Kataka end wait, Blacks Power crowned

Kataka finally achieved what had eluded them for years after managing to earn promotion to the 2026/27 Uganda Premier League on the final day of the 2025/26 FUFA Big League season as Blacks Power were crowned champions.

For three previous attempts, Kataka had fallen short in the promotion race towards the last lap. This time, however, the Mbale City side made no mistake after dispatching Soltilo Bright Stars 2-0 at the Bugolobi Coffee Grounds for only their second win on the trip in the ended season.

The result secured Kataka third place on 51 points, which was just enough to claim one of the four promotion slots introduced under Fufa’s revised competition format. Previously, only three teams earned promotion.

Kataka’s breakthrough comes after a decade in the second tier and ends a 22-year wait.

The visitors took the lead in the 41st minute when Sharif Nsereko fouled Isaac Owiny inside the area before Ali Ssentamu stepped up to grab the lead. Usama Khayemba sealed the historic victory, albeit in controversial circumstances, with Kataka’s second goal in the 87th minute, which, from the replays, appeared offside.

The defeat proved costly for Bright Stars, who drop to the Regional League and are joined in relegation by Nebbi Central, Wakiso Giants and Mbale Heroes, with the latter ending a miserable campaign rooted to the bottom of the table after a 6-2 home defeat to Iganga United.

Uncertainty cloud

Wakiso Giants finished 15th after a 4-0 defeat to Young Elephant, a result that prompted an emotional reaction from owner Musa Atagenda, who later on posted on X lamenting investing his ‘time, money, energy and belief’ in football before suggesting that ‘some decisions are painful but necessary,’ remarks that have fueled speculation about the club’s future direction.

At the summit, Blacks Power were crowned champions after a goalless draw away to Onduparaka in Arua. The Lira-based side finished on 55 points, two ahead of Ntugasaze, who also secured promotion.

Kigezi Homeboyz completed the quartet of promoted teams after finishing fourth on 51 points, edging out Paidha Black Angels, who ended fifth despite a 1-0 victory over Nebbi Central.

2025/26 FUFA BIG LEAGUE

Results

Bunyaruguru United 0-1 Kaaro Karungi

Nebbi Central 0-1 Kiyinda Boys

Onduparaka 0-3 Paidha Black Angels

Ntugasaze 0-0 Blacks Power

Kigezi Homeboyz 0-1 Catda

Soltilo Bright Stars 0-2 Kataka

Young Elephant 4-0 Wakiso Giants

Mbale Heroes 2-6 Iganga United

Promoted teams – Blacks Power – 55 points (Champions), Ntugasaze – 53 points, Kataka – 51 points, Kigezi Homeboyz – 51 points.

Relegated teams – Nebbi Central – 34, Bright Stars – 32, Wakiso Giants – 30, Mbale Heroes – 17.

Prayers will keep corruption strong

As you probably know, I am God’s dog. And I always observe His condition and ascertain that He is still in a state of divine rest before roaming around, sniffing at different things. In the heat of the last few weeks, the question has been raised: Will corruption finally be eliminated or at least significantly reduced, with the culprits consistently imprisoned or stored away for re-education in high-security basements? The way Uganda works, there are people whose eyes are conditioned to remain closed because of their devotion to the ruling NRM or because of their NRM-backed financial rewards. These generally stand on one side, publicly maintaining that corruption is on the way out.

They know from past experience that this is a big lie. They in fact want it to remain a big lie, so that they can still play the games and shenanigans that bring them great wealth. On the other side are the sceptical Ugandans. They have seen the cycles of a fight in which corruption appears to be put briefly on the defensive, and the relaxation that gives the same corruption free space and even some wind to speed ahead. After 40 years of this NRM circus, with the exception of a few cosmetic adjustments, these Ugandans sense that the systemic memory that sustains corruption has been preserved in the latest senior government appointments.

With perfect timing, the disgraced leadership of Parliament was only removed after it had bulldozed through the House all the ugly legislation and budgetary extravagance that the regime will need to keep all its options open. President Museveni has also ensured the consciousness to the principle of the division of labour that would inspire a tighter Cabinet will not replace the tendency to be divorced from responsibility encouraged by his horde of 82 ministers. Instead of functioning as an integrated whole focused on doing national good, the ‘Gang of 82’ is likely to operate like its predecessor, a loose demographic patchwork of marauding tribal and sectarian interests, with only secondary regard for competence.

Ugandans of goodwill sometimes despair. Some turn to prayer. It is common to hear people thinking aloud that Uganda needs praying for; that it is only God who can redeem it. This would be all right. Which level-headed person would not rejoice if some supernatural force could fix the country in one act of wizardry? Call it a miracle. Not that the ruling elite and its horde of opportunistic supporters are spiritually idle. When they are not designing to plunder, they are bewitching each other and praying.

Last Sunday, I was listening to the jolly trio of pastors who do a variety talk show on a local radio and TV. Indulging in a malwa-styled political chat-chat as they often do, the leading pastor prayed (or pleaded) that the former minister, who was imprisoned (for stealing iron sheets that were destined for the impoverished Karamoja sub-region), be pardoned. His reasoning was decidedly pro-corruption. He did not argue that the other alleged iron-sheet culprits be properly tried and exonerated or punished. No. Instead, he wanted the proven thief (‘Madam Barabbas’?) to be released. A prayer for the universal application of impunity.

Unfortunately for both sides, being in a state of divine rest, God can neither intervene to redeem the country nor to break the necks of the rulers who bestow selective impunity. But the rulers will at least be emboldened that there are men of God out there praying for universal impunity, and in effect making corruption grow stronger.

4 decades of NRM: Celebrating stability and the genius of boda boda economy

My children have very few words. And Rapha, who is…let me see…the fourth, has the fewest. But he springs rather stirring questions which I struggle with. So, recently, as I talked him to sleep, he raised the issue of public transport in the United States, and asked me whether America has boda bodas. I kept quiet for a while. How do you explain political economy to a child? Slowly, I gave him a brief history of the two countries.

Told him the US was born out of the American Revolution, in which 13 British colonies broke away from Great Britain and eventually formed an independent republic. The central figure of the revolution was the Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army, George Washington, who led the fight against the British. Following the British surrender at the Siege of Yorktown, he resigned his military commission and returned home rather than seize power. Later, after serving two presidential terms, the second one, out of necessity and against his personal preference, he voluntarily stepped down, even though there were no term limits.

People were shocked. King George III of Great Britain remarked that if Washington gave up power and returned to private life, ‘he will be the greatest man in the world.’ Turning to Uganda, I explained to Rapha that our country, as it is today, is the product of the 1981 to 1986 revolution that brought the National Resistance Movement (NRM) to power when I was 14 and a half. But unlike Washington, the leader of the Ugandan revolution was much more enlightened: I’ll be 55 in a fortnight, and he’s still President. So, no, there’s no boda boda transport in America, I said. Countries such as the US, Germany, France, and Japan remain trapped in primitive thinking. Very backward. They waste billions of dollars on a very efficient and highly complex system of trains, subways, tram systems, public buses, and airlines.

I told Rapha that Uganda was once in danger of descending to that level. We had public buses and trains criss-crossing the country. Major towns had town service buses moving people in and around the town. But fortunately, the revolution in 1986 arrived just in time and saved us the inconvenience of such outdated ideas. Under the visionary leadership of the NRM, we ran down the bus companies and sold off all their assets; we ran down the Uganda Railways Corporation. Even the railway lines were plucked out of the ground in most of the country…and smelted. We ran down Uganda Airlines. Upcountry airports died out. We then ingeniously embraced the future: a boda boda economy. We began with bicycles, then graduated to motorcycles.

Kampala has perfected a transportation model in which every citizen can enjoy a personalised near-death experience on the back of a boda boda at speeds which make hair fly, clothes scatter, and hearts pound. Young men sell all their land in the village to buy just one motorcycle. No training, no license, no nothing – and bang! – they’re in business. This creates mass employment, congestion, pollution, accidents, and hospital admissions all at the same time-a remarkable example of economic diversification. Brilliant, ingenious innovation! The Americans can’t catch up. And it’s their fault. In 250 years, America has had 45 presidents.

What the heck for? Uganda chose a more scientific approach. Why experiment with leadership when you have already found the answer? If a medicine works, you don’t change it. If a president is great, continue electing him until archaeology becomes the primary method of studying his early years. The current president will have served 45 years in 2031, and will be eligible for re-election, taking him to 50. No American child can name all the presidents in their history – yet they could have solved this problem the Ugandan way by having just five over 250 years.

Western countries develop systems and institutions, Uganda developed personalities. Many countries prepare for the future; Uganda lives for today. Every election is still described as a turning point, every Cabinet reshuffle as a fresh beginning, every slogan as a new dawn, and every promise as a breakthrough waiting patiently to happen. Our hope is dope! We are ready to help America to reach our level – but they should be humble and ask nicely. Rapha was impressed.

Monne, Pulle on show at Entebbe Challenge

Lady players will only have a chance again to triumph at the Stanbic Entebbe Match-Play Golf Challenge next year after the last standing female pairing of this year’s edition was ejected on Saturday.

Mother Edrae Kagombe and daughter Evelyne Atukunda were relegated to consolation hugs and talk after their journey in the road to Dubai ended at the hands of Ronald Pulle and Michael Monne.

Pulle and Monne powered to victory in commanding style, winning the quarterfinal contest 5and4 (5-up with four holes to spare) for the best result of the day at the par-71 course.

‘The round was great. We started off well and kept the momentum,’ handicap 17 player Monne said. His partner Pulle, at 15, was the back marker for the round.

Both Kagombe and Atukunda were registered at handicap 17 each. Monne is one of the most affable individuals at the Entebbe Club clubhouse.

‘I love the banter, the camaraderie, I have served in committee capacities and I am friendly,’ he said during the interview.

Inevitably, selection for a partner to compete in the Match-Play Championship only required a few more extras for Monne.

‘We (with Pulle) have been golfing together for about a year. His times are quite flexible with mine, we have a small group we golf with,’ said the man who has been a member at Entebbe for 15 years.

On Saturday, the experience came to count. Together with Pulle, they were 4-up after the first five holes, the ladies only taking par-4 Hole No.4 the entire round.

Monne and Pulle went 5-up after the ascending short par-3 Hole No.6 and whereas the pairings halved ensuing three holes, the writing on the wall was clear.

‘We prepared well, and we complemented each other with my partner. That our target (semis), we have and we want to exceed it now. Dubai is the target,’ added Monne.

Monne and Pulle will meet Vincent Katutsi and Sam Kacungira in the semifinals next month and the latter pair here, eliminated 2025 runners-up Henry Nsubuga and Picole Lukyamuzi 2-up at the par-3 Hole No.16.

‘Every team that has reached this stage deserves to be here,’ said Katutsi. ‘We appreciate Stanbic Bank and Entebbe Golf Club for creating such an excellent platform that continues to develop the game.’

Brian Manyindo and Mark Musinguzi set up a semifinal date against Tony Kisadha and Richard Mwami after beating Bob Drani and Geoffrey Byamugisha 4and3 at the par-5 15th green.

‘Geoffrey and I gave everything we had, but match-play golf can be decided by a few critical moments,’ Drani graciously said after the defeat.

‘Our opponents capitalized on their opportunities around the 15th hole and took control of the match,’ he added.

Kisadha and Mwami went past Stephen P. Ojambo and Herbert Kamuntu 4and2.

ENTEBBE STANBIC MATCH-PLAY CHALLENGE

MATCH-PLAY RESULTS

Ronald Pulle and Michael Monne bt. Edrae Kagombe and Evelyne Atukunda 5and4

Vincent Katutsi and Sam Kacungira bt. Henry Nsubuga and Picole Lukyamuzi 2-Up

Tony Kisadha and Richard Mwami bt. Stephen P. Ojambo and Herbert Kamuntu 4and2

Brian Manyindo and Mark Musinguzi bt. Bob Drani and Geoffrey Byamugisha 4and3

SEMIFINAL LINE-UP – JULY 11

Ronald Pulle and Michael Monne vs. Vincent Katutsi and Sam Kacungira

Tony Kisadha and Richard Mwami vs. Brian Manyindo and Mark Musinguzi

GROUP WINNERS – MEN

GROUP A

Winner: Ali Juuko 37 points

Runner-Up: Peter Magona 36 pts

GROUP B

Winner: Samson Agamile 39 pts (c/b)

Runner-Up: Peter Wakholi 39 pts (c/b)

GROUP C

Winner: Arnold Katwesigye 40 pts

Runner-Up: Adrian Bukenya 39 pts

GROUP WINNERS – LADIES

GROUP A

Winner: Anne Abeja 38 pts

Runner Up: Ruth Akello 37 pts

GROUP B

Winner: Maxi Byenkya 36 pts (c/b)

Runner-Up: Patience Natukunda 36 pts

NEAREST TO THE PIN

M: Bannet Akampa

L: Anne Abeja

LONGEST DRIVE

M: Serwano Walusimbi

L: Peace Kabasweka

CAST OF EBB MATCH-PLAY CHALLENGE WINNERS

2025: Steven Kitamirike and Charles Kabunga

2024: Lillian Koowe and Joyce Kisembo

2023: Richard Mucunguzi and Saidi Kirarira

2022: Patrick Ndase and Philemon Akatuhurira

2021: Not Completed (Covid-19)

2020: Innocent Nahabwe and Luwum Adoch

2019: Richard Lutwama and Robert Busingye

2018: Sheila Kesiime and Peace Kabasweka

2017: Isaac Mariera and John Muchiri

NRM pledges to respect Tribunal ruling as Kikuube by-election looms

The ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) has pledged to respect the Electoral Commission Elections Tribunal ruling on the Kikuube District LCV by-election as uncertainty surrounds the June 18 poll.

The assurance came from Dr. Rosemary Sseninde, NRM National Director for Mobilization, amid a legal challenge seeking to overturn candidate nominations.

The Electoral Commission nominated NRM-leaning candidate Paddy Kisembo and NUP’s Fenehansi Timanyire on May 26. But Philip Mbabazi Burnet, winner of the NRM primaries, petitioned the tribunal after failing to secure nomination for lacking required documents. The NRM then endorsed Kisembo.

Mbabazi alleges both Kisembo and Timanyire were irregularly nominated for using some of the same endorsers. The tribunal heard the matter Thursday and will rule next Wednesday, days before voting.

Speaking to NRM leaders at the RDC’s office Friday, Sseninde said the party will continue campaigning until the Electoral Commission says otherwise.

‘As a party, we are continuing with the campaigns because the Electoral Commission has not stopped us and we have not been advised of any change in the election timetable. We are already behind schedule and must continue engaging voters,’ Sseninde said.

She said NRM will abide by the tribunal decision.

‘On Wednesday, whatever will be resolved, we shall listen to it because we are law-abiding citizens. What is important is to follow the law, and I believe the Electoral Commission will definitely follow the law,’ she said.

Sseninde expressed confidence the tribunal would uphold the nominations, arguing the Electoral Commission acted within the law when it declined to nominate Mbabazi.

‘I do not think the tribunal will overturn anything. The Electoral Commission declined to nominate our candidate because there were legal requirements that had not been fulfilled. We are not scared as a party,’ she stated.

NRM leaders met to strategize for Kisembo’s campaign. Sseninde urged party supporters to unite and forget divisions from the primaries.

‘I want to appeal to the people of Kikuube to unite and forget the past, even if they supported different candidates. Our campaign is going to be grassroots-based and the people of Kikuube themselves are going to lead it,’ she said.

Kisembo dismissed fears the petition would derail his bid.

‘I do not expect any turn of events from the tribunal because most of the issues raised do not hold water,’ he said.

Kikuube RDC Godwin Angalia called for peace and warned against violence and voter bribery, saying security would be heavily deployed on election day.

Attention now turns to next Wednesday’s tribunal ruling, which will determine the final shape of the contest.

One year later: The state of your wallet

As President Museveni delivered the 2026 State of the Nation Address (Sona) on Thursday, highlighting government achievements and outlining priorities for the year ahead, many Ugandans were left reflecting on a simple but important question: Are they better off today than they were in June last year?

The annual address is intended to provide a snapshot of the country’s progress, covering areas such as the economy, infrastructure, security, education, health and wealth creation. Government officials often point to economic growth, road construction, electricity expansion, industrialisation and programmes such as the Parish Development Model (PDM) as evidence that Uganda is moving forward.

Yet for many citizens, the true measure of progress is not found in statistics or policy statements but in their ability to earn a living, feed their families, and educate their children and access essential services. Across towns and villages, responses to the question of whether life has improved over the past year are mixed. Datasets from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (Ubos) are more conclusive. Using a basket of commodities that includes beef, rice, laundry soap, tilapia fresh, refined oil, tomatoes, onions, pineapple, green pepper, groundnuts, petrol and diesel, the statisticians indicate that one, on average, spent Shs81,866 in May 2025 compared to Shs87,474 in May 2026. The Shs5,608 is a telling difference, and looks set to shoot up when a new tax regime, widely believed to punish poor households, takes root in the Fiscal Year (FY) 2026/2027.

In the doldrums

Mr Job Kiija, the associate director at Innovations for Democratic Engagement and Action (IDEA), told Weekend Monitor that ordinary Ugandans are not materially better off, as macroeconomic growth has failed to ease the household cost of living. While Ubos reports headline inflation stabilising at 3.2 percent as of May 2026, this national average conceals a severe domestic squeeze. Volatile global markets and surging fuel prices have triggered a painful ripple effect, driving up transport costs and food prices in major urban centres. ‘Despite the government’s celebration of a nominal GDP per capita of $1,278 (Shs4.7m), real disposable incomes remain stagnant or diminished due to critically high youth unemployment and an under-capitalised informal sector struggling to absorb new workers amid rising daily expenditures,’ Mr Kiija said.

The researcher noted that the translation of investments into everyday welfare has been weak and uneven, exposing a stark disconnect between state statistics and community livelihoods. ‘The Parish Development Model, though funded at Shs100m per parish annually, reaches only a fraction of eligible subsistence households due to administrative delays, low public awareness, and entrenched structural barriers. Both PDM and Emyooga funds are frequently undermined by local-level misappropriation, forcing the President to issue public warnings demanding refunds from corrupt officials,’ he observed.

Mr Kiija further noted that, similarly, flagship investments in road networks and the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) expansion, while impressive on paper, fail to address immediate crises such as unaffordable agricultural inputs, weak domestic market linkages, and the absence of direct local employment.

To convert macro-growth into micro-prosperity, he urged the government to shift focus from raw infrastructure expenditure toward human capital development and local economic resilience. ‘First, rather than simply distributing seed capital through PDM, the State should fund practical post-harvest storage facilities and value-addition equipment at the sub-county level, enabling smallholders to secure better prices,’ he said. The IDEA associate director said non-bureaucratic credit facilities and technical vocational training must be expanded to absorb the hundreds of thousands of unemployed university and secondary school graduates. Mr Kiija said immediate safety nets and targeted economic cushions should be established to shield low-income earners-particularly transit workers and urban informal vendors-from sudden global fuel-driven shocks.

On the right path?

Ubos’s latest consumer price index (CPI) print captures the pains that monthly year-on-year price increments have inflicted. The annual percentage change of food and non-alcoholic beverages, when May 2025 is juxtaposed with May 2026, is 1.6. Other increments in recreation, sport and culture (1.7 percent), education services (4.1 percent), restaurants and accommodation services (3.3 percent), insurance and financial services (12.6 percent), as well as personal care, social protection and miscellaneous goods (2.2 percent) are just as punishing. In his latest Sona, President Museveni said while geopolitical factors are to blame for some of the woes, the inactions of some government functionaries have not helped matters. To cure this, Uganda’s President, since 1986, said the guiding principle during the 2026-2031 term will be ‘no more sleep.’ He will not tolerate ‘non-performers who want leadership for their own ego and personal interests.’

Mr Museveni added: ‘However, for people to participate in the vertical and horizontal integration of the economy of the country, they had to join the money economy first and move out of the traditional, pre-capitalist economy of working for ekidda kyoonka (working only for the stomach just subsistence).’

The Ugandan strongman said by 1986, milk production in Uganda was 200 million litres per annum. It is now 5.4 billion litres, saving $1.56b (Shs5.8 trillion) of imports and earning $285.4m (Shs1 trillion) in export earnings. ‘Uganda used to import tinned condensed milk from as far away as New Zealand, packed paper milk from Kenya, butter, cheese, yoghurt, powdered milk, etc. from Denmark, etc. Uganda is now a big exporter of all those products. That is our work. The people in the cattle corridor need to deepen their work by going away from Okusetura (free-range) to growing pasture and indoor feeding of cattle, goats and sheep,’ Mr Museveni further advised.

Beyond abstract figures

Mr Enock Nyorekwa Twinoburyo, a lecturer of economics at Makerere University, noted that Uganda’s macroeconomy has strengthened compared to last year. Real GDP growth rose to 6.4 percent in FY2025/2026, up from 6.3 percent the previous year. The current account deficit narrowed to $3.12b (Shs11.6 trillion), while gross reserves increased to $6.1b (Shs22.8 trillion). Inflation eased from 3.9 percent in June 2025 to 3.2 percent in May 2026. ‘These are genuine signs of stability,’ he noted. The scholar, however, hastened to add that stronger macroeconomic indicators do not automatically mean better household welfare. ‘GDP reflects output, not distribution. Inflation falling does not mean life is cheap. In fact, energy, fuel, and utilities inflation climbed to 9.1 percent in May 2026, compared to -0.2 percent a year earlier,’ he said, adding that households feel the economy through transport fares, electricity bills, school fees, medicine costs, and job security; not through abstract statistics.

Mr Twinoburyo pointed to labour market data to highlight the challenge. Labour-force participation stands at 50.9 percent, while the employment-to-population ratio is 44.7 percent. National unemployment is 12.2 percent, but youth unemployment is much higher at 17.9 percent. Informal employment outside agriculture accounts for 87.6 percent of jobs. Uganda is growing faster than it is formalising, leaving households only marginally less squeezed.

He acknowledged government achievements, such as the PDM transfers and expanded infrastructure. By June 2025, Shs3.3 trillion had been disbursed to 10,589 parishes, reaching 2.63 million beneficiaries. Roads, electricity generation, and water access have expanded. He, however, stressed that development should be judged by outcomes, not inputs.

A transfer is not a sustained income stream. A road is not a wage. A power line is not affordable electricity for a small business. Welfare data shows the gap clearly. In 2023/24, 16.1 percent of Ugandans-about seven million people-lived below the national lower poverty line. Rural poverty was 19 percent, compared to 10 percent in urban areas. The 2024 Multidimensional Poverty Index revealed that 53.1 percent of Ugandans are multidimensionally poor, with rural poverty at 61.1 percent versus 39.1 percent in towns. Deprivations in health insurance, sanitation, clean cooking energy, and education weigh heavily on households.

‘Uganda’s main problem is not growth itself, but weak transmission from growth to household welfare. The economy can expand while citizens remain trapped in insecure work, low-productivity agriculture, poor sanitation, fragile health protection, and weak schooling outcomes,’ Mr Twinoburyo said, adding that Uganda should change the national scorecard by measuring success through household income growth, enterprise survival, job quality, and regional poverty reduction, rather than focusing mainly on money disbursed or kilometres of road built. The academic stressed that job creation must become central to economic policy, since growth without decent work will continue to widen the gap between national statistics and daily life.

He advised the government to reduce household costs by tackling utility and fuel inflation and reconsidering tax measures that cut disposable incomes, because stability can still feel expensive for ordinary families. ‘Uganda should target multidimensional poverty directly by improving health protection, sanitation, clean cooking energy, and education retention, so that growth becomes visible in everyday homes,’ he advised.

Work to be done

On his part, Mr Kiija noted that President Museveni’s 2026 Sona glossed over systemic public service failures, governance deficits, and the critical issue of political transition. Uganda has never experienced a peaceful transfer of power since independence, and by avoiding this reality, the speech missed an opportunity to lay down an inclusive democratic framework to prevent relapse into historical turmoil. ‘The address also ignored persistent crises of corruption, human rights abuses, and contested elections. To date, the Electoral Commission (EC) has failed to upload full, verifiable polling-station-level results from the last general elections.

No accountability was offered regarding citizens who went missing during past electoral cycles, nor was there a plan to stop ongoing unlawful abductions of opposition activists,’ said Mr Kiija. By failing to address these disappearances or the massive case backlog, Mr Kiija said the speech overlooked why Uganda’s prison system has exploded to 345 percent occupancy-housing more than 80,000 inmates in facilities built for just 23,104. Equally absent was a strategy for managing Uganda’s escalating domestic public debt, which continues to suffocate local business expansion. Looking ahead, Mr Kiija stressed that over the next 12 months, the state must prioritise institutional accountability, transition planning, and grassroots economic protection to ensure development delivers tangible benefits to all Ugandans.

‘Crucially, the government must foster dialogue and legislative frameworks that guarantee an inclusive, peaceful political transition to preserve long-term stability and unity. Beyond rhetoric, the executive must institutionalise aggressive prosecution and asset recovery targeting high-ranking officials who mismanage infrastructure and wealth funds.’ The researcher said the newly projected Shs78.2 trillion national budget set to be read next week should be recalibrated away from bloated political administrative allowances, redirecting resources into equipping regional referral hospitals and functional rural schools. He said the targeted urban relief packages-such as lower utility tariffs and micro-tax exemptions-must be implemented to protect urban workers disproportionately burdened by high transport and housing costs.

Positives

Dr Paddy Mugambe, a senior consultant in Finance at Uganda Management Institute (UMI), noted that from a macroeconomic perspective, Uganda is performing relatively well compared to 12 months ago. Growth remains positive, inflation has been contained, exports have expanded, and major infrastructure investments continue. ‘At the micro level, however, ordinary citizens judge economic performance through four practical questions: Do I have a job or reliable livelihood? Is my income increasing? Can I afford basic necessities? Are public services improving?’ he rhetorically asked.

He added: ‘For many Ugandans, the answer to most of these questions is still ‘No.’ This suggests that while Uganda may be stronger economically than a year ago, households have not experienced improvements significant enough to change their daily lives. The average Ugandan is marginally better off than in June 2025, but not dramatically so. Gains have been real but unevenly distributed across regions, sectors, and income groups.’ He said the government highlights economic growth, infrastructure development, and PDM as evidence of progress. ‘These initiatives have created opportunities, especially for households already positioned to participate in markets. Yet, their impact on nationwide living standards has been modest rather than transformational.

PDM, in particular, tends to favour survival needs over production, limiting its transformative potential. By contrast, infrastructure development is more inclusive and has greater potential to improve livelihoods through production,’ he said. Dr Mugambe emphasised that the priority should be turning economic growth into jobs and higher household incomes through broad, non-discriminatory interventions. Targeted programmes should remain limited, focusing only on the poorest households. Achieving this requires greater investment in labour-intensive sectors such as agro-processing, manufacturing, tourism, and digital services.

He further stressed the importance of strengthening education, technical skills development, agricultural productivity, and public service delivery. Equally critical is improving programme implementation and tackling corruption so that public investments reach intended beneficiaries. He said while macroeconomic growth is important, citizens ultimately measure progress by whether their incomes, livelihoods, and quality of life are improving.

Struggles abound

Mr Timothy Chemonges, the executive director of the Centre for Policy Analysis (CEPA), acknowledged that while Uganda has registered some progress, it is not yet strongly felt by many ordinary citizens. The economy is growing-with the World Bank estimating growth at 6.8 percent in the financial year 2024/2025-and inflation remains relatively controlled, with Ubos reporting 3.2 percent in May 2026. Yet, as Mr Chemonges noted, ‘people judge progress from the pocket.’ Many households continue to struggle with school fees, rent, transport, medical bills, low incomes, and limited jobs. National figures may look positive, but daily realities remain difficult.

The CEPA top honcho observed that infrastructure development has improved movement, trade, and market access, while the Parish Development Model (PDM) has provided some households with capital. Poverty has declined nationally from 20.3 percent in 2019/20 to 16.1 percent in 2023/24, according to Ubos. ‘Under the international poverty measure, the World Bank estimates poverty at 51.5 percent in the financial year 2024/25-showing that while growth is happening, it is not yet transforming household living standards quickly or broadly enough. Many Ugandans still face low incomes, limited jobs, high living costs, and weak access to markets and services,’ said Mr Chemonges.

Mr Chemonges stressed that the government should now focus less on announcing growth and more on making it visible in people’s homes. Priorities must include job creation, especially for youth; stronger implementation and monitoring of PDM; support for agriculture and small businesses; affordable health and education services; and serious action against corruption and waste. In his words, Ugandans need growth ‘that reduces pressure in the home, puts money in people’s pockets, and improves the services they use every day.’ Reflecting on the President’s address, the CEPA boss noted that while it highlighted progress in the economy, infrastructure, and wealth creation, it raised a fair question: after years of investment and promises, why are many Ugandans still struggling with basic costs of living?

The President blamed poor leadership, but Mr Chemonges argued that if corruption and underperformance have long been known, stronger accountability should already have been enforced. The speech was strong on achievements but weaker on accountability and the lived realities of ordinary Ugandans.

He said the government must directly address the cost of living, youth unemployment, corruption, poor service delivery, and gaps in health and education. It must also explain why, despite years of investment and wealth creation rhetoric, many households remain stuck in poverty or economic insecurity. For growth to be meaningful, it must translate into tangible improvements in household welfare- jobs, affordable services, and money in people’s pockets.

New cabinet members swear-in on Monday

President Museveni will on June 8, 2026, swear in all the newly appointed ministers and ministers of State at State House, Entebbe, the Head of Public Service and Secretary to Cabinet, Lucy Nakyobe, has said.

‘The President will swear in Cabinet tomorrow morning (Monday) at State House, Entebbe, starting at 8am, adding that they will thereafter start their work immediately.’

On May 26, President Museveni released his Cabinet line-up for the 2026-2031 term, retaining Vice President Jessica Alupo and Prime Minister Robinah Nabbanja.

The major reshuffle saw the departure of veteran Finance Minister Matia Kasaija, while figures like Balaam Barugahara, Sanjay Tanna and Gen Katumba Wamala assumed new roles as Local Government, Trade, and Public Service ministers respectively. The 81-member cabinet includes 41 men and 40 women.

Parliament also approved an adjustment to the cabinet caps outlined in the 1995 Constitution, varying the number of Cabinet Ministers to 30 and Ministers of State to 51.

Last week, the Appointments Committee of Parliament concluded the vetting process of all the appointed ministers and ministers of state, apart from the Minister of Education and Sports, Ms Janet Kataha Museveni, together with Dr Lawrence Muganga, who was appointed Minister of State for Internal Affairs.

Mrs Museveni missed out on the vetting due to unclear reasons, whereas Dr Muganga, the Victoria University Vice Chancellor, failed the vetting process as he was rejected by the appointments committee of Parliament over holding multiple citizenship.

It is not yet clear whether President Museveni will soon appoint a replacement for Dr Muganga, as this will need more time to have the appointed person vetted and take the oath at the same time as other ministers.

In the recent cabinet reshuffle, President Museveni swapped Dr Jane Ruth Aceng from the Ministry of Health, which she previously occupied, to the Ministry of ICT, previously occupied by Dr Chris Baryomunsi, who replaced her at the Ministry of Health.

Later, President Museveni was forced to make a swift last-minute adjustment, further swapping roles ahead of last week’s vetting process, where Ms Jane Ruth Aceng was again transferred to Parliament as chief whip, replacing Ms Justine Kasule Lumumba, who moved over to the Ministry of ICT.

This was based on the fact that Ms Lumumba was not a serving Member of Parliament, having been appointed a cabinet member as an ex-official contrary to the law, and this raised a red flag.

NUP’s Nyanzi on betrayal claims, Kawempe petition

Mr Fred Nyanzi Ssentamu, alias Chairman Nyanzi, says he still recoils in horror at the thought of this newspaper’s reportage.

‘I sincerely contemplated seeking legal redress,’ he says of his initial reaction to Weekend Monitor’s front-page splash titled ‘Betrayal in the City.’ To the uninitiated, the story addressed itself to Mr Nyanzi being lined up as a State witness in a case in which several members from Mr Nyanzi’s own party, the National Unity Platform (NUP), stand accused of a felony.

The felony in question is unlawful military drills in contravention of Section 45(1)(b) of the Penal Code Act. ‘Monitor should concentrate on reporting actual things that matter, like the ongoing corruption claims in the top government offices, because it is truer and more relevant than vexatious and frivolous claims of my betrayal,’ Mr Nyanzi protests. ‘I have never been interviewed or interrogated as a witness in this case. I was the first person to be abducted, tortured, kept incommunicado for more than five days and then dumped on the street in regards to the same allegations. This is a taint against my name to make me look like a traitor because they know they are illegitimate. So, claiming my acquiescence and partnership with the State against my comrades is aimed at causing hatred against me and confusion among the people of Uganda,’ he adds.

Up in arms

Mr Nyanzi’s younger brother, the now self-exiled Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, alias Bobi Wine, heads NUP, which, just as it did in the 11th Parliament, has the largest number of Opposition lawmakers in the 12th Parliament. The number could have been bigger, but Mr Nyanzi alleges that the Electoral Commission (EC) contrived to name the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party’s Madina Nsereko winner. ‘Forty-seven polling stations were un-tallied and were not part of the declared results, thus de-enfranchising over 32,000 voters, including the entire Makerere University and the polling station where I voted from. However, it is shocking that the same polling stations had results of other electoral positions declared, and that is the District Woman MP and President,’ he says.

There are also two other issues that have left Mr Nyanzi convinced that he won the vote with 16,008 votes. ‘Secondly, there was falsification and alteration of results on the contended DR [declaration of results] forms, where the EC, in favour of Madina Nsereko, decided to inflate and deflate results for 53 polling stations, gaining her an advantage of accumulating big numbers in the polls. These alterations are visible at first sight of the certified EC DR forms. It is a shame that blatant forgery by this important institution, with the trusteeship of conducting free and fair elections as mandated by law, was certified and presented to court,’ he says.

‘The third ground was the alteration of results by changing or swapping, where my supporters were awarded to Madina and her little support placed on me. This was done in 20 polling stations where my big number was exchanged for her smaller number of votes. Besides, in the 89 untampered polling stations, I won with over 3,000 votes,’ he adds. However, Julius Mucunguzi, the EC spokesperson, says: ‘The law is clear, we don’t engage for candidates as EC. Let him go to court and present evidence so that a ruling can be made. We can not be discussing these matters casually like that.’

A red herring?

Mr Nyanzi says the felony accusations he has been sucked into against his fellow NUP members are intended to be a red herring as he prepares to contest Ms Nsereko’s Kawempe South parliamentary poll win. According to the EC results, Ms Nsereko won the poll with a difference of 7,299 votes. Mr Nyanzi has been in court before in the wake of defeat in a parliamentary race. He challenged Mr Muhammad Nsereko’s victory in Kampala Central during the 2021 polls on multiple occasions. The High Court threw out his case. He appealed, and was successful after three justices led by Geoffrey Kiryabwire ordered a fresh trial. The retrial, however, didn’t pan out the way Mr Nyanzi intended. Mr Nsereko was given the all clear.

Mr Nyanzi says plans to have him testify from the witness box in the case against his fellow NUP members ‘is a target to make me lose balance and concentration on my election petition.’ The man known to many simply as Chairman says this, at any rate, will not be the case. ‘They intend to gain ground in illegitimating my victory in Kawempe South by suppressing and frustrating my presence and vigilance in the pursuit of the petition,’ he says, adding: ‘I will always be a free man because I have decided to stand firm on the truth amid all propaganda, misconceptions and other challenges since the inception of the struggle. The Bible says: ‘Know the truth and it shall set you free.’

The State may perform its common persecutions, but I consider myself a more free man than the judges who may be ordered to persecute me.’ Does this mean he will indeed testify from the witness box? ‘I will never be used as a tool of injustice. My stand is priceless, and that is why the State has decided to lie and misrepresent my stand against comrades. I cannot go against my comrades. So, [my] first step is not to appear in that court because this is simply a political matter intended to persecute,’ he pointedly declares.

Proven mobiliser

At NUP, Mr Nyanzi is the secretary for international relations. After being appointed to the role last June, NUP described Mr Nyanzi as ‘a dedicated leader who has made a significant contribution in the mobilisation department.’ Mr Nyanzi says his track record speaks for itself. ‘In the first place, it was through the character of Bobi Wine that we initiated into Hon Kyagulanyi in the 2017 Kyadondo East Constituency by-elections. As a fulcrum, my pivotal role after winning this by-election was to mobilise all political elements, which included veteran politicians to re-emerge into a tangible Opposition to foster change of leadership in this country,’ he says.

‘Before the formation of People Power, I initiated the raising of the national flag from Kyadondo to the entire country. I, with 10 other people, convened and created the People Power Movement, where we came up with the slogan ‘People Power, Our Power’, which was followed by an anthem that I derived from a worship song called Engule that was later recognised and loved by many Ugandans. Later on, we continued to realise that there was virtue in leadership and decided to front Hon Kyagulanyi to take the mantle of leadership as a president,’ he adds.

Skeletons in the closet?

How about the allegations of the presence of skeletons in his closet? Mr Nyanzi has, for one, been accused of soliciting bribes from aspirants keen on securing the NUP ticket ahead of the general elections in the country. ‘I have been a very hardworking person since childhood. I have been a leader from LC1 chairperson. I have always been satisfied with my achievements, only to be motivated to work for more. I have no criminal record. I have never been part of our vetting committee or the Election Management Committee [NUP’s electoral body]. I was also one of the candidates who were vetted and screened,’ he responds.

‘The Daily Monitor newspaper is aware that the party, through the president, enacted a commission of inquiry to investigate corruption, sexual harassment and exploitation among party leadership, to which it was given about two weeks to come up with a report. Since then, nobody brought any claim against me, and no report has been brought out to the public. The chaos was only fuelled by social media misrepresentations. Maybe, the Commission owes me a declaration of innocence, considering the harm suffered to my reputation,’ he adds.

Makerere’s court case in Katanga land row thrown out with costs

The High Court has dismissed with costs a case filed by Makerere University seeking to evict city pastor Daniel Walugembe from disputed land in Katanga Valley, ruling that the institution was improperly pursuing parallel litigation over matters already before the Court of Appeal.

In a decision delivered by Justice Samuel Emokor of the Land Division on June 4, the court struck out the university’s 2021 suit after finding that the issues raised had substantially been determined in an earlier case and were already the subject of a pending appeal.

“The respondent (Makerere University), in my considered opinion, appears to be fishing on two fronts; before the Court of Appeal and before this court with the hope of succeeding in at least one of them,” Justice Emokor ruled.

The judge added that any orders obtained by Makerere University in either court would have the same effect of granting the university possession of the disputed property, creating what he described as an absurd situation.

‘This is because the orders obtained in favour of the respondent (Makerere University) in any of the two courts would have the same net effect of granting the respondent possession of the suit property. I would therefore not risk overplaying my hand in this matter. In the result, the instant application succeeds with orders issuing that HCCS No. 1051 of 2021 is res judicata and an abuse of the court process,’ the judge held.

The ruling followed an application filed by Pastor Daniel Walugembe and Mr Abdu Ssekajja seeking dismissal of the suit on grounds that it constituted an abuse of court process.

Through Mwesigwa Rukutana and Company Advocates, the applicants argued that the matters raised in the 2021 case had already been determined by the High Court in a judgment delivered in July 2015 and were currently pending before the Court of Appeal.

Justice Emokor agreed, finding that Makerere University had failed to prove that the land at the centre of the 2021 case was different from the property litigated in the earlier proceedings.

“The respondent has not been able to present credible evidence that the suit property in Case No. 857 of 2000 is different from the suit property being litigated in Case No. 1051 of 2021,” the judge held.

“What is clear to this court is that the suit land litigated in Case No. 857 of 2000 is the same land referred to in the other cases.”

Makerere University had sought declarations that no kibanja interest existed on approximately 5.13 acres of land in Katanga Valley and that Pastor Walugembe, Mr Ssekajja and their agents had trespassed on and illegally developed part of the university’s freehold land from around 2019.

The dispute traces its roots to a long-running battle over ownership and occupation of land in Katanga Valley near Wandegeya.

In 2015, the High Court ruled that four family members and their licensees occupying the land were bona fide occupants entitled to remain in possession under the Land Act.

The beneficiaries included Jonathan Yosamu Masembe, Bulasio Buyisi, George Kalimu, and Samalie Nambogga, who had challenged Makerere University and the Commissioner for Land Registration over the cancellation of their land titles and ownership claims.

In that judgment, then High Court Land Division Judge Alphonse Owiny-Dollo held that the occupants qualified as bona fide occupants under the Land Act, which protects persons who have occupied land for at least 12 years without challenge.

Although the court recognised Makerere University as the registered proprietor of the land, it also affirmed the occupants’ rights to remain in possession.

Court records indicate that a central issue in Makerere University’s pending appeal is the finding that the occupants and their licensees, including Pastor Walugembe, are bona fide occupants legally entitled to continue occupying the land.

Speaking after the ruling, Mr Brian Kupper Rubihayo, counsel for Pastor Walugembe, welcomed the court’s decision.

“We filed an application asking the court to dismiss Makerere University’s case on grounds of abuse of court process because the university was pursuing two cases simultaneously,” Mr Rubihayo said.

“The court agreed with us that the issues concerning the existence of kibanja interests on the Katanga land had already been determined in the earlier case.”

He argued that the university’s decision to pursue fresh proceedings while an appeal was pending amounted to an abuse of court process.

“The position now is that our client has successfully defended the suit and cannot be evicted on the basis of the dismissed case,” he said.

Court documents show that the disputed Katanga land comprises three zones covering approximately 37 acres occupied by the families and their licensees.

However, the university maintains that it owns a much larger area of about 277 acres, a claim that has remained contentious in the protracted land dispute.

The latest ruling leaves Makerere University’s appeal before the Court of Appeal as the primary avenue through which it can challenge the 2015 High Court decision.

State of the Nation, 2026

Increasingly, media like the Daily Monitor and others must exercise caution and a measure of self-censorship in how they report on the President and First Family. And yet, there is no way around this. Everybody who is anybody in media, politics, and civil society knows that the National Resistance Movement (NRM)’s Uganda is increasingly resembling the West African States of Gabon and Togo 20 years ago, in which the president’s family was the de facto government.

It’s becoming so glaring, public, and obvious, it’s hard to imagine which media house would get into trouble by pointing it out. That’s why it was important last month for leading politicians, security officers, and businessmen to be seen to take part in the MK Charity Run, and the reason the same people dutifully travel to Gulu from time to time to meet Gen Salim Saleh. In the latest Cabinet, no less than six relatives and in-laws are included. This is important, not so much that Museveni’s relatives are necessarily unqualified for these government jobs, but for what it does to the country.

Civil servants and other technocrats start to calculate their prospects of appointment or promotion in terms of their perceived proximity or loyalty to the First Family and not in their technical performance on the job. We used to see this spectacle every May from 1981 to 1985, when senior civil servants made a point of travelling to Bushenyi in western Uganda to attend the Heroes’ Day celebrations for President Milton Obote.

As Google’s AI chatbot put it on June 2, 2026: ‘Rather than strengthening institutions, Museveni prefers a chaotic, overlapping governance structure where everything routes back to him. Ugandans complain bitterly about the decay of public health facilities (like Mulago hospital) and the state of Kampala’s potholed roads, while billions are spent on a bloated Parliament and a network of presidential advisors who rarely see him…The very traits that enabled him to save Uganda from systemic collapse-unyielding discipline, tactical flexibility, and a fierce consolidation of authority-are the exact traits that now constrain the country’s democratic evolution. His legacy remains a deeply polarising study in how a revolutionary liberator can gradually morph into the vanguard of the status quo.’

This line, ‘Rather than strengthening institutions, Museveni prefers a chaotic, overlapping governance structure where everything routes back to him,’ was in full public view last week when the new Cabinet was announced. First, Justine Kasule Lumumba was named the Government Chief Whip in Parliament even though she is not an MP, as the position requires the office holder. And then there was the endless confusion about several appointees who, it was discovered, hold citizenship of other countries as well as Uganda’s. Even after 40 years in power and several election victories (or ‘victories’) later, State House still can’t seem to get basic details of procedure and law right.

A CIA report on Uganda in July 1984 described the then national army, the UNLA, in terms that sound much like the NRM government today – bloated, overstaffed, indisciplined, split into bickering factions. The dramatic fall from power of the Speaker of the 11th Parliament, Anita Among, was the biggest story of the first half of 2026, bigger, even, than the general election in January. Among’s excesses and lack of modesty in displaying her wealth attracted resentment in the country, her fall being welcomed, although many were quick to note that her purge seemed more driven by a political need to clip her wings than a genuine clampdown on corruption.

Turning to Ugandan society itself, the bloated, inefficient, and corrupt NRM State is complemented by the weak and lacklustre mentality of the population. If we use searches on Google as an indicator of interests and aspirations – which certainly I do – in most measurements of elite taste, Uganda ranks near the bottom, not just in Africa but in the world. From golf to philosophy, milk to tennis, books to tourism, libraries, credit cards, poetry, insurance, restaurants, microwave ovens, and Artificial Intelligence, and dozens others, the more elite or ‘sophisticated’ the topic or product, the more likely Uganda ranks among the bottom 10 or 15 countries in the world.

I first used Google data in my State of the Nation report in 2024, and nothing has changed about Uganda’s relative global ranking. The state of the nation, thus, is one of a low-calibre people led by a wasteful and corrupt government. As I argued last week in my examination of Jinja, the only hope for a revival and streamlining of Uganda will have to come from external sources, probably a combination of a Chinese infrastructure and European funding undertaking.