Category: Daily Monitor

Namuwongo Blazers are back in business after winning Game Three of the National Basketball League finals.

Tuesday night’s 80-70 victory ensured the challengers avoided going 3-0 down against the perennial winners.

Tonny Drileba, who sat out the first two games with injury, played his first in the finals and provided Stephen Nyeko’s charges with the much-needed control down in the stretch in the fourth quarter.

The first two games were characterized by Namuwongo’s failure to hold onto leads when the stakes were high.

The statistics will reflect Drileba as having contributed nine assists, five rebounds and two points but his role went beyond that.

He was defensively sharp and played a big part in limiting Oilers’ offense. He also ensure the ball was safe in his hands despite seemingly playing with pain in the fourth frame.

Momentum shift

The Blazers had their backs against the wall on Tuesday, with the thought of going 3-0 down unimaginable.

Both sides went pound for pound in the first half, with the opening 10 minutes ending in a 24-24 tie.

City Oilers edged the second quarter 20-18 to lead 44-42 going into the halftime break.

It was in the second half that the Blazers gained control of proceedings and unlike what was seen in the first two game, the regular season’s top seed held on for victory.

Peter Obleng scored 20 points and collected nine rebounds to lead the charge for the Blazers on the night.

Arthur Wanyoto came off the bench to record 18 points and eight rebounds while Anthony Chuckwurah had 14 points and eight rebounds.

With the victory, the Blazers will now go into Friday’s Game Four with the momentum and looking to level the series.

Poor returns

City Oilers starters did most of the lifting as the bench players struggled to get into the game all night.

Rogers Dauna, who converted a free throw, was the only player to come off the bench and register a point.

Titus Lual, Ben Komakech and Edgar Munaba all failed to register any point in the game.

Moses Maker (20), Kurt Wegscheider (18), Chad Bowie (17) and Fayed Baale (12) led the way for Andrew Tendo’s charges but their points were not sufficient for the team to stretch their lead in the series.

Game Four will provide the platform for the defending champions to re-establish their two-game cushion in the series.

National Basketball League Finals

Game Three results

Women: JKL 77-59 JT L. Jaguars (2-1)

Men: Nam Blazers 80-70 City Oilers (1-2)

A wave of Opposition voices on social media recently pounced on a comment made by First Lady Janet Kataaha Museveni during a rally in West Nile, where she spoke of ‘building a strong foundation for this country.’ Many critics mocked her, accusing her of being out of touch with Uganda’s current realities – and questioned how such a statement could be made after four decades in power. Ironically, many of these critics are standing on the very foundation she referred to.

Uganda’s transformation over the past 40 years is a story of resilience, vision, and determined leadership.

From a nation crippled by despair and instability, marred by identity politics and sectarianism, Uganda has evolved into a country with a unified army, a more cohesive society, and a functioning democracy. Economically, it has shifted from a pre-capitalist, pre-socialist, traditional setup to one striving for a qualitative leap into middle-income status. Those questioning why the Musevenis would take pride in a 40-year foundation likely have never built anything from scratch. They lack the perspective to appreciate the distance Uganda has travelled; often swayed by political rhetoric and blind to the country’s progress.

Post-independence politics led to economic ruin, culminating in the 1972 expulsion of Gujaratis – Uganda’s entrepreneurial backbone. What followed was hyperinflation, political chaos, and rationing of basic goods. During a campaign in northern Uganda, President Museveni met Moses Apiliga, the former minister for supplies, whose job was to oversee the distribution of scarce commodities. If Masaka lacked soap, his ministry had to find it and deliver it. State House staffer Mukoda recalls writing to the ministry ahead of his wedding to request a specific number of sodas, and receiving a rationed allocation in return. Ugandans had to negotiate for essentials, regardless of demand.

That is the backdrop to the foundation the Musevenis speak of. Today, not only are essential commodities stable in price, they are also abundant. Uganda now produces surplus sugar, surplus food, surplus everything, to the point where managing excess has become a new challenge. We have moved beyond the enclave economy. Today, nearly every product is a cash crop: cassava, maize, bananas, fish, beef, fruits, sugar, and leather, you name it. We’ve entered the knowledge economy, manufacturing electric vehicles (KIRA EV) and developing vaccines in the pathogenic economy. The contrast is undeniable.

That said, the Musevenis are not without fault. While the economy has diversified, the continued export of raw materials remains a critical gap, draining jobs and value. But this isn’t a problem they created; Uganda has exported raw cotton for many years. In 1986, the economy stood at just $4 billion. Today, it has grown to $55 billion and is on track to reach $550 billion, thanks to industrialisation, value addition, and import substitution. Uganda now boasts more than 50,000 industries, including one that manufactures the jeans beloved by youth. The Parish Development Model aims to lift households into the money economy.

In education, the First Lady’s ministry has made stride. The next step is ensuring free education at all levels; the foundation is already in place.

Peace and security, often overlooked, are central to this foundation. The First Lady understands this deeply, having lived as a refugee in multiple countries. Uganda has enjoyed its longest period of stability. Today, we export peace and host refugees. So, despite the noise from naysayers, imperialist sympathisers, misinformed social media critics, entitled Gen Zs, dishonest politicians, and obscurantist careerists, Uganda’s foundation remains rock solid. As the Bible says:

‘The wise man built his house on the rock. The rain fell, the torrents raged, and the winds blew and beat against that house, yet it did not fall, because its foundation was on the rock.’ That is the foundation the Musevenis have built. And nothing should take us back. It is our duty to protect these gains and take that next leap into a higher middle-income economy.

At least three people are dead following a road crash involving a Kampala-bound Juba Express bus and a fuel tanker along the Kampala-Gulu Highway in Luwero District on Wednesday evening.

The 8:30 p.m. collision occurred at Nakkazi Village when the Juba Express bus, registration number SSD 251Z, reportedly attempted to overtake several vehicles and rammed head-on into a fuel tanker, registration UAV 190Q.

Eyewitnesses said the victims included a woman and her child who died instantly, while the husband succumbed to his injuries en route to Luwero General Hospital.

Several other passengers sustained injuries and were also rushed to the same facility.

‘The Juba Express bus was overtaking other vehicles at high speed when it hit the tanker head-on,’ said Mathius Sepuuya, a bystander at the scene.

He identified the tanker driver as Musa Nyago, who was returning home in Kiyenje after work when the crash occurred.

Another eyewitness, Godfrey Byakatonda, blamed the crash on the bus driver’s recklessness and the narrowness of the busy highway.

‘The driver was careless, and this part of the road is too narrow for buses and heavy trucks. We keep losing lives because of reckless driving and the narrow state of the road,’ he said.

By press time, police had towed the wreckages of both vehicles to Luwero Central Police Station (CPS).

Officers at the scene said they were not authorized to speak to the media, and police headquarters had yet to issue an official statement.

The incident adds to a series of fatal crashes along the Kampala-Gulu Highway, one of Uganda’s most dangerous transport corridors.

Just last week, another collision in Kiryandongo District claimed at least 46 lives when two buses traveling in opposite directions collided head-on after both attempted to overtake simultaneously.

Traffic police have repeatedly warned motorists against reckless driving, speeding, and dangerous overtaking, which remain the leading causes of fatalities along the highway linking Kampala to northern Uganda and South Sudan.

The High Court in Kampala has dismissed an application by the National Unity Platform (NUP) in which it had sought to block the government from excluding it from receiving statutory political party funding for the July-September 2025 quarter.

Justice Collins Acellam, who delivered the ruling via email on October 29, 2025, said the application had been overtaken by events since the Electoral Commission (EC) had already released the funds to political parties that are members of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD).

‘This court cannot restrain the implementation of a lawfully enacted statute through an interim order. To do so would amount to suspending an Act of Parliament, which is beyond the jurisdiction of this court sitting as a civil court,’ Justice Acellam said.

The dispute arose from a directive issued by the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs on August 25, 2025, instructing the EC to exclude NUP from the list of political parties entitled to receive statutory funding. The directive followed amendments to the Political Parties and Organisations Act, which now require that only parties belonging to IPOD and actively participating in its activities qualify for state funding.

NUP, through its Secretary General, Mr David Lewis Rubongoya, filed the application seeking an interim order to stop implementation of the directive until the court determines its main case challenging the legality of the amendment and the directive itself.

Mr Rubongoya stated in his affidavit that enforcement of the directive would cripple NUP’s operations as a national political party and cause irreparable harm, arguing that the party is legally entitled to quarterly funding.

NUP’s lawyers from Pace Advocates and Kiiza and Mugisha Advocates contended that the minister’s directive had no legal basis and breached the party’s right to fair administrative treatment. They argued that IPOD only became a statutory organ after the President assented to the amended law in June 2025, and therefore, NUP could not have been compelled to join before that date.

‘The applicant has never received any formal invitation or lawful communication regarding membership in the IPOD contemplated by the 2025 Amendment,’ NUP argued, adding that its past refusal to join the old IPOD was based on its operation as a private entity outside government control.

The Attorney General, represented by Senior State Attorney Johnson Natuhwera, opposed the application, describing it as incompetent, frivolous and overtaken by events. He maintained that the minister’s directive was lawful and anchored in the amended Act.

‘The minister’s letter dated August 25, 2025, is founded in law. What is being sought by the applicant is unconstitutional and ultra vires,’ Mr Natuhwera told court.

He explained that Parliament amended the Political Parties and Organisations Act in May 2025 to restrict government funding to parties that are members of IPOD, and that the President assented to the law on June 15, 2025, making it enforceable.

Mr Natuhwera added that the EC had already disbursed the funds to all qualifying political parties in compliance with the new legal framework.

In his ruling, Justice Acellam said that while NUP had identified a legal right it sought to protect, it failed to show that irreparable harm would occur if the interim order was not issued.

He noted that the court could not issue orders reversing a completed process.

‘The purpose of an interim injunction is to preserve the status quo, not to reverse a completed event,’ he stated.

The judge cited earlier decisions, including Theodore Ssekikubo and Others vs Attorney General and Another, emphasising that courts should not issue orders rendered useless by the passage of events.

He further found that the balance of convenience favoured the respondents, who were implementing a valid law.

‘There is no status quo to maintain and no imminent threat posed to the applicant,’ he ruled.

Justice Acellam concluded that the application lacked merit and dismissed it with costs, noting that any potential losses to NUP could be addressed in the pending main case.

The main suit challenging the 2025 amendment and the minister’s directive remains before the High Court.

A man has been released from jail after being on remand without trial since 1997. It was at 11:13am on Monday, when the court clerk read out Alfred Byamukama’s file and presented it to the Mbarara High Court Judge for a ruling on the application for dismissal of his case. It is alleged that Byamukama had a physical altercation with a village-mate in March 1997, whom he struck in the head before the victim died on the way to the hospital. Byamukama is said to have had a mental challenge at the time of the incident.

At the time of his incarceration, then aged 27, Byamukama was first detained at Mwizi Police Station for one week in the then Mbarara District, present-day Rwampara District. From Mwizi, Byamukama was transferred to Mbarara Central Police Station, then Kyamugorani Prison, before being transferred to Luzira Upper Prison in Kampala in 2001. While making her ruling, Mbarara High Court Judge Joanita Bushara Mugerwa dismissed the case on grounds that the prosecution delayed to handle the matter, the case was on file for a long time, and Byamukama’s right to a fair hearing was violated.

‘The application of dismissal has been granted, and the order of detention is set aside. This case is dismissed due to gross unconstitutional delays on the side of prosecution and the violation of the applicant’s right to a speedy trial. The applicant shall be released immediately and unconditionally, unless he’s being held for other cases,’ the judge said. ‘I have spent most of my productive and energetic years in prison. I don’t know where to start from but the mission is to build afresh. I feel like I have been reborn, and I will do all it takes to make the rest of my life meaningful,’ Byamukama said shortly after he was released from prison.

What the law says

Hakim Ngobi, a lawyer, said Byamukama’s case took so long to be handled because he was found to be of unsound mind after his arrest in 1997. With an unsound mind, court proceeded under Section 43, Clause 1 of the Uganda Trial on Indictments Act (originally the Trial on Indictments Decree, 1971), which says if someone is of unsound mind and is unable to make their defence, court is mandated to send them to detention and forward their file to the (Justice) minister for them to make their orders.

‘Byamukama’s file got lost in the system because he was treated and got well before 2005. The minister responsible did not follow up on him because there are many prisoners like him and nobody knows about any orders made by the minister. This caused the delay in finalising his case,’ Ngobi said. Article 28 of the Constitution provides for a right to a fair hearing that comes with a speedy trial, depending on the case. ‘For someone of unsound mind, one may argue that they aren’t ready to make their defence.

However, the breach was from the minister’s office not making such orders. On the side of prisons, they didn’t make timely updates on the health status of Byamukama. They later made the updates, and it is the reason he was arraigned in court and released. ‘The right to a fair hearing is non-derogable, meaning no one can take it away from anyone at any cost. It was the basis on which the judge dismissed the case because Byamukama’s right was grossly taken away, given the time frame that has passed,’ Ngobi added.

Ngobi added that prisoners of unsound mind, who may require the minister’s order, fall into different categories. They include those who are discovered unable to make their own defence during trial. Under Section 46 of the Trial and Indictment Act, they are sent to prison to be treated and be taken back to court after recovering. As such, the trial can commence from where it stopped. The second category of prisoners under the same Act, are those known to be already insane by the time of committing the offence.

Courts send such people into detention to be treated after making a special finding of not guilty due to insanity. ‘If it comes to the court’s attention that they are well, the minister is empowered to discharge these people without going back to court or the court can discharge them without any other trial. The challenge is that the minister responsible hasn’t been making such orders, meaning prisons get stuck with such people even after treatment.

Until his dismissal, Byamukama was the latter,’ Ngobi said. Until 2018, there were more than 35 inmates awaiting the minister’s orders. When the minister started making orders in 2022, a total of 29 prisoners have since been released. Byamukama is the latest ex-prisoner whose case was dismissed and set free.

Legal help

Ms Canaan Nkamuhabwa, the legal officer at Justice Defenders Uganda, an organisation that offers legal aid to the most vulnerable poor people who cannot afford lawyers, said the organisation started working on cases of prisoner’s awaiting the minister’s orders in 2018. These have been in prison for long periods and neither been tried, nor convicted because they were found to be of unsound mind at the time they committed the offence.

‘We have been representing his case and many others since 2018, writing letters to the minister, courts and the Director of Public Prosecution for remedy. The petition in court and at Parliament was done on their behalf and Byamukama was the chief petitioner. He finally got cause-listed for trial in September 2025 and we put in an application for his release that was decided in our favour,’ Nkamuhabwa said.

In September, Addis Ababa, the capital City of Ethiopia received journalists, leaders, diplomats, and community groups from across Africa. These individuals came together for the second Africa Climate Summit (ACS2). Under the theme Accelerating Global Climate Solutions: Financing for Africa’s resilient and Green Development, Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, the chairperson of the African Union Commission said the summit should promote the initiatives from the previous summit.

‘Addressing Africa’s climate finance gap is essential, as it impedes our development efforts amid pressing challenges,’ Mahamoud said in his welcome message.

Putting media at the catalyst of carrying Africa’s manifesto, a high-level forum was held ahead of the summit on ‘Climate Security, Just Transition and the Role of Media in Advancing Climate Justice.” This was organised by the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) in partnership with the African Union Commission, International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), GIZ and Oxfam.

The power of journalists

At the opening of the forum, Pascal Delisle, deputy head of the European Union delegation to the African Union, told journalists that they are important in shaping Africa’s destiny, especially on matters of the climate. ‘You help inform people across Africa and contribute to build peaceful, democratic and prosperous societies,’ he said. This message, that Africa needs strong media to tell its climate story fairly and truthfully and fearlessly, was echoed by Omar Faruk Osman Nur, president of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ). ‘This will be achieved when stories are told accurately, courageously, and inclusively, when media helps citizens see their struggles and their resilience reflected in the broader continental narrative,’ Osman said.

Fighting lies with truth

Participants said the media should not only report facts but also fight false stories and help African voices be heard. ‘Facts are more important than ever because lies are spreading fast. Facts are part of the foundation of journalism, especially in a context of growing disinformation,’ Delisle cautioned. For too long, African climate stories have been reduced to images of famine, floods, and displacement. While those are real, they represent only one side of the story. Across the continent, communities are innovating.

From solar micro-grids and clean cooking initiatives in Uganda to drought-resistant farming systems like solar irrigation in Kenya. Yet these stories rarely make headlines. This gap is not accidental. Many African media outlets lack regional reach, leaving space for external narratives to dominate. ‘The EU-AU Media Fellowship, is one initiative aimed at closing this gap. This is done by equipping African journalists to tell Africa’s climate story from the ground up, ensuring that narratives are shaped by those who live them,’ Delisle noted.

Climate and peace are connected

Africa’s climate problems are linked to peace and safety. Droughts and floods make life harder, especially in places already facing war or conflict. Speaking in a multi-stakeholder dialogue a the pre-summit forum on aligning media policy messages for ACS and shaping Africa’s common position for COP30, Elise Nalbandian, the head of Oxfam AU liaison office pointed out a scenario when food is air dropped in Sudan due to climate and security effects.

Solving climate problems, Delisle said, is key to peace in Africa. A case in point, in 2024, more than 62 million people in East Africa did not have enough food. Climate disasters and conflict made things worse. About 25 million people had to leave their homes because of war or weather. Bankole Adeoye, AU commissioner for political affairs, peace and security added to this by noting that climate change affects peace, wealth, and the planet. Africa, he said, needs smart partnerships to find solutions.

Climate finance is about fairness

If the Addis summit underscored the power of media, it also exposed the deep injustice at the heart of Africa’s climate struggle, financing. ‘Climate finance is not an act of charity; it is a matter of justice,’ is one song that sang on the lips of majority at the pre-summit and the summit itself. Despite contributing just 0.09 percent of historic global carbon emissions, IGAD countries face some of the harshest climate impacts according to Oxfam led climate finance shadow report for intergovernmental authority on development regional ecomomic community.

Yet international climate finance flows remain far from sufficient. Between 2013 and 2022, the region received $23.3 billion (about Shs80 trillion) in reported climate-related development finance. But when adjusted for debt servicing and fees, the ‘real value’ drops to $17.4 billion (about Shs60 trillion). Comparing this to the $41.8 billion (about Shs145 trillion) needed every year to meet Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) leaves it at a 96 percent gap. On a per capita basis, the inequity is even starker. An average citizen in the IGAD region (Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, and Uganda) receives about $8 (about Shs27,780) in climate finance annually. Yet the actual need is closer to $137 (about Shs475,528) per person.

Loans, debt, and a broken system

Not only is the funding inadequate, but much of it comes in the form of loans. Across IGAD, 41 percent of climate finance between 2013 and 2022 was delivered as concessional loans, with an additional five percent as non-concessional loans. For countries already buckling under debt, this is devastating. ‘Loans are an unsuitable and unjustifiable mechanism for climate finance. They push countries and communities into further debt distress and severely undermine the ability of countries to invest in adaptation, loss and damage, and development objectives,’ the IGAD report warns. Africa contributes very little to global pollution, only 0.09 percent, but suffers the most.

Yet, it gets very little money to deal with climate change. Between 2013 and 2022, East Africa got $23 billion (about Shs80 trillion) in climate finance. But after paying debts and fees, only $17 billion (about Shs60 trillion) was useful. The region actually needs $42 billion (about Shs147 trillion) every year. That’s a 96 percent gap. Each person in the region gets about $8 (about Shs27,780) per year. But they need $137 (about Shs475,528).

Local solutions matter

When international finance is falling short, what about local innovation? The IGAD report highlights promising models such as Kenya’s Financing Locally-led Climate Action (FLLoCA) and Uganda’s Local Climate Adaptive Living Facility. These initiatives channel resources directly to local communities, empowering them to design and implement adaptation projects. Such approaches not only ensure that funds reach the most vulnerable but also enhance accountability and resilience. However, currently, only 11percent of climate finance in IGAD is delivered through local actors, while 70 percent goes through national governments. For communities facing repeated cycles of drought and flooding, the difference between survival and collapse often depends on whether funds can reach them in time.

Partnerships and the power of unity

While the gaps are glaring, there are signs of progress. The EU’s Global Gateway Africa-Europe Investment Package has launched 138 flagship projects across Africa, including the RISED Ethiopia renewable energy project. The Africa-Europe Green Energy Initiative aims to provide 50 GW of new renewable energy capacity and electricity access to 100 million people by 2030. ‘Together, the EU and AU carry the voices, hopes and dreams of more than 1.9 billion people and represent more than 40 percent of the UN’s membership. Together, we can be a powerful force for change,’ Delisle said. This partnership, he stressed, is not about a ‘homogeneous global North’ dictating terms to a ‘homogeneous global South,’ but about mutual respect and collaboration.

Media shaping Africa’s narrative

Anthony Bellanger, general secretary of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), added that the media must stand at the heart of this collaboration. ‘Africa has journalists with courage and commitment. What they need is support to continue telling the stories that matter, the stories of resilience, solutions, and justice,’ Mr Bellanger said. Bridging narratives with action, the summit reminded participants of a truth that climate justice will not come from numbers alone. It will come from stories that reveal the human cost of financing gaps, the courage of local communities, and the urgency of global solidarity.

‘Too often still, African stories are about crises and conflicts and not about opportunities and successes. This challenge is enhanced by the growing threat of disinformation in Africa, making your work even more the necessary cornerstone of protecting democracy, safeguarding freedoms and keeping societies informed and very empowered,’ Delisle observed. Bankole Adeoye called this a moment for ‘smart partnerships’ alliances that not only expose the challenges but also amplify solutions. Africa, he said, cannot afford to have its climate story told by others.

Mandate.

‘Together, the EU and AU carry the voices, hopes and dreams of more than 1.9 billion people and represent more than 40 percent of the UN’s membership,” Pascal Delisle, Deputy Head of the EU delegation to the African Union.

President Museveni yesterday appointed Mr Lino Anguzu as the new Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). Mr Sandor Walusimbi, the senior press secretary to the President, confirmed the development on his X handle last evening. ‘HE @KagutaMuseveni has appointed Mr Lino Anguzu as the new Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). Mr Anguzu, who has been serving as Assistant DPP, replaces Jane Frances Abodo, recently appointed Principal Judge,’ Mr Walusimbi posted.

He added: ‘The President has forwarded his name to Parliament’s Appointments Committee for approval.’ Mr Anguzu becomes the first DPP post the 1995 Constitution to be appointed from within the institution itself. The previous three directors, Richard Buteera, Mike Chibita, and Abodo, have been appointed from the Judiciary, though Justice Abodo spent a greater part of her career in the DPP’s office as a prosecutor before she was appointed as a High Court Judge in the Judiciary.

The core functions of the DPP are directing police investigations, instituting and taking over criminal proceedings in all courts (except courts martial), and discontinuing such proceedings. The DPP is also responsible for managing and prosecuting criminal cases, ensuring that criminal cases are examined for sufficient evidence before court proceedings, and ensuring adherence to criminal prosecution standards.

Last evening, the legal fraternity wished Mr Anguzu good luck in his new appointment. ‘I have known him for many years as a fine lawyer, a wonderful man, and a decent public servant. He embodies the virtues that sustain the rule of law: humility, fairness, and an unyielding sense of duty,’ Mr Elison Karuhanga, a lawyer with Kampala Associated Advocates (KAA), posted on his X handle. He continued: ‘As he takes up this solemn charge, may he keep faith with the Constitution to act always in the public interest, in the interest of administration of justice, and to prevent abuse of legal process under Article 120 (5).

Who is Lino Anguzu?

Until his appointment as the new DPP, he was the Assistant DPP, having grown through the ranks from the lower position of State Attorney. From 2019 to date, he had been the head of the department of International Crimes, whose roles include the management of complex criminal cases, directing police investigations, providing policy direction, planning, and general administration. From 2015 to 2019, Mr Anguzu, while at the rank of Senior State Attorney, served as the prosecutor at the International Crimes Department, and he was responsible for prosecuting the first international crimes cases at the International Crimes Division of the High Court, a division that specialises in handling cases of terrorism and human trafficking.

Between 2004 and 2010, Mr Anuguzu, who was at the rank of State Attorney, served as the Resident State Attorney in Mbale and Arua districts, where his responsibility was to head the district prosecution services. Before he joined the office of the DPP, Mr Anguzu, between 2003 and 2004, served as the Legal Officer with FIDA Uganda. His duties involved providing legal aid to indigent persons on a pro bono basis.

Education background

The new DPP designate started his primary education at Arua Demonstration School, in Arua City, from where he sat his Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE) in 1991. He then joined St Joseph’s College Ombaci in Arua, where he sat for his Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE) in 1995. In 1998, he sat for his Uganda Advanced Certificate of Education from St Charles Lwanga College, Koboko.

He then joined Makerere University to pursue a Bachelor’s Degree in Laws, which he completed in 2003. He later joined the Law Development Center (LDC) for the post-graduate diploma in legal practice the following year. He also holds a diploma in Project Planning and Management from Uganda Management Institute UMI and a Master of Public Infrastructure Management from Makerere University.

High-profile cases he has prosecuted

Dr Kizza Besigye

Given his seniority in the office of the DPP, Mr Anguzu prosecuted Dr Besigye in the treason case following the disputed presidential elections in 2016. Dr Besigye had been accused of illegally swearing-in himself in as the President of Uganda. Dr Besigye case file was transferred to Nakawa Chief Magistrates Court. The office of the DPP, after almost four years without prosecuting Dr Besigye, withdrew the case against him. Then DPP, in an interview, attributed the delay in prosecuting the treason case to delays police investigations.

2010 Kampala bombings

Mr Anguzu was instrumental in co-prosecuting the high-profile terrorism case commonly known as the Kampala twin bombing case. He deputised the lead prosecutor, Susan Okalany (now a High Court Judge), following the murder of the then lead prosecutor, Joan Kagezi, in 2015. The 13 Kenyan and Ugandan suspects, who were later found culpable, were behind the twin bombings at Ethiopian Village in Kabalagala and Rugby Club in Kyadondo that left at least 76 football fans dead. Mr Anguzu, while appearing before then presiding Judge Alfonse Owiny-Dollo (now Chief Justice) in 2021, asked for the maximum punishment of death by hanging for the heinous crime that the accused had committed. Justice Dollo sentenced them to life imprisonment, the second-highest punishment in criminal law.

The head of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) mission to Uganda, Ms Joselyn Bigirwa, has said there is a need for countries to profile and address issues likely to cause conflicts in the region to avert emerging crises and ensure its peace and stability.

‘Natural resources-based conflicts are the most common conflicts in the region. The IGAD region is highly dependent on agriculture, natural resources, including mineral extraction, but also a highly pastoralist community where there are a lot of cross-border Trans humans movements, causing a lot of conflicts in the region,’ she said.

According to her, issues like large numbers of educated unemployed youth and mineral exploitation need to be looked into to avert the negative impacts on the region’s stability.

‘In most parts of the region but also beyond the IGAD region, there is a lot of violent extremism majorly by youth because of unemployment that the youth are now engaging in issues of instability and joining rebel groups, something that IGAD must work around to ensure that it does not happen,’ she said at the opening of a three-day IGAD Conflict Early Warning and Response Mechanism (CEWARN) meeting of regional experts from the seven member states in Entebbe on Tuesday.

Ms Bigirwa said the region, being highly conflicted and unstable, has led to low social, economic, and political development.

The Director CEWARN Mr Camlus Omogo, said currently, the regional bloc is facing multiplicity and interrelated conflict drivers, with some emanating from environmental issues, economic and governance challenges.

‘The Horn of Africa has historically faced recurring human security challenges, including political instability, violent conflict, displacement, and environmental shocks’ he said.

He added, ‘By anticipating and analysing these threats, CEWARN and its partners aim to enhance regional cooperation, recognising that many of these crises transcend national borders and require collective resilience and preparedness’.

Mr Omogo said the meeting will equip regional decision makers with actionable insights and predictive analysis that enable proactive and coordinated responses to emerging crises.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs Permanent Secretary, Mr Vincent Bagiire, in a speech delivered on his behalf by Mr Solomon Kasasira, a Foreign Service officer with the ministry, said there is need for strong governance mechanisms and regional solidarity to curb the region’s shared challenges and conflicts.

‘A secure and peaceful IGAD region will facilitate trade, tourism and investment among the member states and push the per capita incomes and GDP to greater height,’ he said.

Mr Bagiire said Uganda will continue to support strategies aimed at strengthening Government capabilities, peaceful co-existence of different political groups and reintegration of returning refugees.

‘The continued conflicts in the region urgently require our collective attention and action. By closely working with IGAD member states, peace and security can be achieved and lead to economic development for the region’s 280 million people,’ he said.

The National Unity Platform (NUP) presidential candidate, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, popularly known as Bobi Wine, has called for unity among Ugandans, urging citizens to reject decades of ‘lies and division’ allegedly propagated by the ruling establishment.

Addressing thousands of supporters at Akii-Bua Stadium in Lira City on October 27, 2025, Bobi Wine said his visit to Lango Sub-region was not just about seeking votes but about rebuilding trust and solidarity between communities.

‘Many of you are below 40 years. Many of you were born after Museveni took over our country. Many of us have grown up on lies. I don’t know what lies you’ve been told about the Baganda, but I will tell you the lies we’ve been told about the people of Lango, the people of northern Uganda, and the people of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC),’ Bobi Wine said, drawing cheers from the crowd.

For days, Bobi Wine has traversed Apac, Kwania, Kole, and Lira-painting a vision of a ‘new Uganda’ that prioritizes young people, equality, and good governance.

He traced Uganda’s political history back to the 1980 elections, when President Yoweri Museveni’s Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost with just one percent of the vote, and Museveni accused the then-president Milton Obote of rigging the election.

‘Museveni said Obote had stolen his election and started a war. But he did not start that war from where he comes from; he started it in Luweero. He began killing people, raiding banks, and burning ambulances. For a long time, Ugandans were told that the UPC people had gone around killing people,’ Bobi Wine told the cheering crowd.

The NUP leader alleged that years later, government officials had admitted that rebels disguised themselves as UPC supporters during the war and maimed civilians.

He said Uganda’s 40 years under ‘gun rule’ had left the country trapped in fear and poverty, and called on young people to rise up and shape their own destiny.

‘When I decided to run for president, it was for all of Uganda. We want to end 40 years of gun rule and start afresh. Uganda is rich-it’s not governed well. We have oil, fertile land, and young people full of energy. What we need is leadership that believes in us,’ he said.

Bobi Wine told his supporters that he won the 2021 general election, but his victory was ‘stolen’ by the ruling NRM.

‘We won Museveni, but he stole the election. They used Covid as an excuse that time, but this time there is no Covid,’ he said, urging supporters to ‘protect their votes’ in 2026.

Despite facing several obstacles during his campaign, including roadblocks and venue restrictions, Bobi Wine said the growing turnout was proof that Ugandans were ready for change.

‘They blocked us from many venues, but here we are. They delayed our clearance until 1:30 pm, but we still came. The regime fears crowds because they show the world that we have support,’ he said.

In his closing remarks, Bobi Wine challenged young Ugandans to imagine a future beyond political manipulation and fear.

‘When you vote, remember that it is not about me, it is about your future. Uganda will change when the young people decide that it must,’ he said.

Background: 2021 election performance in Lango

In the 2021 presidential election, the Electoral Commission results showed that President Museveni won most districts in the Lango sub-region.

In Oyam, Museveni garnered 62,292 votes against Bobi Wine’s 27,351; in Lira City, he polled 30,271 votes while Bobi Wine received 17,495. Similar margins were seen across Apac, Kole, and Alebtong.

This time, however, Bobi Wine’s campaign in northern Uganda has attracted larger crowds and renewed enthusiasm, signaling a potentially tighter race in 2026.

The era of naturally big crowds in Uganda elections ended with Dr Kizza Besigye. I remember his nomination day in the 2016 elections, his Mbarara and Busia rallies, I had never seen anything like that in Uganda.

People say that the return of King Mutesa II’s body to Uganda in 1972 saw crowds queuing up from Entebbe Airport to Mengo, but I only saw it in black and white photos.

Apparently, UPC’s Apolo Obote also had huge crowds in the 1980 elections, but I wouldn’t know. All I know is that most of the 2025-2026 presidential rallies are made to look bigger using technology because I’m a bit technological myself. One major element is careful camera placement and shot choice by the video production crew.

Of course, there is the careful cherry picking of those who appear in the background behind the candidate as he speaks. They should look appealing, attractive, enthusiastic, and attentive. Take a look at those audiences behind the candidate; it is interesting that in many of the videos or photos, you will find the same people. So they are either unknown staff or paid to be there.

The camera or video man shouldn’t let people see empty seats or spaces. People who have covered events know about this trick, I believe. I personally did that whilst recording our community independence celebrations here in England. Appearances matter more to people than truth or facts.

Scary though, that reality can be both manipulated and interpreted to different ends. So, instead of wondering why some of the presidential candidates have ‘huge’ audiences, consider rendering a compliment to the media professionals who have lulled you into a false impression.

Reminds me of how people always give props to the ‘doctors and nurses’ who took care of them, while it was the CT or MRI scan/interpretation that uncovered the pathology. Don’t get me wrong; some presidential candidates naturally attract people to them, thus the big crowds. Elvis got huge crowds due to his popular music. Lots of people go to see Kyagulanyi for the same reason-entertainment and talk.

Similarly, people go to see Museveni because of his funny NRA stories and learning about politics. His speeches tend to be more educative than his opponents. Another factor is that a lot of the attendees are deadheads-they travel from rally to rally. Uganda has the second youngest population in the world, and the majority are unemployed. So rallies are an attraction to keep them busy. Then, there are parliamentary candidates who attend the presidential candidate’s rally to get recognised by the ” boss.”

This was very common before MPs got nominated, but I guess they will now start scaling back on escorting presidential candidates after nominations.