Category: Daily Monitor

Uganda Demographic and Health Survey report of 2016 says approximately 34 percent of women aged 25 and 49 were married before the age of 18. In Bidibidi refugee settlement, Viola*, at just 14 years, was lured into early motherhood.

She was rejected by her family and stigmatised by the people from the community. Forced to navigate these challenges, Viola dropped out of school to care for her child.

Although many assumed her dreams had vanished, her journey took a transformative turn. Viola joined a Plan International mentorship programme, which equipped her with the tools and support.

Encouraged by this guidance, she re-enrolled in school and is now in Primary Six, determined to build a brighter future for herself and her two-year-old child.

Leadership capacity building

On the International Day of the Girl Child, Viola, alongside other girls from across the country, participated in a one-day job shadowing programme organised by Absa Bank Uganda in partnership with Plan International Uganda.

The initiative allowed the youth to connect with industry leaders and mentors, giving them a unique opportunity to step into leadership roles within the bank.

Participants, aged between 13 and 30, experienced first-hand the responsibilities and challenges of positions such as executive director, chief financial officer, and operations manager, gaining insight into professional decision-making and organisational dynamics.

Organised under the theme, ‘Look at me as a child, not a wife,’ the programme aimed to reinforce purpose, build confidence, and strengthen the girls’ commitment to breaking the cycle of child marriage.

Participants were encouraged to challenge societal norms and pursue their dreams as bank employees shared their personal experiences, career journeys, and lessons learned.

This mentorship not only provided the girls with practical insights into professional life, but also inspired them to envision possibilities beyond the constraints of early marriage.

Ms Pheobe Kasoga, the country director of Plan International Uganda, explained that the takeover programme was designed to give girls a platform to experience leadership first-hand, build confidence, and envision a future beyond early marriage.

‘We want every girl to see herself not as someone destined to marry young, but as a leader, a change maker, and someone who can shape her own future. Experiences like these give them the courage and vision to dream bigger and aim higher,’ Ms Kasoga said.

‘Through investing in education and providing platforms for leadership, communities can foster environments where girls are seen as individuals with potential, not as commodities to be married off.’

Safiat*, 17, a student and girls’ rights advocate, playing the role of executive director, took on several responsibilities, including chairing the meeting and guiding discussions. She noted that the experience would inspire her and help encourage other girls to stay in school, complete education, and aim for higher opportunities in the future. Additionally, Ms Kasoga emphasised that while empowering girls is critical, creating lasting change also requires involving the entire community.

‘Therefore, engaging boys and young men is vital to challenge harmful gender norms, promote equality, and address the challenges girls face, ensuring communities fully support and protect the rights and opportunities of young women.’

By investing in girls’ education and providing platforms for leadership, communities can foster environments where girls are seen as individuals with potential, not as commodities to be married off.

Education and exposure

Michael Segwaya, the executive director of Absa Bank, speaking during the engagement, he explained that when girls remain in school, they are less likely to marry early, as education opens doors to careers, provides access to vital health information, and helps develop social networks that foster independence and personal growth.

For instance, Josephine*, 23, who had initially dropped out of school at 15 due to early pregnancy, was able to overcome stigma, completed her education through support from mentorship programmes like She Leads, and now works.

Josephine’s journey thus demonstrates how education and mentorship can transform challenges into opportunities, enabling girls to become advocates and role models in their communities.

During the takeover, as the girls were exposed to leadership roles, they were able to interact with staff across different departments and visiting various offices within the organisation. This practical exposure not only inspired them to imagine careers in financial institutions or top management, but also demonstrated how skills gained in school could translate into real-world leadership.

As participants navigated executive roles, they learnt the value of time management, problem-solving, teamwork, and decision-making, while seeing firsthand how leadership responsibilities are carried out in professional settings.

Additionally, through education, girls are able to become more aware of their rights and better positioned to advocate for themselves and others, fostering a culture where every girl can realise her full potential to break cycles of poverty, inequality, and discrimination.

Juliet*, 15, a student, said she is using her education and leadership skills to mentor peers in her community. Juliet promises to continue advocating for their education and encouraging them to stay in school, pursue their dreams, and resist pressures such as early marriage or dropping out due to societal challenges.

Programmes and initiatives

In a bid to achieve the benefits of educating the girl child, under the pillar of diversity and inclusion with a clear commitment to mentoring and inspiring the next generation, Absa Bank organises the Seven Hills Run. Through this event, the organisation raises funds from staff, clients, and well-wishers to support children in school. S

egwaya further urged the government, private sector, and civil society to partner and invest in education as a key strategy to end child marriages.

At the end of the event, the participants were awarded certificates and school bags to encourage them to remain in school, continue pursuing their education, and strive toward achieving their dreams.

As the country prepares for its first drop next year, students pursuing careers in oil and gas are expressing concern about their future as the country pushes for a transition toward electric vehicles and renewable energy.

Students say they are unsure whether the skills they are currently acquiring in the petroleum sector will remain relevant in the coming decades.

At the Youth in Energy Conference 2025 organized by French oil giant Total Energies EP, Ms Ruth Nabanja, an oil and gas student at Kyambogo University, challenged the government on its plans for young professionals in the sector.

‘What plan does the government have for us? At one conference, a government official said that by 2030 all vehicles would be 100 percent electric. I first laughed because I wondered: where is the oil and gas sector going?’ she asked on October 18, 2025.

Nabanja added: ‘Where do you expect young people like us to go? You are telling us to transition, but why are we acquiring skills in oil and gas if we are supposed to drop them?’

Also Marvin Mugumbe, a Bachelor of Science in Petroleum Science and Production student at King Caesar University, raised concerns over the lack of practical skilling opportunities in private universities. He noted that many students are eager to gain hands-on experience and contribute meaningfully to Uganda’s energy sector.

‘Everything at private universities shows that students are ready to learn. Please skill us. We are ready to contribute,’ he said.

Responding to these concerns, Peter Mulisa, Chief Legal and Corporate Affairs Officer at the Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), reassured students that oil and gas will remain a major part of the global energy mix for decades.

‘We must look at the past. Based on the history of energy transitions, oil and gas remain the biggest contributors to the world’s primary energy mix. This is not ending tomorrow, not in 20 years, not even in 50,’ he said.

Mr Mulisa clarified that the goal of the energy transition is carbon neutrality, not the elimination of fossil fuels. ‘The petroleum and gas industry will continue to operate, but with a focus on sustainability. We need to manage greenhouse gas emissions and address climate challenges without destroying the industry,’ he explained.

He also highlighted international initiatives, including those led by the International Labour Organization (ILO), aimed at repurposing oil and gas skills for emerging sectors within the energy transition.

‘By repurposing, I mean applying these skills to new industries that will emerge. No skill should be left unutilized. Reserve geologists, petroleum engineers, and other professionals can transfer their expertise to other sectors. There is funding and global support to ensure this transition succeeds,’ Mr Mulisa said.

Dear Aunt Stella,

I am at my wit’s end as I write this letter to you. In fact, I am so stressed that I have lost weight. A few years into our marriage, my husband started smoking. He is now a committed smoker, and nothing I do or say will make him change. Even though he does all his smoking outside, the house stinks.

Our bedroom smells like the inside of a furnace. His mouth and body stink, and so do his clothes. The children have stopped inviting their friends over because they are embarrassed by the smell. Short of leaving him, what can I do?

Yours,

Drowning-in-tobacco-fumes.

Dear Drowning,

You have my absolute sympathy.

My dear, you know your husband is an adult-only he can make the decision to change this terrible habit on his own.

That said, I will give you some advice. If you have a bit of garden space, just a few metres really, then this just might work. Go to the jobless corner in your neighbourhood and look for those strong youth, who are always hanging around with nothing to do. Hire them to build a small shed outside your house. It must not have any windows, just a door, and it should be able to accommodate a very small single bed.

Transfer all your husband’s clothes and belongings to that shed and explain to him that because you cannot live with the stench of the cigarette smoke, this is the best solution. Use everything and everyone in your power to convince him to sleep in the shed for at least two weeks. He should bathe there as well.

Every day when he leaves for work, go to the shed and light a cigarette. Let it burn to the end while you watch, then put it out safely and leave the shed. Make sure you shut the door tightly behind you. If after two weeks of living this way he still chooses to smoke, then you have two options. Learn to live with second-hand cigarette smoke or go live in a better environment-without your husband.

With barely 10 minutes left on the clock, Uganda’s men were in control of their destiny. Leading 10-8, they needed just three more frames to claim continental glory at the Ultimate African Pool Championship. But a determined South Africa fought back with two quick frames to level the game at 10-all, setting up a nerve-shredding finale at eBundu Lodge in Mpumalanga.

As tension mounted, South Africa’s Thami Jabavu punished Uganda’s star man Caesar Chandiga with a ruthless break-and-finish, flipping the momentum in favour of the hosts.

Uganda clawed back through Joseph Kasozi, but the pendulum kept swinging. Substitute Ian Kazibwe offered hope when he cleared all reds, but heartbreak followed as he missed a tight black near the cushion-an opening that tournament MVP Joseph Aden clinically converted.

With the tie poised at 12-12 and one frame to decide the champions, Uganda’s fate rested with Azali Lukomwa, the best qualifier, against Thami Jabavu.

The South African played a tactical masterclass, snookering Lukomwa thrice before seizing his chance to pot the final black. South Africa erupted in celebration, sealing their first-ever Ultimate African Pool men’s team title with a 13-12 victory.

“This was a big moment for us. Uganda are always tough opponents, but we kept believing,’ said Aden, who led the hosts’ comeback and was later named the tournament’s Most Valuable Player.

Uganda’s stand-in captain, Kasozi, was gutted.

“Sport can be cruel. We gave it everything and led for most of the match. Losing by a single frame hurts,’ he said.

Uganda’s last men’s team title came in 2006 during the All Africa Blackball Championship on home soil.

Ladies reign supreme

While the men fell short, Uganda’s women reaffirmed their continental dominance with a resounding 13-1 victory over Namibia in the final.

Both women’s teams had automatically qualified for the final as only two teams showed up, but Namibia were no match as they were swept aside with clinical precision.

In the singles event, Uganda’s 2022 African champion Rukia Naiga once again proved unstoppable. She defeated her younger sister Rashida Mutesi in the Life Two semifinal before beating team captain Amina Faith Nganda twice to claim both first and second positions – a rare feat that also earned her the MVP award.

‘I’m grateful for this performance. Facing my teammates was tough, but it’s special to win again for Uganda,’ said Naiga, who now sets her sights on winning the national open title in December.

Uganda’s contingent is expected to return home aboard Uganda Airlines on Tuesday night.

Ultimate African Pool Championship 2025

Men’s team:

Champions: South Africa

Runners-up: Uganda

Women’s team:

Champions: Uganda

Runners-up: Namibia

Men’s singles

1. Aden Joseph (South Africa)

2. Taufeeq Murray (South Africa)

3. Malvern Mukonza (Zimbabwe)

3. Thami Jabavu (South Africa)

Women’s singles:

1. Rukia Naiga (Uganda)

2. Rukia Naiga (Uganda)

3. Amina Faith Nganda (Uganda)

MVPs:

Men: Joseph Aden (South Africa)

Women: Rukia Naiga (Uganda)

Youngest player: Taufeeq Murray (South Africa)

How Uganda fared

Team events

Men’s team: Runners-up (lost 12-13 to South Africa in the final)

Women’s team: Champions (beat Namibia 13-1 in the final)

Rukia Naiga – Won both Life One and Life Two finals; crowned Women’s MVP

On this day, he was not the man who had served as MP, Cabinet minister and Prime Minister. He was not the man who had run for president five times.

He was just the East African Spectre director, who happened to love the factory more than the boardroom. Raila Odinga, who in 1971 sold his Opel to get capital to found East African Spectre, sat down with the firm’s general manager, Hudson Chitala, to discuss how to further improve operations.

Odinga chaired a meeting with guests and his senior managers and, as had become the norm, isolated Mr Chitala for a chat about the company. On Wednesday, Mr Chitala and the other more than 150 staffers strolled into work with rumours of their boss’ health hanging in the air. The senior managers opted to dash to the Odinga home in Karen, where the sad news was confirmed. By the time they returned to the office, staff were seemingly already aware and overburdened by the news.

‘We found the staff were unable to work, so we just told them to go home,’ Mr Chitala said on Thursday. In Raila’s office on the first floor of the building lies a pink candle, lit by the managers in honour of the man who often spoke of using manufacturing to resolve Kenya’s problems. Mr Chitala hopes that when staff return to the plant on Tuesday, two days after Mr Odinga’s burial, they will be emotionally and psychologically stable enough to resume operations. For now, the silence which is usually overpowered by the chugging and buzzing of heavy machinery and staff chatter, carries the day.

Raila is best known as a political animal, but he first cut his teeth in business, helping his family run a bus company in Nyanza. From early on, he built a clear moat between commerce and politics, a discipline that would later define his public life. Around the time he struck a truce with President William Ruto amid anti-tax protests, the Odinga family quietly opened a larger branch near the Industrial and Commercial Development Corporation (ICDC), underscoring the parallel track on which his businesses run.

He was among the first Kenyans to venture into gas-cylinder manufacturing, inspired by the extensive use of firewood and makaa in the country then. Together with his father, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Raila founded East African Spectre. Ruth Okwiri, an accountant who has worked at East African Spectre for 36 years, said initially, the plant was based at the Kenya Industrial Estate and turned out about 30 cylinders a month.

The enterprise quickly hit a structural gap: Kenya had no local safety standards for pressure vessels. Early clients such as Shell and BP sent cylinders to London’s Atomic Energy establishment for testing because local certification did not exist. Only after those tests did the oil marketing companies allow full production.

Even inspection logistics were shaky; cylinders were sent to Lloyd’s for certification. Raila spotted an opportunity. He pushed to establish Kenyan standards and monitoring for cylinders and played a role in setting up the Kenya Bureau of Standards to oversee them. He later served as a senior manager at the standards body.

Raila never publicly declared a personal net worth, but he once suggested the Odinga family’s wealth was about Kshs2b (Shs53.2b), largely in company shares and real estate. The estate of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga owns 262,500 shares in East Africa Spectre. Raila owns 90,000 shares. His brother, Oburu Oginga owns 60,000 shares. Ida Odinga owns 50,000 shares. Israel Otieno Agina, the man who spent two years in detention for alleged sedition against former President Daniel Arap Moi, owns 30,000 shares.

The family of Argwings Kodhek, the first Black lawyer in East Africa, owns 5,000 shares. The family of former National Oil Corporation of Kenya director Ngesa Okolo holds 2,500 shares. Odinga, his wife Ida, and brother Oburu all have offices at the East African Spectre plant. Raila also set up Spectre International but it ceased operations in 2017, leaving behind a trail of debt to multiple creditors including staff who negotiated a Kshs44m (Shs1.1b) pay deal after suing in the same year.

Spectre International was incorporated in 1989, and six years later bid Kshs570m (Shs15.1b) for the assets of the Kenya Chemical and Food Corporation. In 2000, Mr Odinga and President Moi entered a political pact that saw the former appointed Energy minister a year later. Around the same time, KCB’s receiver manager reached an agreement to sell the 240-acre land hosting the molasses plant to Spectre International for Kshs3.6m. Be Energy, a petroleum dealer, has had better luck in business. In 2020 it controlled 2.4 percent of the market share. By 2022 the firm was controlling 3.1 percent of the oil market. In the 2024/2025 financial year, that control grew to 3.52 percent after selling 205,369 cubic metres of petroleum products.

Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority disclosures indicate that it is currently the fifth biggest oil marketer in Kenya only behind the big four multinationals – Vivo Energy (Shell), Rubis Energy, TotalEnergies and Ola Energy. Be Energy exports petrol, diesel, kerosene, jet fuel and oil lubricants to South Sudan, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Raila and his family own 2,801 shares in Be Energy Limited through Pan African Petroleum Company Ltd.

Pan African Petroleum Company is owned by Raila Odinga Junior (25,000 shares), Rosemary Adhiambo Odinga (50,000 shares), Winnie Irmgard Odinga (25,000 shares), Elija Bonyo Oburu (125,000 shares), Wenwa Akinyi Oranga (25,000 shares) and Kango Enterprises (250,000 shares). Kango Enterprises is wholly owned by Mr Odinga and his wife, Ida Betty Odinga. They each have 100 shares in Kango Enterprises.

In remembering Baba Raila, we do more than honour a man; we commemorate a force that shaped Kenya and inspired Africa. Born on January 7, 1945, in Maseno, Raila Odinga lived not merely as a politician but as a symbol of resistance, hope, and Pan-African aspiration. His death on October 15 closes a luminous chapter in Africa’s story of struggle and sovereignty. ‘He was not merely a man in politics, but a conscience in motion; a pilgrim of justice carrying the dreams of a continent. His voice rose beyond Kenya’s borders, echoing the flame of liberty that neither prisons nor defeat could extinguish. Today, we celebrate not the fall of a leader, but the ascension of a legacy that illuminates Africa’s march toward freedom and unity.’

Raila’s path was shaped by family and circumstance. Son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first vice-president, and Mary Juma, he was steeped from childhood in politics and moral urgency. His education at Nyanza Mission schools, Maranda Primary, and Maranda High exposed him to injustice and the weight of duty. In 1962, he travelled to East Germany, studying mechanical engineering at the Herder Institute and the Technical University of Magdeburg, graduating in 1970. These years fostered systemic thinking, discipline, and a belief that building a just society is both a technical and moral task.

Returning to Kenya, Raila excelled as a scholar and entrepreneur: lecturing at the University of Nairobi, co-founding East African Spectre (a pioneering LPG cylinder manufacturer), and rising to deputy director at the Kenya Bureau of Standards. Each role reflected his commitment to national self-reliance and dignity.

Yet when Kenya faced authoritarianism under Daniel Arap Moi, Raila answered the moral call. Arrested in 1982 for alleged involvement in a coup, he endured six years of detention, mostly in solitary confinement. He emerged resilient, his resolve tempered by humility. Upon release, he resumed activism, opposing one-party rule, entering electoral politics, and founding the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). Though the presidency eluded him; 1997, 2007, 2013, 2017, 2022, his campaigns were mirrors of Kenya’s imperfections and calls for justice.

Raila’s leadership was transformative. Following the 2007 post-election violence, he accepted a unity government, serving as Prime Minister until 2013 and helping rewrite Kenya’s 2010 Constitution, one of Africa’s most rights-rich charters. He critiqued corruption, inequality, and ethnic favouritism, bridging divides and promoting reconciliation, exemplified by the 2018 ‘handshake’ with President Uhuru Kenyatta.

Baba’s love for Kenya was profound, extending to the marginalised and youth. He embraced Generation Z protests in 2023-2024, lauding courage, condemning brutality, and urging dialogue. Pan-Africanism for him was praxis: continental unity and shared freedom, not rhetoric. His engagement with African institutions reflected his belief that true sovereignty is collective.

Even in his twilight years, Raila remained a guiding conscience. Early this year, he was nominated for the African Union Commission chairmanship, underscoring his continental stature. This month, while undergoing treatment in India, he passed away aged 80. The Kenyan state declared seven days of mourning; the continent paused. Baba’s life exemplified resilience, principled opposition to tyranny, love for the people, and vision for Africa.

Although he never held the presidency, his legacy transformed constitutions, consciences, and generations. He demonstrated that the measure of leadership lies not in office alone but in shaping justice, democracy, and dignity. May Baba rest in power. Although his voice is stilled, its echo mobilises. Although this chapter ends, Africa’s story continues and in it, Raila Amolo Odinga remains one of its most luminous pen-strokes, forever sailing on the tides of freedom.

Twenty-five years ago, I wrote an opinion piece for a national daily, arguing that Raila Odinga, bless his soul, would never be president of Kenya. I argued that people like Raila may be immensely popular, charismatic, and influential, but their role, predestined and predetermined by fate, is different – they are born to be kingmakers, rallying points, and forces that shape the course of politics, not to sit at its pinnacle.

The hand that anoints the king, said I, was never meant for the throne. The editor dismissed me as a wide-eyed, inexperienced pup, barking about the impossible-she, in essence, patted me on the head, saying I was a fine puppy, and I’d one day grow into a big dog…then she trashed the article. It’s not a good idea to be right when the boss is wrong, so I held my peace. In hindsight, all I can say, modesty observed, is that it is good, any day, that landlubbers listen and take notes when a sailor is making a speech about the sea, ships, and sailing.

Hindsight is the ability to look back and judge decisions or events in the light of how they turned out or suggest what might have been, had intervening variables been kinder. Hindsight often causes us to drift into two critical tools of analysis: counterfactual thinking and counterfactual history, where we ask, ‘What if?’

In 1902, under the Uganda Order in Council, the British Colonial Office transferred most of eastern Uganda to Kenya- Kisumu, Siaya, Bungoma, Kakamega, Busia, Nandi, and parts of Uasin Gishu and Trans Nzoia. At the time, these regions (which include the Luo and Kalenjin) were administered from Uganda’s Eastern Province, especially the Kavirondo region.

The reasons for the transfer were mainly administrative convenience and economic logic: The new Uganda Railway from Mombasa ended at Kisumu, so managing the region from Nairobi was easier. Further, Kenya was becoming a settler colony, and the British wanted fertile highlands to fall under that jurisdiction. Thus, for the sake of railway logistics and settler interests, Britain’s pen moved millions of people – and their destiny – from Uganda to Kenya.

The Luo and Kalenjin are twin pillars of Kenyan power – towering, unyielding, and elemental to the nation’s story. The Luo, eloquent and visionary, are the intellectual firebrands and conscience-keepers of Kenya, forever stirring the waters of reform and awakening. The Kalenjin, disciplined and strategic, are the quiet engineers of authority, masters of structure and survival. Together, they have defined Kenya’s politics, driven its economy, and personified its ambition – two peoples whose reach and resilience make them not just participants in history, but the very forces that bend it.

Consider Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Luo by tribe, born in 1911 in Central Nyanza, he was one of the leading figures in Kenya’s struggle for independence. He was Kenya’s vice president, serving under Jomo Kenyatta (1964-1966) before falling out as all true Odingas do. Then his son Raila, we all know; he nearly became president on several occasions and once served as prime minister under Jomo Kenyatta’s son, Uhuru Kenyatta (2008-2013).

And how about a certain William Samoei Ruto, a Kalenjin, deputy president 2013-2022 and current president? That also means we have to talk about the earlier icon of the Kalenjin: Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, Kenya’s second president (1978-2002). Kenya has had three Kikuyu presidents and two Kalenjins. The Kikuyu have held the presidency longer – about 35 years – compared to the Kalenjin’s 27 (and counting). The Kikuyu dominated Kenya’s early and later politics through the Kenyatta and Kibaki dynasties, and the Uhuru era continued that lineage. The Kalenjin, though fewer in number, had the longest single presidency in Moi (24 years – the longest continuous rule in Kenya’s history).

Had the British not redrawn Uganda’s borders, consequently keeping within her fold men like Jaramogi and Raila Odinga, Daniel arap Moi, William Ruto, and many more, Ugandan politics would have taken a wholly different course. There would be no National Resistance Movement. No Yoweri Museveni. The Odingas and Mois were too sharp, strategic, and politically muscular. Their mix of intellect, charisma, and tactical brilliance would have made Uganda a crucible of vibrant, competitive politics. Power would rotate, Opposition would thrive, and the idea of one party dominating the State for decades would be unthinkable in such a political ecosystem. Usiku mwema, Bwana Raila. Mungu na akupokea kwa amani.

It bothers me that people sometimes refer to a good policy and say that the government was sober when it made the policy. As far as I know, governments do not drink. Good or bad policy, governments are always sober. Indeed, when it comes to bad policies, these people do not say that the government was drunk when it tabled the policy.

However, in the intense political campaigns ahead of the 2026 General Election, I fear that some Opposition politicians might use the d-word when describing the government’s under-the-influence-like condition at the time it hiked science teachers’ salaries and left the arts teachers looking rather foolish. Ah! You can already see why science teachers are paid four times as much as the arts teachers. The teachers of the arts make us incurable idiots.

To wit: I am trying to describe the condition of a patient, the Government of Uganda, and I am fishing around for words that have absolutely no meaning. What does ‘under-the-influence-of-whatever’ mean?

Is it under the influence of Australian mushrooms or voodoo zombies? Instead of this garbage, a scientist would go directly to the point and express himself with precision, describing the condition of our government as a psychotic disorder characterised by sudden episodes of disconnection from reality. Where I was thinking of analogies with the effects of wine, the scientist is thinking of the arrangement of cells, the movement of chemicals and the electrical activity in different regions of the afflicted government brain.

The scientist will order that an electroencephalograph be hooked onto the scalp of the patient. He wants regular measurements of brain activity that his computer will help him to analyse before he recommends medication, not breakfast prayers. Meanwhile, as of writing this article on Wednesday, many teachers of arts subjects in government schools who are on strike to protest the salary inequality have refused to end their action.

Parents are in a dilemma. Most of them understand the strike action following the most humiliating policy the government could have thrown at the teachers, but they also desperately want their children to be taught and do their exams. For its part, the government, which staggered into the policy sideways, is too proud to admit that it made a footwork mistake and would sit down and soberly design another approach.

Instead, it instructs the teachers to be patriotic and call off the strike with neither a pay rise now nor a written commitment for a later date. Or it threatens to sack them and hire new teachers. Apparently, science teachers need not be patriotic. No special appeal is made to them to be patriots. They are paid fairly well for their labour. Big politicians, judges, senior security officers and various (government) institutional managers also have no use for patriotism. They are paid well, sometimes very highly. They also usually enjoy impunity to steal public resources.

But every revolutionary country needs patriots. If the big shots and the science teachers cannot make it, then the low-rated workers must fill the gap. If they refuse, conditions should be arranged for them to starve. Sack them. The winning slogan for 2026, therefore, should be: To spread patriotism, promote slavery. And to make teachers take their position as the most natural role models, they should be the first in line, happily matching forward as slaves and patriots. The school children who fail are not a problem. They will be added to the stock of Uganda’s slaves. Suddenly, a disease in government and a weird salary policy have produced a dividend. Who needs a cure?

Uganda hosts more than 50 mineral types, according to the country’s latest geological data from the Energy ministry. These include 31 million tonnes of gold, 560 million tonnes of iron ore, and 7.8 million tonnes of copper.

Added together (ignoring costs, losses, taxes, non-recoverable portions), the total ‘paper’ value for these minerals is at least $4-5 trillion, according to current market financial data.

The Finance ministry says mining can help grow Uganda’s economy from $54b (Shs186 trillion) today to 10 times bigger in the next 15 years. Progress, however, is very slow. Mining contributes only two percent to the country’s total gross domestic product (GDP).

Decades ago, big projects like the Kilembe copper mine were at the heart of the sector, producing more than 217,000 tonnes of copper along with cobalt and phosphates. Other mines for tungsten, tin, and niobium also thrived in places like Kitaka, Mwerasandu, Kirwa, and Ruhizha between the 1930s and 1960s. But by the early 1980s, this mining boom had collapsed.

Kilembe shut down in 1982 as machines broke down, costs rose, inflation hit hard, and copper prices fell globally. Political instability was also part of it. The other mines also closed after mineral prices dropped, government support was cut, infrastructure declined, and investors pulled out. With large-scale mining gone, artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) became the backbone of the sector.

Today, more than 80 percent of Uganda’s miners work in ASM. Between 2014 and 2021, ASM generated about Shs713.5m in revenue.

But ASM faces serious problems. Miners often use simple, outdated tools that waste resources, damage the environment, and reduce government revenue. Working conditions are unsafe, and most miners lack training, finance, and proper equipment. For many families, ASM is a way to survive, but it keeps the mining sector stuck at a very low level. To address this, the government introduced the Mining and Minerals Act (2022) and the Licensing Regulations (2023)-the first serious attempt to formalise ASM.

Phoebe Atukunda, a research fellow in extractives with the Advocates Coalition for Development and Environment (Acode), describes it as ‘a progressive law that actually aligns with the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) protocol on illegal exploitation of minerals, the Mining Vision 2040 as well as Uganda being a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).’

But on the ground, implementation is still difficult. The licensing process was designed for larger, semi-mechanised operations; not small artisanal miners. To get even a small-scale licence, miners must pay for costly feasibility studies and full Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs).

In Uganda, the official licensing scheme lists an application fee of Shs10m for small-scale licences. The actual cost of the ESIA + feasibility work, in reality, can run into the hundreds of thousands of dollars-far beyond what most artisanal miners can afford.

Women-who make up between 15 and 90 percent of workers at different sites-face even greater financial and social barriers, despite gender equality being part of the law. As a result, many miners remain outside the formal system, relying on informal leasing and title transfers that weaken oversight.

‘We are working closely with the National Environmental Management Authority (Nema) to address the cost of the studies and reduce the time it takes to obtain approval,’ says Irene Batebe, the Energy ministry Permanent Secretary.

To speed things up, the ministry’s Health, Safety, and Environment Department also helps Nema review applications. Still, gaps remain. There are no clear rules on how artisanal miners and big companies can share land, leading to conflicts.

With support from the planetGOLD project, the government has helped miners form cooperatives, and more than 10 have already been formalised. Still, exploration-the foundation of large-scale mining-remains underfunded; even though the mining budget is set to rise to Shs51.2b in the 2025/26 financial year.

This is a drop in the ocean. It is also far less than the Shs68.8b lost in gold tax leakages and Shs439b in unpaid mineral rents last year, according to the Auditor General’s 2023/2024 report.

Eric Odongo, a development economist warns: ‘Without consistent funding for exploration, Uganda risks knowing it is rich without ever becoming rich. Artisanal mining will never create the kind of value needed for real transformation; only structured, well-funded exploration and development can do that.’

The missing link

Geologists agree that exploration is the bedrock of any serious mining industry. The government has tried to enhance its feeble presence by setting up an exploration unit and building laboratories, but the resources remain too thin for a sector intent on growing its contribution to the economy from $1.1b (Shs3.7 trillion) today to $20b (Shs68.9 trillion) by 2040. The government has started new investments.

In 2025/2026, the Mineral Development budget aims to fund work like measuring mineral deposits, issuing licences, developing copper, iron ore and phosphate projects, and setting up mineral markets, processing centres, and training hubs. This falls under the Energy ministry’s Shs2.9 trillion budget, of which Shs1.586 trillion goes to the energy and mineral sector, including mineral exploration.

The Uganda National Mining Company (UNMC), a state-owned enterprise, has also been capitalised-up to Shs500b over five years-to manage the government’s commercial stake in projects.

‘We have strengthened enforcement mechanisms to ensure remittance of non-wage revenue from minerals.

Any remaining gaps continue to be addressed. Non-Tax Revenue from minerals rose to Shs39.3b in 2024/2025, up from Shs25.2b in 2023/2024, and Shs11.3b in 2022/2023,’ Batebe discloses, adding that exploration remains a priority as new partnerships with the European Union’s PanAfGeo project to expand survey work attest.

Under PanAfGeo+, Uganda has a pound 3.5m (Shs14b) ‘country window’ aimed at strengthening geological data, upgrading labs, training geoscientists, and creating a national minerals database. At the same time, the government is trying to bring more order to mineral trade.

New Mineral Markets and Buying Centres are being rolled out to formalise transactions, improve transparency, and strengthen tax collection.

‘These markets will regulate the buying and selling of minerals, empower artisanal miners, and curb illicit trade,’ Batebe explains. Yet watchdogs remain concerned. The Uganda Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (UGEITI) 2022/2023 report scored the mineral development programme just 60.9 percent, citing underfunding and an overreliance on artisanal mining.

‘We are starving exploration while haemorrhaging revenues downstream. If we invested just a fraction of the money we lose into exploration, Uganda could build a mining industry that pays for itself,’ Odongo stresses.

Exploration is the most expensive and riskiest stage. Companies are rarely willing to spend millions drilling unless they already have strong evidence that valuable minerals are there. That is why, in most mineral-rich countries, governments step in first, paying for surveys, maps, and data that make investors feel safer.

In Uganda, this step has been missed. The country has many minerals, but most of them remain only a promise on paper.

As Richard Kaijuka, former Energy minister and chair of the Uganda Chamber of Mines and Petroleum, notes, Uganda’s minerals remain ‘underexploited,’ and with proper investment the sector’s share of GDP could rise well above the current 2.2 percent.

The 2024 UGEITI validation report shows this clearly. Uganda scored well in outreach and engagement (78.5 percent), but its overall score dropped to 67.5 percent because contracts were not clear and reliable data was missing.

Mineral Exploration Fund

That is why there is an idea of a Mineral Exploration Fund – a special pool of money set aside only for exploration. Instead of depending on government budgets that change with politics, the Fund could be supported by a 1.0 percent levy on all mineral exports, whose total value is estimated at around $3b (Shs10.3 trillion) annually, driven primarily by gold, according to the latest data compiled by Bank of Uganda. This would guarantee steady funding. If managed openly and fairly.

‘A ring-fenced fund is not just about money; it is about credibility. Investors respond when they see a government systematically de-risking exploration. It signals seriousness, discipline, and a long-term vision,’ Odongo observes.

Government insists exploration is already a priority. Money from the Consolidated Fund continues to support surveys and studies. ‘We have also secured $12m (Shs41.3 trillion) from development partners which has been earmarked to support exploration and quantification,’ says PS Batebe.

But for a Mineral Exploration Fund to work, it must be protected from politics and business capture.

‘Working together with other relevant Ministries, Departments, and Agencies …, this [Energy and Mineral development] Ministry continues to strengthen systems to provide security of tenure to investors and guarantee the transparent management of mineral revenues,’ notes PS Batebe.

This shows that success will not depend only on how much money is put into the Fund, but also on whether its management convinces both investors and citizens that resources will be handled openly and fairly.

Other countries prove this can work. In South Africa and Australia, small protected funds for exploration unlocked big private investments and boosted their mining industries.

When we were younger, many of the expectant women we saw wore the roundest dresses they could find, and often, those clothes were never worn again until the next time they were pregnant. But fashion in 2025 now dictates that you can very much dress up your bump, look stylish, and even be the best-dressed person in the room.

Maternity wear does not have to mean pulling out the most unflattering thing you can find in your closet and calling it a day. The days of hiding behind shapeless dresses and oversized tops are long gone. Today, pregnancy style is about embracing your bump and showing that your days of being stylish don’t have to end with the bump.

Thanks to fashion icons such as Rihanna, who turns every public appearance during her pregnancy into a runway moment, and Anifa Mvuembi, maternity fashion has taken on an entirely new meaning. Here’s how you can spice up your maternity wear and show off that bump with style.

Switch the oversize for something fitting

Instead of drowning your figure in oversized clothing, opt for pieces that accentuate your growing bump. Stretchy bodycon dresses, wrap dresses, and ribbed knit sets are perfect examples. They hug your curves comfortably while keeping you chic.

The fabric choice here is very important, as this will allow your bump to still be comfortable, but also keep you stylish. If you are looking to opt for heavier fabrics and textures like denim, be sure to layer them with more comfortable fabrics like sheer, for balance, but also to keep you within your comfort limitations.

Play with colour and prints

Pregnancy is not the time to fade into black and other dark tones. While neutrals are great for some days and places, don’t be afraid to play with colour. Vibrant hues, floral prints, and bold patterns can instantly lift your mood and add life to your wardrobe. A bright midi dress, a patterned jumpsuit, or even a colour-blocked co-ord set can make you stand out, in the best way possible.

As always, if you are unsure of adding colour to a baby bump and think it is going to make you appear bigger, then start small. Pair a bold blazer with classic jeans, or add a printed scarf or statement shoes to a neutral outfit. The goal is to add personality while staying comfortable.

Invest in versatile pieces

While pregnancy is temporary, your style does not have to be. So, look for pieces that can grow with you and serve you beyond the maternity months. Pieces such as wrap dresses, oversized shirts, and elastic-waist trousers can transition seamlessly into postpartum life, enabling you to still remain stylish.

Your oversized shirts, for instance, can be worn over your tights, shorts, or layered over your bodycon knitwear dresses. Your wrap dresses can also be dressed up or down, depending on what you are dressing up for.

Layer a lot

Layering is your best friend during pregnancy, especially since you could get hot or cold, unexpectedly. Lightweight blazers, cardigans, or denim jackets can pull a look together while adding comfort and versatility.

A sleek trench coat over a fitted dress or a longline vest over a jumpsuit can make an outfit look instantly more put-together. Plus, layers help balance proportions. For instance, if you’re wearing something fitted, adding a structured outer layer keeps your look stylish and balanced without being bulky.

Your layering pieces could also vary from clothing items to jewelry. Don’t be afraid to add as many pieces as you want, as long as they all fit in perfectly into your ensemble at the end of the day.

Prioritise fabric and fit

When you’re pregnant, how something feels on your body matters as much as how it looks. Breathable fabrics such as cotton, jersey, and soft knits are going to be your best options. Avoid anything that digs or restricts movement, especially around the waist. That said, don’t mistake comfort for sloppiness.

Tailored pieces with stretch, empire waists, and ruching details offer both comfort and shape. You can still look polished and feel at ease, all at once.

Spicing up your maternity wear is not about running with every trend or breaking the bank on new clothes. With a few style twitches, you can definitely still dress stylishly, but also comfortably.