Category: Daily Monitor

At least three people are dead following a road crash involving a Kampala-bound Juba Express bus and a fuel tanker along the Kampala-Gulu Highway in Luwero District on Wednesday evening.

The 8:30 p.m. collision occurred at Nakkazi Village when the Juba Express bus, registration number SSD 251Z, reportedly attempted to overtake several vehicles and rammed head-on into a fuel tanker, registration UAV 190Q.

Eyewitnesses said the victims included a woman and her child who died instantly, while the husband succumbed to his injuries en route to Luwero General Hospital.

Several other passengers sustained injuries and were also rushed to the same facility.

‘The Juba Express bus was overtaking other vehicles at high speed when it hit the tanker head-on,’ said Mathius Sepuuya, a bystander at the scene.

He identified the tanker driver as Musa Nyago, who was returning home in Kiyenje after work when the crash occurred.

Another eyewitness, Godfrey Byakatonda, blamed the crash on the bus driver’s recklessness and the narrowness of the busy highway.

‘The driver was careless, and this part of the road is too narrow for buses and heavy trucks. We keep losing lives because of reckless driving and the narrow state of the road,’ he said.

By press time, police had towed the wreckages of both vehicles to Luwero Central Police Station (CPS).

Officers at the scene said they were not authorized to speak to the media, and police headquarters had yet to issue an official statement.

The incident adds to a series of fatal crashes along the Kampala-Gulu Highway, one of Uganda’s most dangerous transport corridors.

Just last week, another collision in Kiryandongo District claimed at least 46 lives when two buses traveling in opposite directions collided head-on after both attempted to overtake simultaneously.

Traffic police have repeatedly warned motorists against reckless driving, speeding, and dangerous overtaking, which remain the leading causes of fatalities along the highway linking Kampala to northern Uganda and South Sudan.

The High Court in Kampala has dismissed an application by the National Unity Platform (NUP) in which it had sought to block the government from excluding it from receiving statutory political party funding for the July-September 2025 quarter.

Justice Collins Acellam, who delivered the ruling via email on October 29, 2025, said the application had been overtaken by events since the Electoral Commission (EC) had already released the funds to political parties that are members of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD).

‘This court cannot restrain the implementation of a lawfully enacted statute through an interim order. To do so would amount to suspending an Act of Parliament, which is beyond the jurisdiction of this court sitting as a civil court,’ Justice Acellam said.

The dispute arose from a directive issued by the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs on August 25, 2025, instructing the EC to exclude NUP from the list of political parties entitled to receive statutory funding. The directive followed amendments to the Political Parties and Organisations Act, which now require that only parties belonging to IPOD and actively participating in its activities qualify for state funding.

NUP, through its Secretary General, Mr David Lewis Rubongoya, filed the application seeking an interim order to stop implementation of the directive until the court determines its main case challenging the legality of the amendment and the directive itself.

Mr Rubongoya stated in his affidavit that enforcement of the directive would cripple NUP’s operations as a national political party and cause irreparable harm, arguing that the party is legally entitled to quarterly funding.

NUP’s lawyers from Pace Advocates and Kiiza and Mugisha Advocates contended that the minister’s directive had no legal basis and breached the party’s right to fair administrative treatment. They argued that IPOD only became a statutory organ after the President assented to the amended law in June 2025, and therefore, NUP could not have been compelled to join before that date.

‘The applicant has never received any formal invitation or lawful communication regarding membership in the IPOD contemplated by the 2025 Amendment,’ NUP argued, adding that its past refusal to join the old IPOD was based on its operation as a private entity outside government control.

The Attorney General, represented by Senior State Attorney Johnson Natuhwera, opposed the application, describing it as incompetent, frivolous and overtaken by events. He maintained that the minister’s directive was lawful and anchored in the amended Act.

‘The minister’s letter dated August 25, 2025, is founded in law. What is being sought by the applicant is unconstitutional and ultra vires,’ Mr Natuhwera told court.

He explained that Parliament amended the Political Parties and Organisations Act in May 2025 to restrict government funding to parties that are members of IPOD, and that the President assented to the law on June 15, 2025, making it enforceable.

Mr Natuhwera added that the EC had already disbursed the funds to all qualifying political parties in compliance with the new legal framework.

In his ruling, Justice Acellam said that while NUP had identified a legal right it sought to protect, it failed to show that irreparable harm would occur if the interim order was not issued.

He noted that the court could not issue orders reversing a completed process.

‘The purpose of an interim injunction is to preserve the status quo, not to reverse a completed event,’ he stated.

The judge cited earlier decisions, including Theodore Ssekikubo and Others vs Attorney General and Another, emphasising that courts should not issue orders rendered useless by the passage of events.

He further found that the balance of convenience favoured the respondents, who were implementing a valid law.

‘There is no status quo to maintain and no imminent threat posed to the applicant,’ he ruled.

Justice Acellam concluded that the application lacked merit and dismissed it with costs, noting that any potential losses to NUP could be addressed in the pending main case.

The main suit challenging the 2025 amendment and the minister’s directive remains before the High Court.

A man has been released from jail after being on remand without trial since 1997. It was at 11:13am on Monday, when the court clerk read out Alfred Byamukama’s file and presented it to the Mbarara High Court Judge for a ruling on the application for dismissal of his case. It is alleged that Byamukama had a physical altercation with a village-mate in March 1997, whom he struck in the head before the victim died on the way to the hospital. Byamukama is said to have had a mental challenge at the time of the incident.

At the time of his incarceration, then aged 27, Byamukama was first detained at Mwizi Police Station for one week in the then Mbarara District, present-day Rwampara District. From Mwizi, Byamukama was transferred to Mbarara Central Police Station, then Kyamugorani Prison, before being transferred to Luzira Upper Prison in Kampala in 2001. While making her ruling, Mbarara High Court Judge Joanita Bushara Mugerwa dismissed the case on grounds that the prosecution delayed to handle the matter, the case was on file for a long time, and Byamukama’s right to a fair hearing was violated.

‘The application of dismissal has been granted, and the order of detention is set aside. This case is dismissed due to gross unconstitutional delays on the side of prosecution and the violation of the applicant’s right to a speedy trial. The applicant shall be released immediately and unconditionally, unless he’s being held for other cases,’ the judge said. ‘I have spent most of my productive and energetic years in prison. I don’t know where to start from but the mission is to build afresh. I feel like I have been reborn, and I will do all it takes to make the rest of my life meaningful,’ Byamukama said shortly after he was released from prison.

What the law says

Hakim Ngobi, a lawyer, said Byamukama’s case took so long to be handled because he was found to be of unsound mind after his arrest in 1997. With an unsound mind, court proceeded under Section 43, Clause 1 of the Uganda Trial on Indictments Act (originally the Trial on Indictments Decree, 1971), which says if someone is of unsound mind and is unable to make their defence, court is mandated to send them to detention and forward their file to the (Justice) minister for them to make their orders.

‘Byamukama’s file got lost in the system because he was treated and got well before 2005. The minister responsible did not follow up on him because there are many prisoners like him and nobody knows about any orders made by the minister. This caused the delay in finalising his case,’ Ngobi said. Article 28 of the Constitution provides for a right to a fair hearing that comes with a speedy trial, depending on the case. ‘For someone of unsound mind, one may argue that they aren’t ready to make their defence.

However, the breach was from the minister’s office not making such orders. On the side of prisons, they didn’t make timely updates on the health status of Byamukama. They later made the updates, and it is the reason he was arraigned in court and released. ‘The right to a fair hearing is non-derogable, meaning no one can take it away from anyone at any cost. It was the basis on which the judge dismissed the case because Byamukama’s right was grossly taken away, given the time frame that has passed,’ Ngobi added.

Ngobi added that prisoners of unsound mind, who may require the minister’s order, fall into different categories. They include those who are discovered unable to make their own defence during trial. Under Section 46 of the Trial and Indictment Act, they are sent to prison to be treated and be taken back to court after recovering. As such, the trial can commence from where it stopped. The second category of prisoners under the same Act, are those known to be already insane by the time of committing the offence.

Courts send such people into detention to be treated after making a special finding of not guilty due to insanity. ‘If it comes to the court’s attention that they are well, the minister is empowered to discharge these people without going back to court or the court can discharge them without any other trial. The challenge is that the minister responsible hasn’t been making such orders, meaning prisons get stuck with such people even after treatment.

Until his dismissal, Byamukama was the latter,’ Ngobi said. Until 2018, there were more than 35 inmates awaiting the minister’s orders. When the minister started making orders in 2022, a total of 29 prisoners have since been released. Byamukama is the latest ex-prisoner whose case was dismissed and set free.

Legal help

Ms Canaan Nkamuhabwa, the legal officer at Justice Defenders Uganda, an organisation that offers legal aid to the most vulnerable poor people who cannot afford lawyers, said the organisation started working on cases of prisoner’s awaiting the minister’s orders in 2018. These have been in prison for long periods and neither been tried, nor convicted because they were found to be of unsound mind at the time they committed the offence.

‘We have been representing his case and many others since 2018, writing letters to the minister, courts and the Director of Public Prosecution for remedy. The petition in court and at Parliament was done on their behalf and Byamukama was the chief petitioner. He finally got cause-listed for trial in September 2025 and we put in an application for his release that was decided in our favour,’ Nkamuhabwa said.

In September, Addis Ababa, the capital City of Ethiopia received journalists, leaders, diplomats, and community groups from across Africa. These individuals came together for the second Africa Climate Summit (ACS2). Under the theme Accelerating Global Climate Solutions: Financing for Africa’s resilient and Green Development, Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, the chairperson of the African Union Commission said the summit should promote the initiatives from the previous summit.

‘Addressing Africa’s climate finance gap is essential, as it impedes our development efforts amid pressing challenges,’ Mahamoud said in his welcome message.

Putting media at the catalyst of carrying Africa’s manifesto, a high-level forum was held ahead of the summit on ‘Climate Security, Just Transition and the Role of Media in Advancing Climate Justice.” This was organised by the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) in partnership with the African Union Commission, International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), GIZ and Oxfam.

The power of journalists

At the opening of the forum, Pascal Delisle, deputy head of the European Union delegation to the African Union, told journalists that they are important in shaping Africa’s destiny, especially on matters of the climate. ‘You help inform people across Africa and contribute to build peaceful, democratic and prosperous societies,’ he said. This message, that Africa needs strong media to tell its climate story fairly and truthfully and fearlessly, was echoed by Omar Faruk Osman Nur, president of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ). ‘This will be achieved when stories are told accurately, courageously, and inclusively, when media helps citizens see their struggles and their resilience reflected in the broader continental narrative,’ Osman said.

Fighting lies with truth

Participants said the media should not only report facts but also fight false stories and help African voices be heard. ‘Facts are more important than ever because lies are spreading fast. Facts are part of the foundation of journalism, especially in a context of growing disinformation,’ Delisle cautioned. For too long, African climate stories have been reduced to images of famine, floods, and displacement. While those are real, they represent only one side of the story. Across the continent, communities are innovating.

From solar micro-grids and clean cooking initiatives in Uganda to drought-resistant farming systems like solar irrigation in Kenya. Yet these stories rarely make headlines. This gap is not accidental. Many African media outlets lack regional reach, leaving space for external narratives to dominate. ‘The EU-AU Media Fellowship, is one initiative aimed at closing this gap. This is done by equipping African journalists to tell Africa’s climate story from the ground up, ensuring that narratives are shaped by those who live them,’ Delisle noted.

Climate and peace are connected

Africa’s climate problems are linked to peace and safety. Droughts and floods make life harder, especially in places already facing war or conflict. Speaking in a multi-stakeholder dialogue a the pre-summit forum on aligning media policy messages for ACS and shaping Africa’s common position for COP30, Elise Nalbandian, the head of Oxfam AU liaison office pointed out a scenario when food is air dropped in Sudan due to climate and security effects.

Solving climate problems, Delisle said, is key to peace in Africa. A case in point, in 2024, more than 62 million people in East Africa did not have enough food. Climate disasters and conflict made things worse. About 25 million people had to leave their homes because of war or weather. Bankole Adeoye, AU commissioner for political affairs, peace and security added to this by noting that climate change affects peace, wealth, and the planet. Africa, he said, needs smart partnerships to find solutions.

Climate finance is about fairness

If the Addis summit underscored the power of media, it also exposed the deep injustice at the heart of Africa’s climate struggle, financing. ‘Climate finance is not an act of charity; it is a matter of justice,’ is one song that sang on the lips of majority at the pre-summit and the summit itself. Despite contributing just 0.09 percent of historic global carbon emissions, IGAD countries face some of the harshest climate impacts according to Oxfam led climate finance shadow report for intergovernmental authority on development regional ecomomic community.

Yet international climate finance flows remain far from sufficient. Between 2013 and 2022, the region received $23.3 billion (about Shs80 trillion) in reported climate-related development finance. But when adjusted for debt servicing and fees, the ‘real value’ drops to $17.4 billion (about Shs60 trillion). Comparing this to the $41.8 billion (about Shs145 trillion) needed every year to meet Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) leaves it at a 96 percent gap. On a per capita basis, the inequity is even starker. An average citizen in the IGAD region (Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, and Uganda) receives about $8 (about Shs27,780) in climate finance annually. Yet the actual need is closer to $137 (about Shs475,528) per person.

Loans, debt, and a broken system

Not only is the funding inadequate, but much of it comes in the form of loans. Across IGAD, 41 percent of climate finance between 2013 and 2022 was delivered as concessional loans, with an additional five percent as non-concessional loans. For countries already buckling under debt, this is devastating. ‘Loans are an unsuitable and unjustifiable mechanism for climate finance. They push countries and communities into further debt distress and severely undermine the ability of countries to invest in adaptation, loss and damage, and development objectives,’ the IGAD report warns. Africa contributes very little to global pollution, only 0.09 percent, but suffers the most.

Yet, it gets very little money to deal with climate change. Between 2013 and 2022, East Africa got $23 billion (about Shs80 trillion) in climate finance. But after paying debts and fees, only $17 billion (about Shs60 trillion) was useful. The region actually needs $42 billion (about Shs147 trillion) every year. That’s a 96 percent gap. Each person in the region gets about $8 (about Shs27,780) per year. But they need $137 (about Shs475,528).

Local solutions matter

When international finance is falling short, what about local innovation? The IGAD report highlights promising models such as Kenya’s Financing Locally-led Climate Action (FLLoCA) and Uganda’s Local Climate Adaptive Living Facility. These initiatives channel resources directly to local communities, empowering them to design and implement adaptation projects. Such approaches not only ensure that funds reach the most vulnerable but also enhance accountability and resilience. However, currently, only 11percent of climate finance in IGAD is delivered through local actors, while 70 percent goes through national governments. For communities facing repeated cycles of drought and flooding, the difference between survival and collapse often depends on whether funds can reach them in time.

Partnerships and the power of unity

While the gaps are glaring, there are signs of progress. The EU’s Global Gateway Africa-Europe Investment Package has launched 138 flagship projects across Africa, including the RISED Ethiopia renewable energy project. The Africa-Europe Green Energy Initiative aims to provide 50 GW of new renewable energy capacity and electricity access to 100 million people by 2030. ‘Together, the EU and AU carry the voices, hopes and dreams of more than 1.9 billion people and represent more than 40 percent of the UN’s membership. Together, we can be a powerful force for change,’ Delisle said. This partnership, he stressed, is not about a ‘homogeneous global North’ dictating terms to a ‘homogeneous global South,’ but about mutual respect and collaboration.

Media shaping Africa’s narrative

Anthony Bellanger, general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), added that the media must stand at the heart of this collaboration. ‘Africa has journalists with courage and commitment. What they need is support to continue telling the stories that matter, the stories of resilience, solutions, and justice,’ Mr Bellanger said. Bridging narratives with action, the summit reminded participants of a truth that climate justice will not come from numbers alone. It will come from stories that reveal the human cost of financing gaps, the courage of local communities, and the urgency of global solidarity.

‘Too often still, African stories are about crises and conflicts and not about opportunities and successes. This challenge is enhanced by the growing threat of disinformation in Africa, making your work even more the necessary cornerstone of protecting democracy, safeguarding freedoms and keeping societies informed and very empowered,’ Delisle observed. Bankole Adeoye called this a moment for ‘smart partnerships’ alliances that not only expose the challenges but also amplify solutions. Africa, he said, cannot afford to have its climate story told by others.

Mandate.

‘Together, the EU and AU carry the voices, hopes and dreams of more than 1.9 billion people and represent more than 40 percent of the UN’s membership,” Pascal Delisle, Deputy Head of the EU delegation to the African Union.

President Museveni yesterday appointed Mr Lino Anguzu as the new Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). Mr Sandor Walusimbi, the senior press secretary to the President, confirmed the development on his X handle last evening. ‘HE @KagutaMuseveni has appointed Mr Lino Anguzu as the new Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). Mr Anguzu, who has been serving as Assistant DPP, replaces Jane Frances Abodo, recently appointed Principal Judge,’ Mr Walusimbi posted.

He added: ‘The President has forwarded his name to Parliament’s Appointments Committee for approval.’ Mr Anguzu becomes the first DPP post the 1995 Constitution to be appointed from within the institution itself. The previous three directors, Richard Buteera, Mike Chibita, and Abodo, have been appointed from the Judiciary, though Justice Abodo spent a greater part of her career in the DPP’s office as a prosecutor before she was appointed as a High Court Judge in the Judiciary.

The core functions of the DPP are directing police investigations, instituting and taking over criminal proceedings in all courts (except courts martial), and discontinuing such proceedings. The DPP is also responsible for managing and prosecuting criminal cases, ensuring that criminal cases are examined for sufficient evidence before court proceedings, and ensuring adherence to criminal prosecution standards.

Last evening, the legal fraternity wished Mr Anguzu good luck in his new appointment. ‘I have known him for many years as a fine lawyer, a wonderful man, and a decent public servant. He embodies the virtues that sustain the rule of law: humility, fairness, and an unyielding sense of duty,’ Mr Elison Karuhanga, a lawyer with Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA), posted on his X handle. He continued: ‘As he takes up this solemn charge, may he keep faith with the Constitution to act always in the public interest, in the interest of administration of justice, and to prevent abuse of legal process under Article 120 (5).

Who is Lino Anguzu?

Until his appointment as the new DPP, he was the Assistant DPP, having grown through the ranks from the lower position of State Attorney. From 2019 to date, he had been the head of the department of International Crimes, whose roles include the management of complex criminal cases, directing police investigations, providing policy direction, planning, and general administration. From 2015 to 2019, Mr Anguzu, while at the rank of Senior State Attorney, served as the prosecutor at the International Crimes Department, and he was responsible for prosecuting the first international crimes cases at the International Crimes Division of the High Court, a division that specialises in handling cases of terrorism and human trafficking.

Between 2004 and 2010, Mr Anuguzu, who was at the rank of State Attorney, served as the Resident State Attorney in Mbale and Arua districts, where his responsibility was to head the district prosecution services. Before he joined the office of the DPP, Mr Anguzu, between 2003 and 2004, served as the Legal Officer with FIDA Uganda. His duties involved providing legal aid to indigent persons on a pro bono basis.

Education background

The new DPP designate started his primary education at Arua Demonstration School, in Arua City, from where he sat his Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) in 1991. He then joined St Joseph’s College Ombaci in Arua, where he sat for his Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) in 1995. In 1998, he sat for his Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education from St Charles Lwanga College, Koboko.

He then joined Makerere University to pursue a Bachelor’s Degree in Laws, which he completed in 2003. He later joined the Law Development Center (LDC) for the post-graduate diploma in legal practice the following year. He also holds a diploma in Project Planning and Management from Uganda Management Institute UMI and a Master of Public Infrastructure Management from Makerere University.

High-profile cases he has prosecuted

Dr Kizza Besigye

Given his seniority in the office of the DPP, Mr Anguzu prosecuted Dr Besigye in the treason case following the disputed presidential elections in 2016. Dr Besigye had been accused of illegally swearing-in himself in as the President of Uganda. Dr Besigye case file was transferred to Nakawa Chief Magistrates Court. The office of the DPP, after almost four years without prosecuting Dr Besigye, withdrew the case against him. Then DPP, in an interview, attributed the delay in prosecuting the treason case to delays police investigations.

2010 Kampala bombings

Mr Anguzu was instrumental in co-prosecuting the high-profile terrorism case commonly known as the Kampala twin bombing case. He deputised the lead prosecutor, Susan Okalany (now a High Court Judge), following the murder of the then lead prosecutor, Joan Kagezi, in 2015. The 13 Kenyan and Ugandan suspects, who were later found culpable, were behind the twin bombings at Ethiopian Village in Kabalagala and Rugby Club in Kyadondo that left at least 76 football fans dead. Mr Anguzu, while appearing before then presiding Judge Alfonse Owiny-Dollo (now Chief Justice) in 2021, asked for the maximum punishment of death by hanging for the heinous crime that the accused had committed. Justice Dollo sentenced them to life imprisonment, the second-highest punishment in criminal law.

The head of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mission to Uganda, Ms Joselyn Bigirwa, has said there is a need for countries to profile and address issues likely to cause conflicts in the region to avert emerging crises and ensure its peace and stability.

‘Natural resources-based conflicts are the most common conflicts in the region. The IGAD region is highly dependent on agriculture, natural resources, including mineral extraction, but also a highly pastoralist community where there are a lot of cross-border Trans humans movements, causing a lot of conflicts in the region,’ she said.

According to her, issues like large numbers of educated unemployed youth and mineral exploitation need to be looked into to avert the negative impacts on the region’s stability.

‘In most parts of the region but also beyond the IGAD region, there is a lot of violent extremism majorly by youth because of unemployment that the youth are now engaging in issues of instability and joining rebel groups, something that IGAD must work around to ensure that it does not happen,’ she said at the opening of a three-day IGAD Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN) meeting of regional experts from the seven member states in Entebbe on Tuesday.

Ms Bigirwa said the region, being highly conflicted and unstable, has led to low social, economic, and political development.

The Director CEWARN Mr Camlus Omogo, said currently, the regional bloc is facing multiplicity and interrelated conflict drivers, with some emanating from environmental issues, economic and governance challenges.

‘The Horn of Africa has historically faced recurring human security challenges, including political instability, violent conflict, displacement, and environmental shocks’ he said.

He added, ‘By anticipating and analysing these threats, CEWARN and its partners aim to enhance regional cooperation, recognising that many of these crises transcend national borders and require collective resilience and preparedness’.

Mr Omogo said the meeting will equip regional decision makers with actionable insights and predictive analysis that enable proactive and coordinated responses to emerging crises.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs Permanent Secretary, Mr Vincent Bagiire, in a speech delivered on his behalf by Mr Solomon Kasasira, a Foreign Service officer with the ministry, said there is need for strong governance mechanisms and regional solidarity to curb the region’s shared challenges and conflicts.

‘A secure and peaceful IGAD region will facilitate trade, tourism and investment among the member states and push the per capita incomes and GDP to greater height,’ he said.

Mr Bagiire said Uganda will continue to support strategies aimed at strengthening Government capabilities, peaceful co-existence of different political groups and reintegration of returning refugees.

‘The continued conflicts in the region urgently require our collective attention and action. By closely working with IGAD member states, peace and security can be achieved and lead to economic development for the region’s 280 million people,’ he said.

Both Uganda and Tanzania are gripped by election campaigns, but Tanzania goes to the vote first today, with Uganda following in January 2026. Both countries’ campaigns are similar in that the opposition is being brutalised.

In Tanzania, unmarked vans (“drones” in Uganda-speak) are abducting opposition supporters. Both countries also torture. They also arrest East African activists who show solidarity with the opposition. Two Kenyan human rights activists, Bob Njagi (chairman of the Free Kenya Movement) and Nicholas Oyoo (the movement’s secretary general), were abducted in Uganda on October 1, 2025, shortly after attending Bobi Wine’s rally.

Uganda pulled a page straight out of the Tanzanian playbook of repression. Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan journalist and lawyer Agather Atuhaire were abducted in Dar es Salaam in May 2025 while observing opposition leader Tundu Lissu’s trial. They were tortured, and Atuhaire was sexually assaulted, before being driven and dumped near their countries’ borders with Tanzania-Atuhaire near Mutukula. I never thought I would ever say this, but here we are: in their violence and madness, Uganda seems “better” than Tanzania, or the latter is worse.

Consider this: in the months leading to the vote in Tanzania, over 80 opposition members have disappeared, more than 600 have been jailed, and at least five have been killed. No 600 opposition supporters have been detained in Uganda, and the number reported to have disappeared so far this year-mostly foot soldiers of Bobi Wine (Robert Kyagulanyi) ‘s National Unity Platform-is about 12. Leading candidates like Chadema’s party’s Lissu were arrested on April 9, 2025, and charged with treason for social media posts alleging election rigging. His trial drags on.

ACT-Wazalendo’s presidential candidate, Luhaga Mpina, was also arrested in April. With that, Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan effectively became unopposed, having neutralised her primary challengers. In Uganda, they will tear-gas the candidate and his supporters on nomination day. In the end, though, you will get nominated-unless you are Kizza Besigye, of course. There is also an unwritten rule in Uganda: you don’t touch pastors, priests and bishops who criticise election malpractices and abuses. You can rebut or even insult them, but you don’t lay a hand on them.

Not so in Tanzania. Father Charles Kitima, a Catholic priest and outspoken critic of state repression, was brutally attacked in his Dar es Salaam office, his jaw broken after he denounced electoral injustices. Days later, Father Emmanuel Mshana met the same fate, beaten by unidentified assailants believed to be tied to the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) for his fiery anti-corruption sermons. In Arusha, Pastor Mchungaji Steve, known for fiery prophecies against the ruling party, was abducted, beaten, and dumped in Kilimanjaro, barely alive.

These events took me five years back, during the Covid-19 lockdown. I was involved in an Africa trend-tracking exercise for an international organisation, following patterns of infection and vaccination across the continent, minus Tanzania, which refused to acknowledge the virus and stopped releasing data after about a month. We would plot the rise or fall of infections and vaccinations. We also tracked the pandemic’s effect on education, the economy and society in general-for example, a sharp rise in cybercrime, gangs, and transnational crimes like human trafficking as fewer security forces patrolled borders.

We also tracked lockdown enforcement. There was a considerable increase in abuses by police and military, and a rise in the killing of journalists across Africa.

There was one exception in East Africa: Uganda. Excluding journalists shot, injured or beaten while covering Bobi Wine’s campaigns, the rest were not molested. Uganda had the lowest figures for abuse and obstruction. I was struck by that and looked back 10 years, finding that far more journalists and activists had been killed in other African countries-including those that are demonstrably more democratic than Uganda, such as South Africa.

That is when I began to suspect that Uganda must have a manual for brutalising journalists and opposition supporters-probably one approved by the Commander-in-Chief himself. The likelihood of this first became apparent in how Museveni spoke about Bobi Wine’s detention and torture in Arua in August 2018, and later what we learnt about the abduction and torture of the acid-tongued writer Kakwenza Rukirabashaija in early 2022.

It seems the manual says things like: “break only one leg and arm, not both”; “hit the head and face, but don’t pluck out the eyes”; “lash the back with wire, don’t slice with a blade”; “for women, beat and then humiliate by exposing their intimate parts”; “break no more than half the ribs”; and “but whatever you do, don’t kill.” Cruelty in East Africa has become both a language and a craft. Tanzania’s version is raw and total. Uganda’s is methodical, selective and coldly bureaucratic. The difference is not moral; it is only tactical. And that might be the most terrifying part.

Locals evicted from land that the Uganda Wildlife Authority (UWA) says is part of Pian Upe Wildlife Reserve have called upon the government to urgently resettle them. The locals who are members of the Bagisu, Sabiny, and Iteso tribes were evicted in 2014 by UWA from the land located in Kukumai Village, Kween District.

The eviction affected 661 families with more than 7000 members. Many of the displaced families camped about 500 metres from where they were expelled, living in squalor in Nyiliti Parish, Sundeti Sub-county.

Mr Alex Lukhanda Natembeya, one of the evictees, said they have lived ‘like refugees on our own land’ for the past 11 years, accusing UWA of land grabbing.

‘We were attacked at night by UWA officials. They destroyed our crops, beat us, and demolished all the community amenities we relied on. Marriages have been broken, and many elderly people have since died due to the harsh living conditions,’ he says. He appealed to the government for intervention, saying the community has continuously supported President Museveni and the NRM but received no help in return.

Mr Juma Mulongo, 63, said his family has lived on the disputed land for generations, even before Uganda’s independence. ‘My father lived in Kukumai during colonial times, and his grave remains there, in the same area UWA now claims as part of the park,’ he added. He said despite obtaining court orders recognising them as lawful occupants, UWA has continued to deny them access to the land.’We have obtained court orders that allow us to occupy the land, but they have denied us the right. We have orders from the inspector general of police recognising us as lawful occupants, but the UWA officials have denied us access to the land,’ he said.

Mr Nelson Manyali, the chairman of the people displaced from Kukumai, said they have not received any official government response to the matter or any form of government aid ever since they were evicted in 2014. Mr Manyali added that all the infrastructure, including schools, hospital, and homes were broken down by UWA, making the place uninhabitable. He said those who attempt to return to the disputed land are beaten by UWA personnel and chased away. Mr Bernard Kiberenge, 85, said he was born on the disputed land and spent most of his life there before the eviction.

‘I watched missionaries build a Catholic school there in 1953, followed by a government school and health centre. UWA demolished everything,’ he said. Local leaders said several people have died in the internally displaced people’s camps because of the poor living condition and lack of medical services. Mr Moses Kashari, the LC1 chairperson of Soseti Village, said: ‘I received elderly men and women, rightful occupants of the land who had buried their ancestors there. It’s disappointing this happened under the government we support.’

He added that the host village is overwhelmed due to lack of facilities, forcing some displaced people to seek refuge in Kenya or work as casual labourers in Sebei and Bugisu. Mr Richard Chemutaraba, the Jeema party coordinator in Kween District, accused government officials of hiding behind UWA to grab land.

‘They use the President’s name to steal people’s land. UWA is just a cover-up. The empty village has now become a haven for criminal activities, including cattle raiding,’ he alleged. The Kween Deputy Resident District Commissioner, Mr Twoyem Kenneth Chemonges described the Kukumai dispute as a serious security issue that has escalated conflicts among communities.

‘This issue involves not only UWA but also the restoration of original boundaries between Karamoja, particularly Nakapiripirit and Amudat, and Sebei in Kween District. It has caused clashes among the Pokot, Karimojong, and Kween communities,’ he said. He explained that human activities have altered the course of River Kiriki, leading to confusion over the official boundary. ‘UWA keeps producing new maps claiming Pian Upe extends into Kween. We’ve asked the Ministry of Lands to conduct fresh demarcations to restore the original boundaries,’ he added.

Petitioning Museveni

The displaced residents, through their lawyer Mr Joseph Ndawula of Kayanja and Company Advocates, have petitioned President Museveni to intervene and compel UWA to compensate them for losses and suffering. ‘Despite several interventions from district authorities and other leaders, UWA staff have continued to destabilise the residents. We are demanding Shs20b in compensation,’ Mr Ndawula said. However, a senior UWA official attached to the Elgon Conservation Area, who requested anonymity, insisted that the disputed land belongs to UWA.

‘Those are former encroachers. Pian Upe was gazetted in the 1960s. People living there were advised to leave. Being buried on encroached land does not make it theirs,’ the official said, dismissing allegations of torture as ‘baseless and unfounded.’ Mr Frederick Wanyama, the chief warden of Pian Upe, said he was unaware of the complaints. ‘I took office in August, and no such issue was raised during the handover,’ he said. The UWA Communications Manager, Mr Bashir Hangi, said the Authority had the mandate to protect gazetted wildlife areas. ‘Once the government gazettes a place as protected, we manage it according to the gazettement instrument. We always operate peacefully, but resistance from locals sometimes leads to skirmishes,’ he said.

The Fifa Museum in Zurich, yesterday, opened its doors to a fresh, interactive exhibition exploring how innovation is reshaping the world’s most popular sport – from the dressing room to the broadcast booth, and from referees’ wrists to fans’ phones.Developed with Fifa’s Innovation Team, the show titled ‘Innovation in Action’ takes visitors behind the scenes of football’s evolving tech universe. It tells the story of how systems like Video Assistant Referee (VAR), goal-line technology, wearable trackers, and data analytics now drive the game – tools that continue to spark debate among fans from Kampala to Zurich.World of innovation’This is about showing people the side of football they don’t usually see,’ says Marco Fazzone, Managing Director of the Fifa Museum. ‘Visitors can step inside the world of football innovation and experience it hands-on.’Organised around five themed areas – Broadcasting and Media, Intelligent Data, Refereeing and Fair Play, Staging the Game, and the Innovation Lab – the exhibition blends storytelling with touch-and-try tech.Fans can walk through how match footage evolved from grainy black-and-white to 4K ultra slow motion, or slip into a referee’s shoes with headset replays that simulate match-day pressure.Statistics on equipAmong the highlights are the Fifa Player App, which tracks player data in real time, and Canada goalkeeper Kailen Sheridan’s famous bottle marked with penalty statistics from the Women’s World Cup 2023 – a nod to how analytics now influence crucial match moments.There’s also a first-of-its-kind referee body cam tested at the Fifa Club World Cup 2025, offering fans a unique view of officiating from inside the game.Visitors are encouraged to test their decision-making skills as referees, act as goal-line technology operators, or even direct a live TV broadcast.For budding African innovators, the Innovation Lab lets them submit ideas that could shape the future of football – a concept that might inspire local federations like Federation of Uganda Football Associations (Fufa) to explore new tech adoption for domestic competitions.The exhibition runs until March 31, 2026, at the Fifa Museum in Zurich, with entry included in the regular ticket. For Ugandan fans, it’s a glimpse into what the future of the game could look like – smarter, faster, and fairer, yet still full of raw emotion.

Mr Norbert Mao, the Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister, yesterday tabled before Parliament new proposed regulations that will guide the operations of political parties under the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD). Minister Mao, also the president general of Uganda’s oldest political party-the Democratic Party (DP), said the regulations are aimed at strengthening accountability, structured dialogue, and inclusivity in Uganda’s multiparty political system.

The proposed Political Parties and Organisations (Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue) Regulations, 2025, that has been referred to the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee for consideration before being considered by the House, is clear, if not bold, enough in its language. It stipulates that political parties that are members of IPOD will be required to participate in at least two-thirds of the organisation’s activities every year. These include: the Summit, Council, business committee meetings, and other engagements determined by the Summit.

According to the regulations seen by the Monitor, parties that will fail to meet the participation threshold will be reported by the IPOD Secretariat to the Council, which will forward a report to the Summit for consideration. The Summit will then decide whether the non-compliant political party qualifies for government funding, as stipulated under Section 14(2) of the Political Parties and Organisations Act.

The regulation is designed to ensure that parties benefiting from public funds remain active participants in national dialogue and political development. In the past, some political parties had either boycotted or irregularly participated in IPOD activities, undermining the purpose of the platform, and these could at the end of the day receive funding from the government. ‘This law is not to punish any political party but to encourage discipline, transparency, and dialogue. IPOD is meant to be a house of conversation for all political players, and we want to institutionalise that spirit,’ the regulations read in part.

New structure

Under the proposed framework, IPOD will operate through three main structures, the Summit, the Council, and the Secretariat, each with clearly defined roles and responsibilities. The Summit will serve as the highest decision-making organ, composed of party leaders and secretaries-general of all member political parties. It will be chaired on a rotational basis every two years, following the alphabetical order of party names. The Summit’s functions will include: exercising strategic oversight over IPOD structures, generating a national dialogue agenda, reviewing recommendations from the Council, and ratifying resolutions. It will meet at least once every six months and operate in accordance with a Code of Conduct appended to the regulations.

The Council, which will act as the implementing arm of IPOD, will be composed of secretaries-generals and two executive members from each political party, one of whom must be a woman. The Council will meet at least once a month to implement decisions of the summit, propose dialogue agendas, monitor political developments, issue statements on the state of political affairs, and create thematic technical committees to support IPOD’s objectives.

The secretariat, currently hosted by the National Consultative Forum, will coordinate IPOD’s day-to-day operations and serve as a link between the council and the summit. It will also be responsible for organising a bi-annual audit of IPOD’s activities. The audit will coincide with the change of leadership, requiring the outgoing chair to present an accountability report outlining achievements, challenges, and recommendations for the next leadership.

Code of conduct

The proposed regulations introduce a detailed Code of Conduct for all political parties and organisations under IPOD. The code outlines principles to guide cooperation, including patriotism, mutual respect, inclusiveness, accountability, gender equity, and utmost good faith. It also sets objectives such as promoting democracy, good governance, and peaceful coexistence among political actors; strengthening the institutional integrity of political parties; encouraging participation of women, youth, and other special interest groups in politics; and fostering cooperation among parties beyond partisan considerations.

The Code of Conduct will serve as a moral and legal compass for IPOD members and ensure that disagreements are resolved within a framework of mutual respect and lawful engagement. To enhance effectiveness, the council will form several committees, including the Business Committee, the Research and Policy Committee, the Conflict Resolution and Mediation Committee, and the Implementation Committee.

What next?

The Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Committee is expected to review the proposed regulations in detail and present its findings to Parliament in the coming weeks. Once the report is debated and adopted, the regulations will be gazetted and come into force. Yesterday, after tabling the regulations, Mr Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, the Kira Municipality lawmaker, asked Minister Mao to explain why the National Unity Platform (NUP) party’s request to join IPOD has stalled. ‘I do not know how someone was made a leader and did not see that, but instead told them to follow the process.

Under which regulations was NUP stopped from joining the organisation given the fact that you are just tabling the law?’ Mr Ssemujju said. In response, Mr Mao said NUP has not been stopped from joining IPOD. The Opposition party has instead been given, Mr Mao added, clear guidelines from the Secretariat to follow.

‘I have always said that I can kneel down for NUP to join IPOD. I hope they will be able to join in the next summit and publicly announce their entry and participate in the activities,’ Mr Mao said.

Background

Government first introduced the idea of linking political party funding to participation in the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) in 2018. This was part of efforts to strengthen multiparty democracy and promote regular engagement among political actors.