Why firms buy and sell each other

When a company decides to sell or buy another business, it is rarely a random choice. There is always a reason behind it – a strategy, a pressure, or a vision. For example, in Uganda in 2023, the Sarrai Group made headlines when it acquired 70 percent of Hima Cement Limited from Swiss Holcim for about $84 million.

That deal showed how a local conglomerate bet big on cement and construction by absorbing a major existing player. Even within telecom, MTN announced it would spin off its fintech unit in Uganda so that Mastercard can take a stake – a restructuring move that often precedes a merger or acquisition.

In 2025 overall, global Merger and Acquisition (M and A) activity hit around $2.6 trillion in value, driven by big deals and aggressive growth strategies, according to Dealogic, a financial markets analytics firm.

These deals show that mergers and acquisitions are not random-they are deliberate, high-stakes decisions with big impacts.

Why sell?

For sellers, one common reason is strategy. Businesses evolve just like people do. A farmer may begin by selling raw maize but later realise that milling it into flour makes more sense.

To make that shift, he may sell part of his farm to raise money for a factory.

In the same way, a company may dispose of part of its business that no longer fits its future direction and invest the proceeds in opportunities that align better with its strategy.

Sometimes the issue is that a company owns assets that are not central to what it does. A bank, for instance, may own many plots of land or buildings. Yet banking is not about managing property, and holding such assets is costly and risky. Land can be stolen, paperwork must be checked repeatedly, and time is wasted.

For that reason, the bank may sell those properties and focus on what it does best-banking.

Regulation is another powerful driver. In some industries the cost of meeting legal requirements keeps rising.

A good example comes from Uganda’s banking sector. In 2022, the government raised the minimum capital requirement for commercial banks to Shs150 billion. For big institutions this was manageable, but for smaller ones it was a mountain too high.

The result was exits, licence downgrades, and acquisitions. Afriland First Bank voluntarily left the market, while Opportunity Bank, Guaranty Trust (GT) Bank, and ABC Capital Bank downgraded to Tier 2 credit institutions.

Other small banks came under pressure to merge or sell, while larger players seized the chance to expand. Access Holdings of Nigeria, for example, acquired a stake in Finance Trust Bank as part of its regional growth strategy.

This shows how regulation can force reluctant sales or reshape competitive landscapes.

Uganda’s case is not unique. Globally, banking has often been reshaped by regulatory shocks.

After the 2008 financial crisis, new rules like the Basel III standards forced banks to hold more capital and cut risky lending. For smaller lenders, especially in Europe and the US, survival became harder.

Many merged with stronger institutions. In America, giants like JPMorgan Chase grew bigger after acquiring Washington Mutual and Bear Stearns. In Europe, stricter capital rules pushed smaller lenders into mergers, sales, or closures.

The most dramatic illustration came in 2023, when Swiss regulators brokered the emergency takeover of Credit Suisse by UBS. Credit Suisse, once one of the world’s banking giants, was crippled by scandals, losses, and investor panic.

To prevent a crisis, UBS bought it for $3.2 billion-less than half its $8 billion market value just days earlier.

Overnight, Switzerland lost one of its two banking titans, and UBS became even more dominant.

The deal showed how, in moments of crisis, regulators can compel mergers that reshape entire economies.

As Gertrude Wamala Karugaba, a legal and governance professional with over 20 years of experience in financial services, corporate law, and board leadership across East and Central Africa explains, ‘Owners may be comfortable continuing, but the regulator can force them to reduce their stake or sell entirely to protect financial stability.’

Beyond regulation, the wider economic environment can also drive exits.

‘Inflation may rise, taxes may increase, or profits may shrink. In banking, when too many customers fail to repay loans, banks must set aside large provisions that cut into earnings. If this continues, the business becomes too risky, and selling becomes more about survival than profit,’ Karugaba notes.

Investors also have their own timelines. Private equity firms, for instance, are not meant to stay in a company forever. Their investment horizon is usually five to 10 years, after which they must sell regardless of performance.

Similarly, funds often have strict limits on how much they can invest in one sector or country. Once those limits are reached, they may sell even attractive assets just to comply with policy.

Not all sales are signs of weakness. Sometimes, joining forces with a larger enterprise offers greater strength.

The saying, ‘A small piece of something big is better than a big piece of something small.’ By being absorbed into a larger group, a company may gain access to bigger markets, more customers, and more stability than it could have achieved alone.

Standard Chartered Bank’s exit from some markets, including Uganda, is a good example. The bank did not leave because it was failing. It wanted to focus its resources on corporate clients instead of retail.

From the outside this may look puzzling, especially in a country with a large young population, but for the bank it was simply a strategic shift.

Why buy?

Companies buy to grow. Sometimes growth means entering new markets, and acquiring a business already operating there is far easier than starting from scratch.

Think of a Ugandan company wishing to enter Mozambique. Instead of struggling with new laws, language, and systems, it may simply purchase a local business and build from there.

In other cases, the goal is not geography but capability. A company may want advanced technology, but building it internally could take years. Buying a smaller tech firm gives it instant access to innovation, skilled talent, and an existing customer base.

Growth can also mean resilience. Consider a steel manufacturer that relies heavily on importing raw materials. Every shipment exposes the business to delays, rising shipping costs, and currency swings.

To reduce these risks, the company might acquire a local mine or set up a recycling plant, securing its own supply chain.

A similar idea can be seen in Uganda’s food sector. In 2022, Unga Millers (Uganda) entered into a joint venture with Nutreco International B.V. to form Tunga Nutrition (Uganda) Limited. Unga contributed assets valued at KSh704.1 million in exchange for a 50 percent stake.

The venture revived Unga’s dormant flour mill in Kampala, converting it into a modern feed mill producing animal feeds and concentrates, giving the company a stronger and more resilient base for growth.

The same principle applies in telecoms. Running towers independently may seem attractive at first, but over time the cost of maintenance and depreciation weighs heavily on finances. To fix this, operators often merge tower assets or share networks.

In Uganda, Airtel and MTN, the two largest telecom companies, transferred thousands of their towers to American Tower Corporation (ATC).

Instead of each one struggling to maintain towers separately, this freed them to focus on improving service quality and expanding reach, while shared infrastructure reduced costs and boosted efficiency across the industry.

These examples show that resilience is not only about being big-it is about being smart. Companies are learning that sometimes the fastest way to grow stronger is by sharing, merging, or strategically letting go of assets that weigh them down.

Mergers and acquisitions are about staying ahead.

‘Every business wants to outpace its competitors. One way to do that is to buy rather than build. Some leaders set their sights on being number one or number two in their market, knowing that top position gives them the power to shape the industry.

Others pursue resilience, acquiring businesses that protect them from shocks in supply chains or sudden changes in the economy,’ Karugaba, who currently serves as Group chief legal officer at Equity Group Holdings PLC, notes.

The legal maze

When it comes to mergers and acquisitions, the law is never far away. These transactions do not happen in a vacuum, especially in heavily regulated sectors such as banking, technology, telecoms, and mining.

Every industry has its own rules that shape how a deal can be structured and completed.

Even the type of transaction matters. Is it a share purchase or an asset disposal? Buying shares makes you a full shareholder, but it also means inheriting everything that comes with the company-its obligations, disputes, and liabilities.

Buying assets, on the other hand, lets you select what you want, but raises the question of what value is left behind.

The fine print often hides in schedules and appendices.

As Karugaba cautions: ‘Lawyers sometimes focus on the main body of the agreement and ignore the attachments, but these can be just as critical. Disputes later arise when one party claims something was not disclosed, only to find that it was quietly listed in the schedule-whether it be litigation, employee disputes, or land issues. It is a reminder that in M and A deals, diligence must go beyond the headlines into the small details.’

In Uganda, the Competition Act provides a clear framework for merger control. Part V of the Act sets out what qualifies as a merger, which transactions must be notified, how notification is done, and the criteria the Ministry of Trade uses to evaluate them.

It sets timelines for decisions and clarifies what happens if no decision is made.

As Karugaba explains: ‘For anyone working in financial services, these rules must be read alongside the Financial Institutions Act, which has strict provisions on business transfers, changes in control, and the approvals required for new shareholders in a bank.’

The most famous example of these laws in action was the takeover of Crane Bank by dfcu Bank in 2017. Once Uganda’s third-largest bank, Crane Bank was placed under statutory management by the Bank of Uganda after becoming insolvent.

Using powers under the Financial Institutions Act, the regulator transferred its assets and liabilities to dfcu to preserve stability in the system.

The deal was approved quickly, but it later triggered years of litigation over asset valuation, loan books, and disclosure-showing how regulatory frameworks can both enable and complicate M and A.

The legal picture is not only national but also regional. For years, there was debate about whether the East African Community (EAC) Competition Act applied to Uganda. That debate is now settled.

As of August 2025, the COMESA Competition Commission has been given the mandate to operationalise and implement its regional competition law. Starting November 1, it will begin receiving applications for regional merger approvals.

This means businesses must now think in layers: first Uganda’s local Competition Act, then the EAC framework, and finally the COMESA regulations.

The COMESA rules add further complexity by focusing on whether a transaction has a ‘regional dimension’-a definition that is not always crystal clear.

They also stress that even if a deal does not require regional notification, it may still trigger local requirements.

For companies operating across East and Central Africa, this overlap can be confusing. But it highlights an essential truth: M and A is as much about navigating the legal and regulatory maze as it is about negotiating the commercial terms.

World over, M and A deals reshape industries, protect stability, and sometimes save businesses from collapse.

For sellers, they can mean survival or strategy. For buyers, they are about growth and resilience. For regulators, they are tools to safeguard economies.

Mengo starts on a high as futsal league returns

The betPawa Futsal League made a grand return on Friday night at the Old Kampala Futsal Arena, drawing a record 1,023 energetic fans who devoured every moment of the six-game spectacle.

Mengo City, notorious for tormenting nets, resumed business in terrifying fashion with a ruthless 10-1 victory over Entebbe Cheetahs. It took only three minutes for skipper Anthony Male to flick the switch, before the always-sprightly midfielder Farouk ‘Mr. Dancefloor’ Tumwesigye doubled the tally. Male returned to pile a third within 10 minutes as Cheetahs held their breath trying to stay afloat.

Their resistance eventually cracked again when Joshua Aziku fired home in the 19th minute to send the game into halftime at 4-0. Newly recruited attacker Billy Nkata marked his league return with a strike early in the second half, paving way for Tumwesigye to steal the show with three more goals for a flamboyant four-goal haul. Arafat Kabanda and the ever-inspirational John Musaasizi joined the goal parade. Muzaidi Awama scored the lone consolation for Entebbe Cheetahs.

Mengo head coach Abdullahi AbdulFatah beamed with satisfaction afterward: ‘We wanted to send a message. The boys played with hunger, speed and purpose. This is the standard we want to set every single week.’

Grameen, Falcons soar

The opening duel delivered similar fireworks as Lubaga Grameen punished Nansana ASKA 5-2. ASKA actually struck first through Blick Haggai, although the joy was short-lived. Grameen’s sharp finisher Reagan Kimbugwe rifled in a hat-trick, supported by goals from reliable teammates to turn the game on its head.

Head coach Musa Kalule relished the turnaround: ‘Last season we took too long to wake up. This time we want to show intent from day one. The direction is forward only.’

New league entrants Kop UG were handed a harsh welcome, crumbling 6-0 against Lubiri Falcons. The debutants fell behind in the eighth minute through Arafat Ssentongo, before Najib Muwonge and William Sseguya hammered in two quick goals. Ssentongo later completed his brace while Mansour Kintu matched him with two of his own in a statement performance.

Lubiri Falcons founder and head coach Ismail Ssendege remained positive about their identity.

‘We want to give more players exposure. This is another opportunity for them to shine and grow with the game,’ Ssendege said.

Elsewhere, La Mansia learned the hard way against Old Kampala, losing 4-0. Veteran talisman Abasi Muluya drew first blood in the 4th minute, with Bakar Kulane stretching the lead moments later. Michael Abura made it three right after the restart before Muluya closed the evening with his well-taken brace.

The youthful Kisenyi side couldn’t outsmart QC Mbarara, falling 3-1, while Kabowa Dream Team edged Edgars 4-3 in a breathless finish. New Edgars signing Gaddafi Bazannyanengo marked his debut with a goal that deserved more than the final result gave him.

betPawa Futsal League

Results

Mengo city 10-1 Entebbe

Kop UG 0-6 Lubiri Falcons

La Mansia 0-4 Old Kampala

Grameen 5-2 Nansana ASKA

Kisenyi 1-3 QC Mbarara

Kabowa 4-3 Edgars

The lingering case of Greater Masaka machete killings

In September 2021, the late MP for Kawempe North, Muhammad Ssegirinya, and his Makindye West counterpart, Allan Ssewanyana, were arraigned before Masaka Court and charged in connection with a spate of killings in the Greater Masaka region by thugs wielding machete and iron bars, which left at least 26 residents dead, primarily the elderly.

The prosecution alleged that on August 23, 2021, at Ssetala village in Kimanya Kabonera Division, the two legislators participated in the murders of Sulaiman Kakooza, Michael Kiiza Nswa, and Tadeo Kiyimba.

The Opposition MPs spent about 17 months in prison before the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) issued a certificate of no objection for their release. During that time, they had applied for bail, but their requests were denied. Presiding Judge Lawrence Tweyanze eventually released the MPs on Shs20 million bond each.

However, their sudden release raised eyebrows, as it occurred even before their defence lawyers could complete the necessary legal paperwork. MP Ssegirinya’s freedom was short-lived, as his health rapidly deteriorated. In search of specialised treatment, he was taken abroad, including to Kenya and the Netherlands, but his health did not improve.

He passed away at Rubaga Hospital on January 9 this year. Some political analysts have claimed that the charges against Ssegirinya and Ssewanyana were politically motivated rather than criminal, aimed at silencing the vocal Opposition MPs affiliated with the National Unity Platform (NUP). It has now been five years since the charges were filed, yet their trial has never been conducted, in violation of the 1995 Constitution, which guarantees a fair and speedy trial.

Since the MPs’ arrest occurred during an election year, political pundits speculate that the ongoing trend of indiscriminate killings could be intended to instill fear among citizens ahead of the polls scheduled for January 15 next year.

Queries as ERA halts Shs790b solar projects

The decision by the power sub-sector regulator, Electricity Regulatory Authority (ERA), to slam the doors on investments in five solar photovoltaic (PV) projects estimated at around $230m (Shs796b) has yet again lifted the lid on the chaos and reading at variance by government energy sector planners.

This uncoordinated movement of troops, according to sources, was at the heart of the September 3 joint technical meeting called by the Ministry of Energy Permanent Secretary, Mr Irene Bateebe, to ‘harmonise’ positions and ensure coherence in the planning of renewable energy projects such as solar. The meeting was attended by technocrats from the ministry, ERA, Uganda Electricity Distribution Company Ltd (UEDCL), and Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Ltd (UETCL).

According to sources, the stormy meeting went on for hours as sector players pointed fingers, particularly at the regulator, ERA, which is, on another front, butting heads with UEDCL over the recurring power outages around Greater Kampala Metropolitan, amid derelict infrastructure.

ERA is accused of disallowing investments, from as far back as 2017, in an attempt to keep in line with President Museveni’s gospel of keeping end-user tariffs in check. The poor state of the power network, coupled with UEDCL frantically adding on more connections, came to light as soon as Umeme handed over on March 31; that is when the chickens came home to roost.

In the latest episode, ERA disallowed solar projects: 100 Megawatts (MW) in Nakaseke District, 20MW in Moroto District, 20 MW in Luuka District, 20 MW in Nebbi District, 20 MW in Gomba District, and 150 MW in Amuru District, which industry players described as ‘perplexing’ considering the government’s target of achieving 52,000 MW of installed capacity by 2040, as per the 2023 Energy Policy, the electricity sub-sector blueprint.

Uganda’s current electricity generation capacity stands at 2,046MW, of which solar, according to the Energy Policy, accounts for 66.5MW or 4.4 percent of the energy mix. In back-to-back correspondences, ERA wrote to the executives of the potential investors, disallowing the new solar projects.

On September 1, ERA wrote to Sahaj Renewable Power Limited declining to grant the application for a feasibility study to carry out detailed feasibility studies and related activities leading to the establishment of a solar plant in Nebbi, arguing that ‘the maximum firm capacity of Variable Renewable Energy (VRE) that can be safely integrated into the national grid is capped at 200 MW.’

‘The threshold has already been fully utilised by projects that have either been licensed or approved for development. The implication is that the grid’s technical capacity to integrate additional VRE has been exhausted, and any further connections of VRE would compromise the stability and security of the power system,’ ERA’s Chief Executive Officer Ziria Tibalwa Waako wrote.

She further indicated that UETCL is currently undertaking ‘a Grid Stability Study,’ which will inform the additional VRE that can be undertaken at the transmission level, the definitive capacities at the distribution level, and any technologies that may be integrated into the national grid while maintaining system reliability.

Similar reasons are provided in the rejection letters of the other projects. Energy America, the investor in the Nakaseke solar project, wrote to President Museveni earlier in the year expressing interest in developing a 100MW solar project integrated with 250 megawatt-hours (MWh) of battery energy storage (BESS), with possible co-financing by the US EXIM Bank and US International Development Finance Corporation.

The President wrote to the Energy Minister Ruth Nankabirwa in February, directing her to liaise with the company executives on the matter. The Ministry of Energy further published the project in the Uganda Gazette, only to be slammed by ERA.

Representatives of some of the investors, speaking to this newspaper, wondered why ERA first allowed them to go through the laborious bureaucracy, well aware that the ‘maximum firm capacity of Variable Renewable Energy (VRE) that can be safely integrated into the national grid is capped at 200 MW.’

‘You make people spend money on lawyers, and this to kick-start the process, then they slam the doors on at the next stage. But then the country’s Energy policy indicates there is a window for investment in solar, so which is what?’ one company’s representative said.

Representatives of Karamoja Solar Company Ltd said they were knee-deep in pre-construction processes like leasing land when their application for a feasibility study was rejected. The ERA’s Director for Corporate and Consumer Affairs, Mr Julius Wandera, asked about the same, arguing that there ‘must be a matching investment in the grid at the transmission level to align with the investment in intermittent sources.’ ‘UETCL is the system operator. They understand grid stability and grid requirements better than everyone else.

They work with global consultants daily. So, what they advise should be seriously respected,’ he said. UETCL officials told this newspaper the grid stability study is scheduled to be completed by the end of the year. Ms Bateebe also defended that the study is in the final stages, and it ‘is critical in guiding the ministry and ERA on the level of solar investment. ‘The ministry clears the projects to allow for feasibility studies to advance once cleared by ERA,’ she said.

Asked about the contradiction of the ministry greenlighting the projects in light of the Energy Policy, only to be slammed by ERA, Ms Bateebe said:

‘The minister gives a policy directive that has to be evaluated as part of the evaluation process. Any further directives will be given after the grid stability study.’

The Energy Policy details an energy mix and investment requirements by 2040, including 4,500MW from hydro, 1,500 from geothermal, 24,000 from nuclear, 1,000 from waste to energy, among others, with a price tag in the region of $245 billion (about Shs851 trillion).

We’ve been told lies about Lango and the North- Bobi Wine

The National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, has called for unity among Ugandans, urging citizens to reject decades of ‘lies and division’ allegedly propagated by the ruling establishment.

Addressing thousands of supporters at Akii-Bua Stadium in Lira City on October 27, 2025, Bobi Wine said his visit to Lango Sub-region was not just about seeking votes but about rebuilding trust and solidarity between communities.

‘Many of you are below 40 years. Many of you were born after Museveni took over our country. Many of us have grown up on lies. I don’t know what lies you’ve been told about the Baganda, but I will tell you the lies we’ve been told about the people of Lango, the people of northern Uganda, and the people of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC),’ Bobi Wine said, drawing cheers from the crowd.

For days, Bobi Wine has traversed Apac, Kwania, Kole, and Lira-painting a vision of a ‘new Uganda’ that prioritizes young people, equality, and good governance.

He traced Uganda’s political history back to the 1980 elections, when President Yoweri Museveni’s Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost with just one percent of the vote, and Museveni accused the then-president Milton Obote of rigging the election.

‘Museveni said Obote had stolen his election and started a war. But he did not start that war from where he comes from; he started it in Luweero. He began killing people, raiding banks, and burning ambulances. For a long time, Ugandans were told that the UPC people had gone around killing people,’ Bobi Wine told the cheering crowd.

The NUP leader alleged that years later, government officials had admitted that rebels disguised themselves as UPC supporters during the war and maimed civilians.

He said Uganda’s 40 years under ‘gun rule’ had left the country trapped in fear and poverty, and called on young people to rise up and shape their own destiny.

‘When I decided to run for president, it was for all of Uganda. We want to end 40 years of gun rule and start afresh. Uganda is rich-it’s not governed well. We have oil, fertile land, and young people full of energy. What we need is leadership that believes in us,’ he said.

Bobi Wine told his supporters that he won the 2021 general election, but his victory was ‘stolen’ by the ruling NRM.

‘We won Museveni, but he stole the election. They used Covid as an excuse that time, but this time there is no Covid,’ he said, urging supporters to ‘protect their votes’ in 2026.

Despite facing several obstacles during his campaign, including roadblocks and venue restrictions, Bobi Wine said the growing turnout was proof that Ugandans were ready for change.

‘They blocked us from many venues, but here we are. They delayed our clearance until 1:30 pm, but we still came. The regime fears crowds because they show the world that we have support,’ he said.

In his closing remarks, Bobi Wine challenged young Ugandans to imagine a future beyond political manipulation and fear.

‘When you vote, remember that it is not about me, it is about your future. Uganda will change when the young people decide that it must,’ he said.

Background: 2021 election performance in Lango

In the 2021 presidential election, the Electoral Commission results showed that President Museveni won most districts in the Lango sub-region.

In Oyam, Museveni garnered 62,292 votes against Bobi Wine’s 27,351; in Lira City, he polled 30,271 votes while Bobi Wine received 17,495. Similar margins were seen across Apac, Kole, and Alebtong.

This time, however, Bobi Wine’s campaign in northern Uganda has attracted larger crowds and renewed enthusiasm, signaling a potentially tighter race in 2026.

Are the huge crowds in election campaign photos real or fake?

The era of naturally big crowds in Uganda elections ended with Dr Kizza Besigye. I remember his nomination day in the 2016 elections, his Mbarara and Busia rallies, I had never seen anything like that in Uganda.

People say that the return of King Mutesa II’s body to Uganda in 1972 saw crowds queuing up from Entebbe Airport to Mengo, but I only saw it in black and white photos.

Apparently, UPC’s Apolo Obote also had huge crowds in the 1980 elections, but I wouldn’t know. All I know is that most of the 2025-2026 presidential rallies are made to look bigger using technology because I’m a bit technological myself. One major element is careful camera placement and shot choice by the video production crew.

Of course, there is the careful cherry picking of those who appear in the background behind the candidate as he speaks. They should look appealing, attractive, enthusiastic, and attentive. Take a look at those audiences behind the candidate; it is interesting that in many of the videos or photos, you will find the same people. So they are either unknown staff or paid to be there.

The camera or video man shouldn’t let people see empty seats or spaces. People who have covered events know about this trick, I believe. I personally did that whilst recording our community independence celebrations here in England. Appearances matter more to people than truth or facts.

Scary though, that reality can be both manipulated and interpreted to different ends. So, instead of wondering why some of the presidential candidates have ‘huge’ audiences, consider rendering a compliment to the media professionals who have lulled you into a false impression.

Reminds me of how people always give props to the ‘doctors and nurses’ who took care of them, while it was the CT or MRI scan/interpretation that uncovered the pathology. Don’t get me wrong; some presidential candidates naturally attract people to them, thus the big crowds. Elvis got huge crowds due to his popular music. Lots of people go to see Kyagulanyi for the same reason-entertainment and talk.

Similarly, people go to see Museveni because of his funny NRA stories and learning about politics. His speeches tend to be more educative than his opponents. Another factor is that a lot of the attendees are deadheads-they travel from rally to rally. Uganda has the second youngest population in the world, and the majority are unemployed. So rallies are an attraction to keep them busy. Then, there are parliamentary candidates who attend the presidential candidate’s rally to get recognised by the ” boss.”

This was very common before MPs got nominated, but I guess they will now start scaling back on escorting presidential candidates after nominations.

Nakafeero’s 20-year rocky journey to accepting intersex status

Priscilla Nakafeero, now 20, once felt trapped in a body that defied her expectations. What started as a quiet anxiety over never menstruating evolved into a life-altering discovery: she is intersex, born with both male and female genital characteristics.

After going through surgery in vain, experiencing emotional setbacks, depression, and eventual counselling, Nakafeero has transformed her pain into empowerment, emerging resilient and unapologetic. Her troubles started during her school years when she was 18.

Unlike her peers, she never experienced menstruation, despite reaching puberty. Nakafeero says after a long time of thinking and questioning herself, she decided to share her ordeal with her mother. Concerned, her mother took her to the hospital in search of medical intervention.

She says doctors discovered her vaginal canal was completely enclosed -a condition that required a surgical intervention ‘I was told a surgical procedure had to be done to create a canal, which was successful, but later failed during my recovery process,’ she says.

She reveals that the canal closed again. Desperate for solutions, she turned to herbalists, but she says this was not helpful either.

‘I enclosed back, something that traumatised me; this was the worst experience in my life,’ she adds. Undeterred, Nakafeero returned to Mulago National Referral Hospital for advanced testing. She says specialists were baffled by the recurring closure until internal examinations revealed the truth: she had dual genital structures -external female parts and internal male ones. Her male hormones dominated, overriding female development and causing the canal to seal repeatedly, according to scientists.

Dr Nasser Kakembo, a paediatrician at Mulago Hospital, says her condition is known as a Disorder of Sexual Development (DSD) where abnormalities occur during the separation of the developing baby to either be a male or female, depending on hormones. He says in her case, a surgery can be performed on the patient and leave her with a more active part, depending on the male and female chromosomes she has.

However, Kakembo revealed that the most common condition is known as fused labia, where a baby girl is born with a normal anus, but her urethra and productive canal are covered by skin folds.

‘The vaginal folds, which include, labia minora and majora or the vulva, can come together and join each other, causing a seal on the vaginal opening,’ he elaborates.

‘When a child has this condition, all the genital structures are present only but the canal is sealed.’

‘The doctor separates the canal by tearing her apart, especially if she is still a baby, unless the whole area is fused, then surgery might be necessary,” he adds.

The expert also reveals that such conditions are caused by hormonal imbalances. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), an estimated 1.7 percent of newborn babies across the world can be classified as intersex.

Dr Kakembo says it is hard for parents to determine such abnormalities, not until those who are kin observe their kids urinating like boys, since the vaginal opening is closed.

‘People should be taught about this issue as many are not aware that the urinating canal is different from the reproductive canal, something that can lead to women going into marriages without the main reason for it, hence awareness is needed,’ he adds.

2026 elections: MP candidate Tumwebaze demands Museveni brother Aine’s academic files

A candidate for the Mawogola North Constituency parliamentary seat has written to the Electoral Commission (EC), requesting for the certified copies of all academic documents submitted by Godfrey Aine Kaguta, a younger brother to President Museveni.

Also known as Sodo, Aine, was officially nominated as the NRM flag bearer for Mawogola North on October 22, while lawyer Jet John Ndamagi Tumwebaze was nominated for the same constituency on October 23.

Tumwebaze wrote to Acting EC Secretary Richard Kamugisha on October 27, requesting certified copies of the credentials Aine submitted to the commission for his nomination.

‘I would like to satisfy myself that the said Mr Aine is qualified to be a Member of Parliament in accordance with Article 80(1) (c) and 30(c) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, and Sections 4(1) (c) and 30(c) of the Parliamentary Elections Act Cap 177 (Revised Laws of Uganda).’

‘In accordance with Article 41 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda and Sections 4, 5 and 10 of the Access to Information Act Cap 95 Revised Laws of Uganda, I hereby request for certified copies of all academic documents submitted by the said Mr Aine to the EC,’ Tumwebaze’s letter reads in part.

In a recent interview Tumwebaze, a partner at Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA), told Monitor that he had entered into the Sembabule District race to “stop the possibility of Mawogola North being represented by the most unqualified person in history.”

‘We are talking about a person who can’t read and write. So, how can that person represent our people? How will that person participate in the law-making process?’ Tumwebaze asked.

In separate interview with this publication, Aine said “being nominated was enough to prove that he has the required academic papers.”

EC responds

EC Spokesperson Julius Mucunguzi Monday evening told Monitor that such requests are not unusual and are provided for under electoral laws.

‘During or after nominations, any registered voter can request to inspect the files that will have been submitted during the nomination exercise,’ Mucunguzi said.

He added: ‘It says any registered voter for that particular constituency, or anybody on the voters’ roll can make a formal request to the EC. This should not amount to something out of the ordinary or special.’

Asked if the EC has honoured Tumwebaze’s request, or whether the said Aine has the requisite academic qualifications to be an MP, Mucunguzi emphasized that there is no law that compels the EC to publicise details of someone’s nomination files.

‘When the Commission gets back to him, it will not announce it in the media, because the correspondence is directed to the chairperson, not to the media,’ he said.

Aine did not immediately respond on the matter.

He said his June decision followed ‘extensive consultations with President Museveni and senior NRM leaders’ and was driven by the ‘poor service delivery in our constituency.’

In 2021, Aine was widely regarded as a front-runner for the Mawogola North seat but withdrew shortly before the General Election, clearing the way for Shartsi Mushurure Nayebale Kutesa, daughter of former Foreign Affairs Minister Sam Kutesa, to win.

UNBS cracks down on counterfeit paint factory in downtown Kampala

The Uganda National Bureau of Standards (UNBS), in partnership with the Uganda Police, has shut down a mini factory operating illegally on the rooftop of Naiga Plaza in Kikuubo after discovering large quantities of counterfeit paint disguised as popular brands.

During the operation, authorities seized hundreds of buckets of fake paint and arrested several suspects accused of adulterating at least six major paint brands, including Plascon, Sadolin, Duracoat, and Robbialac. The counterfeiters allegedly used forged seals, fake stickers, and recycled branded containers to deceive buyers and retailers across Kampala.

According to UNBS officials, the illegal operators were not only evading taxes but also using lead-based substances, posing serious health and environmental risks.

‘There is also a global concern about paint, it contains lead. Lead is a heavy metal and is prohibited. If you are to mix lead in paint, there are permitted levels regulated by UNBS. The kind of people we have found here have no knowledge whatsoever on what paint is supposed to be made of, so they cannot make decisions to put a quality product on the market,’ said Ms Sylvia Kirabo, UNBS spokesperson on October 28.

Ms Kirabo warned that adulterated paint can have devastating consequences for human health and the environment.

‘If paint is adulterated, it’s dangerous to the environment and to people. Poorly measured ingredients can be harmful, and remember, this paint can end up in schools, affecting the mental capacity and health of children and anyone who comes in contact with it,’ she said.

Investigations revealed that the factory supplied a chain of retail outlets and shops around the city. Many of the fake products looked identical to genuine brands, making it nearly impossible for consumers to tell the difference.

Ms Kirabo said the illegal activity undermines fair trade and robs genuine investors of their market share.

‘We have found over six brands being counterfeited, these are brands that the Bureau has assessed and given a certification mark. Currently, we have over 40 manufacturers certified to produce paint, putting forward more than 230 brands. These people are not paying taxes, yet they are infiltrating the market and taking away money and resources that should go to genuine manufacturers,’ she said.

The suspects are currently in police custody and will face charges including counterfeiting, trademark infringement, and violations of the UNBS Act once investigations are complete.

‘Their fate is that we work together with the law and order sector, so they will be taken into police custody and the law will take its course. We have a Standards and Utilities Court that was put in place by government to fast-track cases related to standards and non-compliance,’ Ms Kirabo added.

However, she noted that UNBS’s role goes beyond enforcement, it also focuses on reforming small manufacturers.

‘Even as we identify such people, we try to bring them on board and train them. This is not the end of the story. We want to have them with us, train them, and nurture them to do genuine manufacturing. Sometimes people do these things out of ignorance,’ she said.

The operation followed months of market intelligence. Since August, UNBS has been conducting nationwide surveillance on counterfeit goods, and several adulterated paints were traced back to Kampala, believed to be the main hub for illegal production and distribution.

‘We have established that the issue of substandard products is real, but we have not given up on our role and mandate. We shall continue to monitor the market. We have also started a sector-based approach, instead of combing the entire market, we are handling one sector at a time. Today, we are focusing on paint,’ Ms Kirabo explained.

UNBS says the crackdown is part of its broader effort to protect consumers, ensure fair trade, and promote the growth of genuine manufacturers contributing to Uganda’s economy.

Rubongoya cautions Masaka politicians over independent bids

The Secretary-General of the National Unity Platform (NUP), David Lewis Rubongoya, has cautioned party members in the Masaka sub-region against defying party regulations by contesting as independents or supporting rival candidates.

During a visit to Masaka City on Tuesday, Rubongoya, who had gone to check on detained party members at Masaka Prison but was denied access since it was not an official visiting day, used the opportunity to deliver a stern message to party loyalists.

‘We want to make it clear that once someone chooses to stand as an independent, they automatically cease to be a member of the National Unity Platform,’ Rubongoya said. ‘You cannot claim to support NUP while defying the same party that gave you a platform.’

He expressed disappointment that some individuals who lost in the party primaries chose to run as independents or even joined other political parties instead of supporting the official NUP flag bearers.

According to Rubongoya, the party has received reports that certain NUP-endorsed candidates are campaigning alongside independents, a move he described as unacceptable and a betrayal of party unity.

‘It is unfortunate that some of our own flag bearers are moving with independents,’ he said. ‘This goes against our principles. Once you support an independent, you are working against the party.’

In Masaka City, Sauya Nanyonga is among those who defied the party directive by contesting as an independent for the Woman Member of Parliament seat, despite NUP endorsing Rose Nalubowa as its official candidate.

Similarly, in Kalungu District, Aisha Waliggo, who lost the NUP primaries for the Woman MP seat to Shakira Namiiro Zzinga, crossed to the Democratic Front Party, which later endorsed her for the same position.

In Bukoto Central, Alex Kalinzi Ntamu was nominated as an independent candidate after claiming his NUP card had been stolen by one Jamil Kivumbi. He said he is still waiting for clarification from the Electoral Commission, but Rubongoya maintained that his decision to contest as an independent was wrong.

Meanwhile, in Lwemiyaga County, NUP member Isaac Tumusiime Museveni defected to the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) on the final day of nominations, pledging to support NRM candidates in the 2026 general elections.

Rubongoya condemned all such defections and independent bids, accusing those involved of prioritizing personal interests and financial gain over loyalty to the NUP cause.

‘We must protect our struggle and ensure that only genuine NUP candidates carry our message,’ Rubongoya emphasized. ‘Unity and discipline are what will win us victory.’