that have prevented peace between Iran, the US and much of Europe for decades.

The Court of Appeal (CA) has set aside a Right to Information (RTI) Commission order directing the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) to disclose detailed Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) Government securities transaction data, ruling that disclosure of the information would harm the Fund’s competitive position and falls within an exemption under the RTI Act.

In a judgement delivered on 26 March, the Court allowed an appeal by the CBSL and overturned a 27 November 2018 RTI Commission order that had directed disclosure of certain EPF Government securities transaction details sought by Verité Research under the

RTI Act.

The case arose from RTI applications submitted by Verité Research in 2017 seeking information relating to the management and investment activities of the EPF, including details of Government securities transactions undertaken by the Fund between January 2015 and 30 April 2017.

The requested information included dates of purchase, issue dates, International Securities Identification Numbers (ISINs), coupon rates, yields to maturity, face values, purchase costs, prices, and counterparties relating to primary and secondary market transactions in Government securities.

The Court noted that the EPF, which manages assets exceeding Rs. 3 trillion and serves approximately 2.8 million active members, is a major participant in the Government securities market, accounting for around 50% of the Treasury Bond market.

The RTI Commission had previously directed the disclosure of transaction details relating to purchase dates, issue dates, ISIN numbers, coupon rates, yields to maturity, face values, and purchase costs relating to the relevant period.

However, the Court accepted the CBSL’s argument that disclosure of such information could reveal the EPF’s investment strategies and bidding patterns in the Government securities market, potentially placing the Fund at a competitive disadvantage.

The judgement stated that information relating to the EPF’s participation in Treasury Bond auctions could reveal preferred investment tenors, allocation patterns, and bidding behaviour, enabling other market participants to infer future investment strategies and potentially outbid the Fund in subsequent auctions. The Court noted that this could adversely affect returns earned by the EPF on behalf of its members.

Accordingly, the Court held that disclosure of the requested information would harm the EPF’s competitive position and therefore falls within the exemption provided under Section 5(1)(d) of the RTI Act relating to commercially sensitive information.

Rejecting the RTI Commission’s findings, the Court said the CBSL had provided sufficient reasons to justify its refusal to disclose the information and that the Commission had erred in determining that the public interest in disclosure outweighed the potential harm arising from its release.

The Court also observed that the EPF Act already provides mechanisms for transparency through annual investment statements disclosing the face value, purchase price, and market value of investments, together with oversight by the Auditor General and Parliament.

The judgement further held that the RTI Commission had exceeded the scope of its powers by directing disclosure of information protected under statutory exemptions contained in the RTI Act. Accordingly, the Court set aside the Commission’s order and allowed the appeal.

A group of former depositors of Industrial Finance Ltd., now operating as Lanka Credit and Business Finance PLC (LCBF), has renewed calls for regulatory intervention, claiming they suffered substantial losses after deposits converted into shares during a restructuring exercise were subsequently diluted and listed at significantly lower values.

The depositors, who invested in fixed deposits before the collapse of Industrial Finance Ltd., contend that a Central Bank-backed restructuring implemented in 2011 and 2012 required them to convert part of their deposits into equity. They claim that while those shares were originally issued at a value of Rs. 10 each, subsequent corporate actions and the eventual stock market listing eroded much of that value.

According to the 2011/12 Annual Report of then City Finance Corporation Ltd., formerly Industrial Finance Ltd, 50% of deposit liabilities were converted into new fixed deposits while the remaining 50%, together with unpaid interest, was converted into non-voting shares as part of a restructuring program approved by the Monetary Board of the Central Bank.

The depositors argue that the value of those holdings was severely diminished when the company undertook a private placement and share consolidation ahead of its listing on the Colombo Stock Exchange in 2021.

Documents submitted by the depositors show that during an Extraordinary General Meeting in March 2021, representatives of the depositors objected to a proposal to issue 741.4 million new shares at 40 cents each, arguing that the original shares issued to depositors reflected deposit values converted at Rs. 10 per share.

Minutes of the meeting show a representative of the Depositors’ Association stating that members would incur losses under the proposed structure because their shares had been issued against deposits at Rs. 10 per share.

LCBF, however, has rejected suggestions that shareholders were treated unfairly. In a 2023 response to concerns raised by depositors, the company said it acquired a 72.39% stake in the then City Finance Corporation in 2018 with approval from the Monetary Board and that the company had a negative net asset value per share of Rs. 0.76 at the time. It said subsequent capital infusions of nearly Rs. 2 billion, profit retention and a reduction of stated capital improved the net asset value to a positive Rs. 0.40 per share by the time of listing.

The company further stated that all non-voting shares were converted into voting shares following approval from both shareholders and the Central Bank at an Extraordinary General Meeting held in September 2020.

The dispute highlights the lingering grievances of depositors affected by the collapse and restructuring of several finance companies more than a decade ago, with former Industrial Finance depositors now seeking fresh discussions with regulators and company management regarding compensation and the treatment of their equity holdings.

India ‘A’ overcame their Super Over loss to Sri Lanka ‘A’ by producing a strong batting performance to register a mammoth 101-run win over Afghanistan A in their final league fixture of the ‘A’ team One-Day Tri-Series played at the Rangiri Dambulla Cricket Stadium yesterday to significantly boost their chances of reaching the final.

Asked to bat first, India ‘A’ posted 319-9, powered by half-centuries from Priyansh Arya, Tilak Varma and Kumar Kushagra. Afghanistan ‘A’ played well in spurts but failed to build any momentum, eventually falling well short getting all out for 218.

Afghanistan ‘A’ play host Sri Lanka ‘A’ in the final league game on 19 June at the same venue needing to win and overturn a near-impossible net run-rate deficit.

After a drama-filled encounter against Sri Lanka ‘A’ that ended in a Super Over defeat, India ‘A’ made a few changes. Prabhsimran Singh was left out, with Arya promoted to open alongside Vaibhav Sooryavanshi. The pair added 75 runs in just eight overs. Sooryavanshi, who had to contend with non-cricketing issues in the lead-up to the game, made an unusually scratchy 38 off 28 balls.

At the other end, Arya was fluent from the outset and timed the ball beautifully racing to a 34-ball half-century, striking eight fours and a six. However, he was unable to convert the start into a bigger score, falling for 58 off 42 balls. India ‘A’ then lost Ruturaj Gaikwad shortly after another promising start – 30 off 31 balls.

Kumar Kushagra, ensured there was no middle-order wobble. He joined captain Tilak Varma for a risk-free 104-run partnership off 122 balls that steadied the innings and laid the foundation for a strong finish. Kushagra struck five boundaries in his 67-ball 58, while Tilak was more measured in compiling 59 off 75 deliveries (5 fours). India ‘A’ also benefited from a handy 41-run stand off 29 balls for the seventh wicket, with Vipraj Nigam contributing a brisk 30 off 20 balls.

Afghanistan ‘A’ began brightly in the chase, with captain Imran Mir leading the charge through a 27-ball 32. However, they were unable to maintain the momentum and lost three wickets inside the first 10 overs despite keeping the required rate under control.

Faisal Shinozada and Bahir Shah revived the innings with an 87-run partnership off 89 balls that briefly raised hopes of a comeback. But Anukul Roy broke the stand by dismissing Shinozada four runs short of a half-century.

Bahir Shah reached his fifty (57 off 52 balls, 4 fours, 1 six) but could not push on. His dismissal effectively ended Afghanistan ‘A’s hopes as India ‘A’ tightened their grip on the contest and closed out the game without much trouble. Left-arm spinner Nishant Sindhu finished with 4/31 as Afghanistan ‘A’ were bowled out with 13.1 overs remaining. – [ST]

Scores:

India ‘A’ 319-9 (50) (Priyansh Arya 58, Vaibhav Sooriyavanshi 38, Ruturaj Gaikwad 30, Tilak Varma 59, Kumar Kushagra 58, Nishant Sindhu 21*, Vipraj Nigam 30, Faridoon Dawoodzai 2/74, Abdullah Ahmadzai 2/62, Farmanullah Safi 2/62)

Afghanistan ‘A’ 218 (36.5) (Imran Mir 32, Faisal Shinozada 46, Bahir Shah 57, Yash Thakur 2/48, Nishant Sindhu 4/31)

Lakarcade, Sri Lanka’s leading destination for authentic gifts and souvenirs, proudly announces its official appointment as a National Entity Member of the World Crafts Council AISBL (WCC-International).

This prestigious membership elevation follows a rigourous review conducted by the WCC AISBL Membership Sub-Committee and formal endorsement by the WCC AISBL Board.

The appointment marks a significant milestone for Lakarcade in its continued mission to preserve Sri Lanka’s cultural heritage and promote handmade excellence on the global stage. As a National Entity Member, Lakarcade joins an elite international network of craft practitioners, designers, cultural institutions, and advocates dedicated to advancing traditional and contemporary crafts worldwide.

Lakarcade CEO and Managing Director Anil Koswatte said: ‘This elevation to National Entity Member status is a landmark achievement for our organisation and for the Sri Lankan craft industry as a whole. It reinforces our commitment to uplifting artisan communities and ensures that the craftsmanship of our rural masters is recognised and celebrated within a global framework. We look forward to actively engaging in the Council’s future initiatives to create a sustainable future for handmade excellence.’

WCC AISBL Secretariat Deputy Secretary General and Treasurer Girija Sudhakaran, officially welcomed Lakarcade to the organisation, noting that the application was approved following a comprehensive evaluation process.

‘We greatly appreciate your interest in contributing to the dialogue between material culture, heritage, and contemporary practice – a vision that aligns closely with the mission and values of WCC AISBL,’ Sudhakaran stated.

Through this membership, Lakarcade will actively contribute to global craft development initiatives by

participating in international initiatives aimed at safeguarding traditional craft techniques and cultural heritage aiming at preserving traditions. Further, Lakarcade focuses on uplifting artisans through collaborating on programs that empower local artisan communities and promote sustainable livelihoods and increasing global engagement through representing Sri Lanka at international forums while participating in global exhibitions, events, and knowledge-sharing platforms.

This announcement follows Lakarcade’s recent participation at the 2nd Edition of the World Crafts Forum held in Kuwait City from 1 to 3 February, 2026. The forum, themed ‘Connecting the World, Shaping the Future,’ focused on the role of crafts in the creative economy and socio-economic resilience.

Lakarcade remains committed to its vision of ‘Preserving Heritage’ and looks forward to the collaborative opportunities this international partnership will create in showcasing the finest Sri Lankan craftsmanship to the world.

In 2024, endurance swimmers Bharat Sachdeva and Shaaswat Sharma completed a historic 32-kilometre open-water swim across the Palk Strait, crossing from Talaimannar in Sri Lanka to Dhanushkodi in India. Completed in 10 hours and 30 minutes, the expedition was far more than an extraordinary athletic feat. It symbolised resilience, friendship, and the enduring cultural ties that connect two neighbouring nations.

During their recent visit to Sri Lanka as part of the ‘Bridging Oceans, Building Bonds’ initiative, the duo spoke to Daily FT about the inspiration behind their journey, the challenges they overcame and the lessons they hope will inspire future generations to dream bigger, persevere through adversity and build connections beyond borders.

Q: What inspired you to undertake the Ram Setu/Palk Strait swim expedition?

Bharat Sachdeva: One of the biggest inspirations was our desire to contribute positively to society. We strongly believe in the idea that the world is one family and that humanity should not be divided by borders, differences, or conflicts. We wanted to do something meaningful that reflected those values.

Shaaswat Sharma: For us, this swim was much more than a sporting challenge. It was an opportunity to promote friendship, peace and connection between people. We wanted to use our abilities as athletes to communicate a larger message of unity.

Q: Why did you specifically choose the Ram Setu route?

Bharat Sachdeva: The establishment of the Ram Mandir in 2024 was a significant moment and it inspired us to think about how we could make our own contribution in a positive way. The Ram Setu route carries deep cultural and historical significance.

Shaaswat Sharma: Many iconic swimming challenges around the world have been attempted numerous times. The Palk Strait remained a unique and relatively unexplored endurance challenge. We felt it was an opportunity to take on something meaningful while highlighting a route that connects Sri Lanka and India.

Q: How long did you prepare for the expedition?

Shaaswat Sharma: Specifically for this challenge, our preparation lasted close to a year. However, our foundation comes from many years of open-water swimming and endurance sports.

Bharat Sachdeva: The final swim was really just the result day. People see the achievement, but they do not see the months of preparation behind it. Like preparing for an examination, the real work happens long before the final day arrives.

Q: What did your training program involve?

Bharat Sachdeva: Every part of the body has to be prepared for a challenge like this. We focused on strengthening our shoulders, back, core and overall endurance through a very systematic training program.

Shaaswat Sharma: We trained for four to five hours every day. The program included swimming sessions, treadmill workouts, yoga, breathing exercises, strength training, visualisation and mental conditioning. Endurance swimming is as much a mental challenge as a physical one.

Q: Were there moments when you doubted whether the swim could be completed?

Shaaswat Sharma: Absolutely. Just two to three weeks before the expedition, I suffered a serious foot injury. The MRI showed a significant tear and doctors advised me not to put weight on it. Naturally, I was worried because we had invested so much time and effort into preparing for the swim.

Bharat Sachdeva: It was a stressful period, but we reminded ourselves that setbacks are part of any major challenge. We focused on staying calm, following medical advice and dealing with the situation one day at a time.

Q: What was the toughest moment during the actual expedition?

Shaaswat Sharma: Ironically, one of the toughest moments came before we even entered the water. The night before the swim, rough weather created heavy turbulence at sea. Our support vessel was rocking throughout the night.

Bharat Sachdeva: None of us could sleep. We had planned our nutrition carefully, but everyone was suffering from motion sickness. We were vomiting, unable to eat and unable to rest.

Shaaswat Sharma: The next morning we had to begin the swim despite being exhausted. At that point our mindset became very simple: one stroke at a time, one step at a time.

Q: How different is swimming in the ocean compared to training in a pool?

Bharat Sachdeva: The difference is enormous. In a swimming pool, conditions are controlled and predictable. In the ocean, you are dealing with currents, waves, heat, salt water and uncertainty.

Shaaswat Sharma: There were stretches where we swam for seven to eight hours under difficult conditions. You cannot fully prepare for that in a pool. The ocean constantly challenges you physically and mentally.

Q: Was there a particular moment during the swim that will stay with you forever?

Shaaswat Sharma: Yes. At one point our support team suddenly signaled for us to stop. We thought something was wrong. Instead, they told us to look towards a Sri Lankan Navy vessel nearby.

When we turned around, all the sailors were standing on deck applauding us and cheering us on. It was an incredibly emotional moment and gave us a huge boost.

Q: What was it like reaching the finish line?

Bharat Sachdeva: As we approached the shore, we could see our friends, families and supporters waiting for us with flags. After spending so many hours in the water, seeing them was a powerful feeling.

Shaaswat Sharma: Many local residents had gathered as well. They were curious about who we were and where we had come from. When we stepped onto the shore, we were welcomed warmly and honoured with garlands. It was a proud moment because we felt the journey had a larger purpose beyond sport.

Q: How do you define resilience?

Shaaswat Sharma: Resilience is the ability to keep going even when your body and mind are telling you to stop. It is recognising doubts and fears but choosing not to be controlled by them.

Bharat Sachdeva: There will always be uncertainty. There will always be challenges. The key is continuing despite them. That is what resilience means to us.

Q: Where do you find motivation?

Shaaswat Sharma: We read a lot. We are inspired by people who have achieved excellence in different fields, whether it is sport, art, business or science.

Bharat Sachdeva: One of my favourite stories is about Pablo Picasso. A woman once asked him to draw her portrait. He spent just a few minutes sketching it and then charged a large amount of money. When she questioned him, Picasso replied that he was not charging for the few minutes he spent drawing, but for the years it took him to learn how to do it in a few minutes.

That story reminds us that people often see the result but rarely see the years of effort behind it.

Q: What does ‘Bridging Oceans, Building Bonds’ mean to you?

Shaaswat Sharma: It is both literal and symbolic. We physically bridged an ocean, but we also wanted to bridge the perceived separation between people.

An ocean is often viewed as something that divides countries. We wanted to show that it can also be something that connects them.

Bharat Sachdeva: At the end of the day, we all seek the same things-peace, happiness, purpose and human connection. We breathe the same air, drink the same water and share the same planet. There is far more that unites us than divides us.

Q: How can sport help strengthen the relationship between India and Sri Lanka?

Bharat Sachdeva: Sport has a unique ability to bring people together. It creates friendships, conversations and understanding that go beyond borders.

Shaaswat Sharma: Look at cricket. Whenever India and Sri Lanka compete, there is enormous excitement and interaction between people from both countries. Sport creates bonds that politics and geography sometimes cannot.

We hope our expedition contributes, in a small way, to strengthening those people-to-people connections.

Q: What message would you like young people to take away from your journey?

Shaaswat Sharma: Never underestimate what can be achieved through consistency. Small efforts repeated every day can lead to extraordinary outcomes.

Bharat Sachdeva: Dream big, but be willing to work hard. As Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam said, ‘Whatever your mind can conceive and believe, it can achieve.’ If our story inspires even one young person to challenge themselves and believe in their potential, then the journey has been worthwhile.

Q: Finally, what would you like people to remember about this expedition?

Bharat Sachdeva: That we have far more in common than what separates us.

Shaaswat Sharma: The ocean may separate our shores, but it does not separate our humanity. If we can build understanding, friendship and respect across that distance, then we are already building stronger bonds for future generations.

As their ‘Bridging Oceans, Building Bonds’ initiative continues, Sachdeva and Sharma hope their story will encourage more young people to embrace challenges, pursue excellence and recognise the power of sport as a force for unity. Their journey across the Palk Strait may have concluded on the shores of Dhanushkodi but the message behind it continues to resonate on both sides of the ocean: that perseverance, friendship and shared humanity can bridge even the widest of distances.

The assertion in Parliament by the Prime Minister, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, that ‘There is little point in merely holding elections if the necessary criteria for democracy are absent within the electoral system” is sinister and can be recycled in the foreseeable future by the JVP-NPP’s steamroller Parliamentary majority to attempt deferment of the Presidential and Parliamentary elections too, reloading the excuse that “The PR system, which has contributed to corruption within the country’s political culture, must be changed.’

The quote is from the PM’s authoritative reply to a question raised by Ravi Karunanayake, MP, on the holding of the long-delayed Provincial Council election. His query came in the wake of the Attorney-General presenting a menu of possible options to hold the election, among them a one-time-only election under the pre-existing system of undiluted Proportional Representation, which would be the most expeditious, kick-starting the PC system back into life, while permitting the parallel formulation and passage of a new electoral law by Parliament.

Brusquely rejecting this option, Prime Minister Amarasuriya kicked the can down the road as far as it could possibly go and further than we can glimpse. She specified the need for a new election law which would dilute the existing system of Proportional Representation (PR), introducing ‘constituency-based representation’-which inevitably entails delimitation-and inserting quotas for youth and women. English-language dailies reported it pithily: ‘PM declares PC polls only under New Electoral System’.

‘Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya on Wednesday (10) said Provincial Council elections will be held only after a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on electoral reforms submits its recommendations, arguing that conducting polls under the existing electoral system would perpetuate structural flaws and administrative challenges.

Responding to questions raised by New Democratic Front MP Ravi Karunanayake during Parliament’s Question Hour, the Prime Minister said the Government was committed to holding elections but wanted to ensure they were conducted under a reformed and more representative electoral framework.

‘We cannot adapt democracy according to our needs. Elections will be held once the Parliamentary Select Committee on electoral matters submits its recommendations and draft report,’ she said.

Amarasuriya noted that the electoral system under which Provincial Council elections should be conducted remains a contentious issue and warned that proceeding under the old framework could create governance and administrative difficulties.

She said the existing system fails to ensure adequate representation for women and youth, does not allow for the election of constituency-based representatives, and retains the preferential voting mechanism, which she described as a contributor to corruption within the political system.

‘If Provincial Council elections are conducted under the old electoral system, we will be unable to address longstanding concerns regarding representation and electoral integrity,’ she said.

…Amarasuriya called for cross-party support for electoral reforms, saying Sri Lanka needed a modern electoral system that reflects current democratic requirements and strengthens public confidence in the political process.’ (https://dailyexpress.lk/comments/35160/)

The PM’s declaration means that the right of the exercise of universal franchise to choose representatives to an important third tier of the island’s four-tier political system, is further suspended open-endedly, in effect indefinitely.

The most important structural reform of the Sri Lankan State, decentralising to some degree the over-concentration of power in an executive Presidential system-which, though superior to the previous Westminster model, lacks the separation and balance of power afforded by the US Constitution-stands suspended or reversed. The Sri Lankan political system is back to the hyper-centralisation of power that existed before provincial-level devolution in 1988.

Worse still is the impact on the island’s oldest political problem which goes back before Independence to the early decades of the 20th century. That is the issue of nation-building, also known as the ‘ethnic issue’. The system of Provincial Councils is the application of the principle of devolution of power from the centre to the periphery, thereby affording a measure of self- administration as a solution to or melioration of the Tamil ethnonational question. The open-ended delay in holding elections to the Provincial Councils continues to keep in suspended animation the popularly elected provincial legislatures and therefore reduces the devolution of power to the provinces and their people, to zero.

The answer of devolution/autonomy to the Tamil National Question, given through the All-Parties Conference (APC) of 1984, the Political Parties Conference (PPC) of mid-1986 and the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord plus the 13th Amendment of 1987, has been silenced, de-activated. Devolution survived a Thirty Years War and a second Southern Civil War as a structural-reformist solution which also widened and deepened democracy. Unless and until Provincial elections are held, the actual existence of devolved Provincial Councils with elected representatives dating back to 1988, ceases. The entire discussion regarding devolution within the Sri Lankan State and with the Sri Lankan State by India and the international community which dates back to late-1983/1984, has ceased.

The non-existence of the elected Provincial Councils creates a political vacuum which is particularly dangerous given the sentiments expressed on Sri Lanka and its Tamil citizens by a mercurial Chief Minister across a strip of water in Tamil Nadu.

Given the prolonged absence of elected Provincial Councils with democratic Tamil representation, it is little wonder that we are witnessing many more street demonstrations on grievances, and manifestations of pro-Prabhakaran, pro-Tamil Eelam sentiments that have been marginal in the post-war years until Anura’s Presidency.

At a time when the Tamil Diaspora in Western democracies is making significant political advances of a pro-secessionist, anti-Sri Lankan character, the AKD administration has deprived the State of the ‘shield’ of counter-argument that Sri Lanka already has significant Provincial-level devolution to elected legislative bodies.

Open-ended deferment takes us back decades to a more constricted political and State system: the combination of an unchecked, unbalanced Presidency (unlike the USA) and a unitary State minus devolution. How then to address and alleviate long-standing identity-based collective Tamil sentiments?

In terms of democracy/authoritarianism, it also returns us to the 1970s when the United Front Government, possessing a two-thirds Parliamentary majority (as does the JVP-NPP administration), decided not to hold elections to Municipal and other local authorities, appointing a Special Commissioner instead for years. Currently the de facto suspension is not of the elected Municipal bodies but elected Provincial bodies (which didn’t exist in the 1970s). The principle is the same, and so will be the political, electoral and civic-legal consequences down the road. No Government in Sri Lanka or anywhere in the world is known to have benefited by shutting down or keeping shut the system’s electoral safety-valves. The longer the shut-down, the greater the blowback.

Secessionist-federalism

Writing in these pages, independent researcher Praharshini Dias has convincingly argued that my critique of SJV Chelvanayakam’s declaration of federalism as a premature, ill-considered overreaction to the earliest post-Independence manifestation of Sinhala hegemonism, is overly charitable and that Chelvanayakam overtly advocated secession-a separate, independent State for the Tamils-even before Independence in 1948.

Praharshini Dias writes:

‘…On 26 November 1947, during one of the earliest sessions of the State Council under the Soulbury constitution, the newly elected member for Kankesanthurai, S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, raised the idea of secession in his remarks. He stated that the Tamils of Jaffna had the right to secede from Ceylon and suggested that, if they wished, such a move could even take place with India’s support.

Addressing the council on 26 November 1947, C. Suntheralingam revealed that Chelvanayakam had previously spoken at public rallies in Jaffna about seceding from Ceylon and even forming a federation with Tamil-speaking regions of India (Hansard 1947: 131).

Chelvanayakam initially denied these claims, but when evidence was presented – specifically his speeches published in the Times of Ceylon on 17 November 1947 – he did not continue the denial.

…Chelvanayakam…went on to question why, if Ceylon sought the right to secede from the British Empire, the Tamil people should not also have the right to secede from the rest of the country if they so desired.

‘…If Ceylon is fighting for the right to secede from the British Empire, why should not the Tamil people, if they feel like it, secede from the rest of the country?’

…It was also disclosed by other members in the [State] Council that Chelvanayakam had expressed willingness to even give the Trincomalee harbour to Nehru.

Gate Mudaliyar Kariapper, a member of the Eastern Province, joining the debate said (Hansard 1947: 316), ‘…Sir, the hon. Member for Kankesanturai, speaking at a meeting in celebration of the birthday of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru almost gave the Harbour of Trincomalee as a birthday present to the Pandit…’

…As the Times of Ceylon news item dated to 17 Nov, 1947 said, instead of the British made Ceylonese constitution, Chelvanayakam wanted a federal form of Government with the right to secede…’

(https://www.ft.lk/opinion/A-comment-on-Dayan-Jayatilleka-s-The-Federalist-fantasy-Tamil-political-tragedy-Lankan-political-history/14-792528)

Shockingly, there is a Chelvanayakam-AKD-Ranil-Harsha continuum:

I. What SJV Chelvanayakam treacherously suggested without the power to enact, namely giving Trincomalee harbour as a gift to India’s Prime Minister Nehru, President Anura Dissanayake seems to have pretty much suggested regarding Trincomalee-Mannar to India’s Prime Minister Modi.

II.Chelvanayakam’s idea of Northern Tamil secession from Ceylon and federation with India’s Tamil provinces will be facilitated not only by AKD’s undisclosed agreements with India including the Trincomalee-Mannar footprint, but also the Ranil Wickremesinghe-Milinda Moragoda-Harsha de Silva plan of economic integration and physical connectivity of Sri Lanka’s North with Tamil Nadu.

Praharshini Dias’ research confirms my long-standing opposition to federalism, de jure or de facto, whether it is attempted by the ITAK and other Tamil parties; sought though a ‘surge’ by Vardarajahperumal’s North East Provincial Council (from which I resigned in six months); contained in President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s 1995 and 1997 ‘political packages’; or implicit in Ranil Wickremesinghe and the ITAK’s draft of a new non-unitary Constitution during the Yahapalanaya Government.

This is also why Sri Lanka must resist slippery attempts to drop the explicitly unitary character of the State, substituting the term ‘united’ instead-which the ITAK got CBK’s SLFP and Ranil’s UNP to agree to, and Mangala Samaraweera and Eran Wickremaratne smuggled into Sajith’s Presidential manifesto in Nov 2019. (Mahinda Rajapaksa brandished the first printing before Sajith and Champika spotted and withdrew it, issuing a revised version).

Strategically sustainable State

The 13th Amendment was instantly criticised by TULF leader Appapillai Amirthalingam in a letter to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in late-1987 and never accepted even postwar (2011) as the framework or baseline of a solution by his successor R Sampanthan, proving that the powers granted to the Provincial Councils by the 13th amendment were by no means tantamount to federalism nor convertible into federalism, let alone a separate state.

The 13th amendment was a very different animal from federalism. It belonged to the well-known category from China and Vietnam to the Philippines and Spain, of ethnic autonomy/devolution within a unitary State.

SWRD Bandaranaike was correct when he observed in 1926 that no country with the diverse composition and configuration of Ceylon could be sustainably managed under a centralised unitary State. His 1957 pact with SJV Chelvanayakam prefigured the pattern of the 13th Amendment two decades later: semi-autonomous ‘regional councils’ within a non-federal (unitary) State.

The problem is strategic and conceptual. What are the boundaries that we, the majority of citizens, seek for the State we live in? Which boundaries would serve Sri Lanka’s interest best? Clearly, it should be a sState with borders identical with our natural geographic boundaries, i.e., the totality of this island and its waters.

We could sustain a State with natural borders only if we realise that it is NOT a State organised on or corresponding to the principle of linguistic, ethnolinguistic or ethnoreligious borders. The composition of Ceylon/Sri Lanka is not one in which the ethno-lingual or ethnoreligious majority community in the country is a majority across, i.e., in every Province, of the island. Therefore, the entirety of the island cannot be run under a tightly centralised homogenised form of State with an embedded constitutional privilege for the ethnolinguistic and ethnoreligious majority. It is the hegemonistic project of doing so from 1956 and more specifically 1972 that triggered the Thirty Years War of secession.

An island with Sri Lanka’s geographic location cannot afford a system which will give the North and East the powers of a federal State. Separated only a narrow strip of water from Tamil Nadu, and with Tamil Nadu closer to Jaffna than is Colombo, federalism will facilitate separation with the island’s North joining South India, which in turn will tilt the geopolitical and economic balance on the island as a whole.

If the other provinces too enjoyed federal powers, the island would be ungovernable and fragment politically.

The directly, nationally elected Executive Presidency remains vital as an overarching power representing the whole country, which can contain and control the Chief Ministers and Provincial Councils within a unitary framework. Parliament, an assembly of representatives with local bases, and vulnerable to coalitions with extremist components, cannot do it.

Just as geopolitics must forestall Sri Lanka’s conversion to federalism because of the proximity of Tamil Nadu, the island’s demography prevents a centralised unitary State sustainably covering its natural borders, because the North and East do not have a majority which speaks the same language as the island’s majority community.

The only way of keeping the borders of the Sri Lankan State defensibly co-extensive with its natural borders is to resist federalism while having a devolved, decentralised unitary State form. That is the defensive superstructure of ‘trenches’ (Gramsci) the 13th Amendment and Provincial Councils provides/provided.

Conformist left intelligentsia

In contradistinction to Prof. Kumari Jayawardena, doyenne of the left intelligentsia who took an independent, tough-minded, critical stance from the early-1970s onwards towards the United Front Government’s rightist and authoritarian turn, today’s NPP-sympathising academics are compliant, although:

1. The Government is adhering to the formula of conservative-neoliberal Ranil Wickremesinghe whose 2017 legislation gridlocked PC elections.

2. The JVP-NPP is deep-freezing the only structural-reformist solution Sri Lanka implemented for the National/Nationalities Question.

3. A basic tenet of the political thought of Marx and Lenin is that the first strategic aim is that of political democracy, against political absolutism. The political struggle for democracy opens the road to battles for socioeconomic emancipation. This Government has shrunk the zone of basic political democracy-the exercise of universal franchise.

With such a conformist contemporary left intelligentsia, no wonder the growing social backlash is ideologically rightwards-be it the neoliberal centre-right or neo-nationalist-populist right.