Category: Daily Monitor

Silence engulfed the hotel hall in Kampala as Supreme Court Justice Mike Chibita launched his book on facing loss, death, and grief.

In his 183-page book, the Justice of the highest court in the land explains what happens when leaders face loss as a result of death.

Core to the book, Justice Chibita recounts his personal experience in which he encountered numerous deaths in his immediate family and among his colleagues, which saw him go from being born fifth to being elevated to firstborn after his elder siblings all died.

The feelings of sorrow and bad memories of the dead hit the hotel hall on October 16 when the invited panel members recounted the death experience of their dear ones.

One such recollection was that of High Court Judge David Makumbi.

His story was that he lost his wife, Dr Carolyne Peris Makumbi, to metastatic cancer of the liver, a condition she battled for five years, though earlier she had also suffered from breast cancer.

‘. Then, my prayer changed because I was saying to God, For me, I’m accepting your will; whichever way you decide, whether you want her around or you are taking her, I’m surrendering to your will. One thing that I’m asking you is if she is going, don’t let her go in despair,’ Justice Makumbi recounted his ordeal he faced while his wife lay helpless on her hospital bed.

‘One of the greatest leadership challenges I had to face was 48 hours before she died, my late wife was a doctor, and there was no sugarcoating for her; she knew everything that was happening to her and because she had said it was too much (the pain), I called the doctor and consulted and given the persona she was very lively outgoing, ‘I told her it’s ok’ to mean its ok for her to go,’ Justice Makumbi said.

He added that after his wife died, the next challenge was how to explain to his son why his mother, who had gone to the hospital, hadn’t returned.

The other panelists of the night were a couple, Richard and Joyce Wandawa, whose son committed suicide after he developed mental challenges.

Ms Wandawa, while recounting the nature of death that her son succumbed to, broke down emotionally and was only consoled by her husband, who was beside her.

Former Finance Minister Ezra Suruma, who was the chief guest, applauded Justice Chibita for writing such a book that ‘touches everyone.’

‘Your life will not be the same when these words become real to you that you are not just a physical person, but a spiritual person and spirituality in its eternity,’ Dr Suruma said.

He added: ‘Don’t concentrate on bread and butter, but concentrate on eternal life. Die for God’s sake, and you will be at peace because, clearly, death is coming. I’m not threatening, but I’m just quoting.’

The other topics that Justice Chibita discusses in his book include; Opportunity to Grieve, Universal Grief and the Luxury to Grieve, We love, We laugh, We Grieve-It’s Just Another Emotion, Grieving the Missing Part, You are Never Ready for a Mother’s death, African explain death-Witchcraft, Grieving the Finality of death, Farewell and Funerals, So, When do Leaders Grieve, and Hope.

A political storm is currently brewing in Laroo-Pece Division in Gulu City following widespread speculation that the Democratic Party (DP) president general, Mr Norbert Mao, intends to contest for the Pece-Laroo Member of Parliament (MP) seat in the 2026 General Election.

Should the assumption, now trending for more than a fortnight, come to pass, guaranteeing that the incumbent MP Charles Onen retains his seat could be near impossible, especially because Mao is perennially famed in the Acholi Sub-region as a political heavyweight.

Fr Onen, a National Resistance Movement (NRM)-leaning pioneer MP for Pece-Laroo, secured a win in 2021 on an Independent ticket with 6,638 votes after he floored 12 other opponents, including Ms Nancy Atimango (NRM-4,220 votes), National Unity Platform’s Caesar Lubangakene (2,557), Forum for Democratic Change’s Geoffrey Komakech (1,619), DP’s Simon Opoka (698) and former MP Emmanuel Mwaka Lutukumoi (1,098), among others. Before the creation of Gulu City, which birthed Laroo-Pece and Bardege-Layibi divisions, Fr Onen had gained popularity following his anti-NRM political preaching that won the heart of many in the city that was formerly Opposition-dominant.

Whereas many argue that he was a great beneficiary of sympathy voting, his other 12 opponents would later be ranked below average to match his weight.

NRM’s Tonny Kitara, who recently won the party flag for the constituency, had hoped to secure an easy win over Fr Onen after fleeing the Bardege-Layibi race, from where Mr Martin Ojara Mapenduzi floored him in 2021. However, the race is likely to go molten should Mao’s addition materialise.

In February, while appearing on a political show on a local radio in Gulu City, Mao emphasised that he was ready to midwife transition and that he was willing to sacrifice everything for it. ‘I am not sure whether I am going to eat it or not. But it does not matter if transition comes after I am gone,’ Mao said, adding that many people were warning him about dealing with the NRM government, particularly President Museveni. ‘They have been advising me to be careful; they are afraid that I might be harmed. But I tell you, do not worry. Any right-thinking Acholi should fight individuals who are against my mission. I am the only one with the sharp knife who will share the meat with everyone,’ he stated.

Despite the huge support he often enjoyed in Acholi Sub-region, Mao’s support has gradually been dwindling, according to Electoral Commission (EC) data, with support now limited mostly to Gulu District. For example, in 2011 when he contested for the presidency, Mao, a two-time MP for Gulu Municipality, secured 1.8 percent (148,170 votes) countrywide. Of this number, Mao got 82,781 votes (6.24 percent of northern Uganda’s total votes), scoring highest in Gulu District (44.29 percent), trailed by Museveni at 26.85 percent.

However, in the neighbouring Kitgum District, President Museveni floored him with 38.93 percent (17,965 votes) when he scored only 8.04 percent (3,711 votes).

Skipping the 2016 showdown, Mao polled even dismally with support nationally dwindling from 148,170 votes to 57,682 votes (0.56 percent) in the 2021 presidential elections. In the northern region, the figures further dropped by half from 82,781 votes to only 40,688 (2.28 percent), while those of Gulu and Kitgum districts dropped to 11,223 votes and 1,342 votes.

Internal fights

Mao has not come out to openly clarify as true or false the claims being attributed to him, subject to nominations this coming week. However, his decision to back off from the presidential race is speculated to be premised on wanting to protect his party’s interest in Museveni’s 2026-2031 government and the post-Museveni era. On Tuesday, October 14, while addressing DP flag bearers at the party headquarters on Balintuma Road, Kampala, Mao did not hesitate to define the party’s dreams that guide a new covenant seeking to usher in a new transition in Uganda.

In the manifesto document, the party outlined its vision and protocol in tackling critical issues surrounding the transition dialogue after President Museveni announced recently that he was seeking re-election. Besides launching the manifesto that also tackles education, healthcare, poverty, agriculture and infrastructure, among others, Mao revealed to the delegates the structure of the new unity government that he claims DP has been a key contributor to forming.

Besides seeking to advocate for a government of national unity as a base for peaceful transition to minimise the recurrent incidence of violent changes of government in the country, Mao also explained that consultations are going to be held under the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) to convene an extraordinary summit to discuss post-Museveni era, whom he said is now aged and needs a clear plan for his exit.

‘We shall have a new constitution resulting from a negotiated Uganda in which all parts that constitute 16 regions of Uganda feel included as equal shareholders from Ankole, Tooro, Bugisu, Kigezi, Buganda, Busoga, Karamoja, West Nile and the northern region, among others,’ he reportedly told the sitting. Such dealings with the NRM have, of late, had him caught up in a series of no-love-lost-no-love-found scenarios with a section of his own party leadership plotting and threatening to isolate him due to his dining with the ruling party.

For example, in May, Mao stirred a hornet’s nest when he invited Gen Caleb Akandwanaho, aka Salim Saleh, to officiate at DP’s national executive committee gathering at his home in Coopil village, Unyama Sub-county, Gulu, during which he challenged the party’s central organ to continue working with the NRM party to leverage Ugandans into the money economy. Gen Saleh, who is the chief coordinator of Operation Wealth Creation, a poverty-eradication programme, acknowledged DP’s efforts in backing the government to eradicate poverty.

The meeting, which was widely condemned by a fraction of DP senior leadership, was staged a few days before the party’s delegates’ conference held in Mbarara City. It was meant to resolve DP’s internal squabbles that have always threatened to rip it apart. Mr Michael Bayigga Lulume, a DP MP, said the meeting is proof of how Mr Mao and his group have attempted to sell off the party to the ruling NRM government. ‘Certainly, it will impact negatively on Mao and his group. We have been telling the people that Mao sold the party, and nobody wanted to believe, including the media, and today you saw it. Mao will get his disciplinary action once we reach Mbarara once and for all.’ Mr Bayigga said.

Jumping out of 2021 race

While in January, the party rubbished claims that it was plotting a political alliance with the NRM government ahead of the 2026 General Election, saying the two parties have distinct visions for Uganda as they approach the 2026 elections, Mao’s recent move seemed to have reversed the position when he declared he would not contest for the presidency. Last month, he explained that his party’s decision not to present a presidential candidate in the upcoming elections was one driven by a mix of financial constraints and political strategy aimed at backing the NRM party.

‘A presidential campaign requires substantial funding. By directing these resources to parliamentary and local government races, we can achieve better results. We have to be practical about Uganda’s political environment,’ he said. At an earlier national executive committee (NEC) meeting in Rubaga, Kampala, the decision, he said, was birthed after being primarily influenced by the memorandum of understanding signed with the ruling NRM in 2021, which also resulted in Mao’s appointment as minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

It is not the first time that DP has not presented a presidential candidate since the return of political pluralism two decades ago. In the 2016 presidential elections, under Mao’s presidency, the party supported Go Forward’s John Patrick Amama Mbabazi. Whereas DP had initially picked presidential nomination forms on August 28 and expressed confidence in offering Uganda a peaceful transition of power, its NEC ultimately assessed the party’s chances of winning the presidency as “slim” under the current circumstances. He also reasoned that the move was not only to avoid fragmenting the Opposition vote but also to promote peaceful and credible elections.

This publication established that DP is currently embroiled in internal wrangles that have cost the party its membership across the country, with a section of its MPs exiting to join other parties. The disagreements escalated ahead of the 2021 elections when several DP members crossed to the Opposition National Unity Platform (NUP) party. These include Nyendo-Mukungwe MP Mathias Mpuuga, Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze, Mr Muwanga Kivumbi (Butambala County), Mr Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West), Mr Medard Sseggona (Busiro County), Mr Joseph Ssewungu (Kalungu West) and Mr Ssempala Kigozi (former Makindye Ssabagabo), among others.

The signing of the cooperation agreement by Mao and a section of DP’s top leaders with the NRM party in 2022 further compounded the tensions after securing an appointment in the NRM government Cabinet as Justice minister. Among other DP officials who secured key jobs from the NRM government were party secretary general Gerald Siranda, who secured an East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) job, causing several party MPs to oppose Mao’s leadership. The cooperation agreement was meant to foster constitutionalism, uphold human rights, and ensure a peaceful transition of power, but with the upcoming 2026 General Election, several DP MPs have cast doubt on the viability of the cooperation.

For example, on April 7, DP deputy president Fred Mukasa Mbidde wrote to Mao over his withdrawal from the agreement he described as controversial. ‘As you are aware, I proposed a significant motion to initiate the process of terminating our cooperation agreement with the National Resistance Movement,’ he said. Mao, who has been at the helm of one of the oldest parties since 2010, sought another five-year term as president general, in which he succeeded amid a violent national delegates’ conference and election held in Mbarara in June.

What next for Mao?

Meanwhile, Mao has not come out to openly speak about his intentions to contest in Pece-Laroo Division or respond to rumours circulating on social media about his alleged positioning as a possible Speaker of Parliament or Vice President. Our repeated attempts to reach out to Mao for a comment through telephone calls and text messages were futile since he did not answer. However, Sunday Monitor has traced a series of recent public statements uttered by Mao signalling his planned move to return to Parliament as an MP.

For example, on October 12, while addressing the congregation at the 13th memorial service of the late Tiberio Okeny Atwoma at Orayng Ojuma ‘A’ South Village in Labongo Amida Sub-county in Kitgum District, Mao hinted that he was primed to become the next head of state, based on the ongoing discussions. ‘I am one of the few people who have harvested honey without lighting any fire (smoke), and I am still harvesting it, and nothing stops me from sitting on the seat (presidency), but for now I don’t want to spill out so many secrets because there are levels of talks, including those that are highly classified,’ he said. Mao also called for support, without stating specifically where he would contest, saying he would best represent the interests of the Acholi people and steer the country through the transition.

‘You must elect strong leaders this time, you know the calibre of leaders that were elected to the CA [Constituent Assembly]. We must support and strengthen our politics. Me, I have come out here before you. Let us embrace the politics of unity, no leader owns any constituency, this thing of ‘my seat, my constituency’, the people are the owners of those constituencies, let us stop such reckless personalisation of constituencies,’ he said. ‘Uganda is at a very terrible corner, if you see people coming from western Uganda, those who were in reserve, they have all come back because they are seeing the sun already setting for the big man, this coming elections is for those who are experienced in leadership, they are the most wanted for the next five years not these lousy bush-rat hunters,’ he added.

‘Let’s be hopeful that we shall wait and witness the change, but while waiting, you must be prepared. As Acholi, we are the ones balancing the politics of Uganda, but we don’t know our value as Acholi people.’

Kira Municipality Member of Parliament (MP) Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda recently went toe-to-toe with Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka. I saw the two oral pugilists going at it, as it were, on UBC TV. As is his wont, Mr Ssemujju aired the government’s dirty linen before tailing off with the words: ‘We can pretend about this, but that’s where we are.’ The Attorney General replied with what Sir Winston Churchill would have described as a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma. ‘The President is the one who led by example, but now you are telling him that he’s the one who broke the law. How?’ retorted Mr Kiwanuka.

It was as if the Attorney General thinks President Museveni’s position does not evolve or devolve. Instead, it ossifies around notions which do not reflect reality. I don’t know what that’s called in law. But in English, it’s pettifogging. To be fair, I have never viewed Mr Ssemujju as a debater. His analytical skills and critical thinking are rarely part of his verbal artillery when speaking truth to power. Instead, his style of argumentation betrays a bluff and blunt tendency to paint those with whom he disagrees with a broad brush. His long suit is thus uncovering truths, not interrogating them. By this, he pushes emotional buttons while omitting hot-button issues, which ponder larger, deeper questions.

This explains why so many people listen to him. You see, he is a discussant and not a debater. The latter are out of joint with the political anatomy of Uganda. That’s because we do not have a tradition of debate. In countries like America, this tradition is rich. There are awards orbiting about championships like the Great Communicator Debate Series to national and intercollegiate recognitions such as the National Debate Tournament, the Julia Burke Award for high school “policy debaters,” and the All-American Debate Squad Award from the Cross Examination Debate Association.

Thanks to oral tradition, the practice of passing down cultural actualities through spoken word instead of written records, we prefer to talk to and not talk at one another. Ugandans are generally not confrontational. Hence, debating, which calls for a battle of wits, not their synergy, does violence to the notion of communitarianism implied by said accommodation. This explains why Ugandans have often called for a national dialogue but never a national debate. A dialogue is a ‘conversation’, which is the less serious or structured version of a discussion.

Accordingly, we must appreciate that discussants like Mr Ssemujju are crucial to any democratic form. In debate, journalist Andrew Mwenda is right: Ssemujju’s ‘intellectual quality’ tends to be dimmed by the low road he takes on high-minded issues. In our context, however, his preference for exposés over expositions plays to his strengths as a journalist. Although a Muslim, he often reminds Ugandan Christians to level up by the way he brings up topics which most of us would never dare air in public.

If you recall the metaphor “salt and light” from Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount in the Gospel of Matthew, you will remember that it refers to Christians’ role in the world. As salt, believers are meant to act as a preservative against corruption and decay, while as light, they are called to expose truth and illuminate the world.

Ssemujju personifies this metaphor. While some intellectuals fault him for not bending the arc of that metaphor towards wonkish debates, which place questions about fiscal policy above answers to who gets what and for how long with respect to sharing the national cake. Until we understand debate, such Ssemujjuan discussions must continue shaping our politics.

Mutumba,13, loves video games, football, and stays up late watching YouTube. School? Well, that comes second-maybe even third. As his final Primary Six exams approached, he kept saying, ‘I will study tomorrow.’ But tomorrow always turned into another tomorrow. When his teacher, Ms Kasumba, handed out the exam timetable, Mutumba stuffed it into his bag.

The week before exams, Mutumba’s neighbour, Shanita, asked him, ‘Hey, have you revised Science yet?’ she asked. ‘No, not yet,’ Mutumba replied casually. ‘I will cram the notes this week before we start on Monday. I always manage, you know.’ This time, things were different.

On Monday, the first paper-Math-hit him like a tonne of bricks. He stared blankly at the questions. Numbers and formulas danced in his head, but nothing made sense. His stomach churned. The next few days were worse: Science was a mess, English rushed, and History, he left half the script blank. That Friday, Mutumba came home quietly. His mother noticed. ‘What’s wrong, Mutumba?’ she asked.

‘I think I messed up. all of it,’ he mumbled. ‘I didn’t study. I thought I could handle it.’ His mother sat beside him and said, ‘Everyone makes mistakes. What matters is what you do next. The task now is to prepare for Primary Leaving Exams next year.’ As I write, Senior Four candidates have already sat their first paper.

Primary Leaving Exams start in November. For those in primary and secondary school, exams can be a source of challenges and stress. As a parent, you play a vital role in supporting and preparing your child to face them with confidence. Try these strategies

Establish a study routine

A consistent schedule helps them understand that studying is a part of their daily responsibilities, not a last-minute rush. With your child to create a timetable that balances study with breaks, meals, physical activity, and sleep. Start early with revision and break down the syllabus into manageable chunks.

Mutumba’s mother met Ms Kasumba together with Mutumba and they designed a plan and structure for his reading. They set up a simple study routine: 30 minutes of focused study each evening, with short breaks. Mutumba’s father helped with Maths problems, and his mother quizzed him on vocabulary while making supper.

Ms Kasumba checked in weekly, giving him small goals and encouraging words. Slowly, Mutumba understood how it works. His grades went up, but more importantly, so did his confidence.

Create a conducive environment

A quiet, well-lit, and organised study space can significantly enhance a child’s ability to concentrate. Remove distractions such as TV, phones, and excessive noise.

Keep necessary materials such as textbooks, stationery, and notes within reach. When children have a designated study area, they are more likely to associate that space with focus and productivity.

Use active learning techniques

Different children have different learning styles. Some are visual learners, others prefer reading, and some learn better through discussion or writing.

Encourage your child to use active revision methods such as summarising notes, using flashcards, drawing mind maps, teaching the material to someone else, or solving past exam papers. These methods enhance understanding and long-term memory.

Monitor progress, no pressure

Regularly checking your child’s progress helps identify areas that need improvement. However, it is important to avoid putting unnecessary pressure on them. Instead of focusing solely on marks, emphasise effort, understanding, and gradual improvement. Praise and encouragement boost self-esteem and motivate children.

Promote healthy habits

Ensure your child gets adequate sleep, eats nutritious meals, stays hydrated, and engages in physical activities. Lack of sleep and poor diet can lead to fatigue, irritability, and reduced concentration. Regular breaks during study time help refresh the mind and prevent burnout.

Teach stress management

Exams can be a source of anxiety for many children. I had a friend at university who would suffer panic attacks during exams. Teach your child simple stress-relief techniques such as deep breathing, focusing on inspirational Bible verses aka meditation, or talking about their worries. Remind them that exams are just one part of life and that doing their best is more important than being perfect. Being emotionally available and patient can help your child feel safe and supported.

In the colonial era, as Europeans traversed Africa, many acquired treasured objects from indigenous communities, offering in exchange manufactured items and materials from their homelands. Among these were artefacts that held profound cultural, spiritual, and historical significance.

Decades later, some of them have begun to return to their countries of origin. Across Africa, nations such as Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, Namibia, and the DR Congo have received or are in the process of reclaiming cultural treasures taken during the colonial period.

Nigeria, for instance, has welcomed back several iconic pieces looted from the royal palace of Benin in 1897, while France has returned royal artifacts to Benin (West Africa) that once belonged to the Kingdom of Dahomey. Germany has pledged the return of the Ngonnso’ statue to Cameroon and other sacred objects to Namibia, and Belgium has begun repatriating thousands of items to the DR Congo, acknowledging their profound historical and cultural significance.

Building on this continental trend, Uganda has joined the movement through the loan of 39 artefacts returned by the University of Cambridge Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in 2024.

Through the Ethics of loaning exhibition organised by Alliance Française Kampala and Goethe-Zentrum Kampala, supported by a Franco-German fund, 15 of these artefacts are being displayed at the Nommo Gallery in Kampala, giving the public a rare opportunity to reconnect with Uganda’s cultural heritage.

Peter Primus, the deputy head of mission at the Germany Embassy, he highlighted Germany’s commitment to addressing the legacy of its colonial past. Primus explained that this process involves acknowledging historical injustices, seeking forgiveness, and returning cultural artefacts and ancestral remains, all carried out in close dialogue with the governments, communities, and diaspora of former colonies.

He emphasised that while restitution is not merely about the return of objects, it represents respect for cultures and histories, and the restoration of memory and dignity for those affected by colonial-era expropriations.

He said, ‘Such initiatives, he noted, contribute to justice, reconciliation, and the building of a shared future grounded in equality and mutual respect.’

Additionally, Francis Peter Ojede, the executive director of the Uganda National Cultural Centre (UNCC) welcomed the exhibition as a significant milestone in the country’s ongoing engagement with its cultural heritage. Ojede emphasised that the display of returned artefacts offers a platform for critical reflection on issues of cultural justice, ownership, and historical accountability.

Exhibitions like this, he says, encourage Ugandans and visitors to engage in dimensions of restitution, fostering a deeper understanding of how colonial-era expropriation continues to shape contemporary cultural narratives.

The cultural artefacts exhibition

On a chilly evening of October 3, hundreds of curators, diplomats, scholars, and community representatives gathered at Nommo Gallery in Nakasero to witness the opening of the Ugandan artefacts exhibition. The event featured a series of activities, including large-format photographic displays, immersive virtual reality experiences of items restituted in 1962 and 2024, and expert discussions examining the ethical and political dimensions of restitution. The exhibition, which runs until October 24, offers visitors an engaging opportunity to reflect on Uganda’s cultural heritage and its journey of reclaiming history.

Among the artefacts on display are traditional regalia, musical instruments, and ritual objects that once held deep cultural and spiritual meaning. Each piece is accompanied by a detailed description indicating what it is, the year it was collected, and by whom. Together, these artefacts tell stories of artistry, identity, and memory, offering visitors a profound glimpse into Uganda’s rich and diverse heritage.

Some of the notable items on display include royal emblems, ceremonial tools, and ancestral figures that once held deep cultural and spiritual meaning. Among them is a white linen Kanzu which was worn by men and chiefs in Buganda, a head pad previously owned by chief (Rwot) Atiak, a headdress called Otok from Lango used for performing ceremonial dances.

The exhibition also features a beaded headband with a zigzag pattern traditionally worn by Ankole women during marriage ceremonies, and a Buganda royal drum adorned with beads and cowrie shells.

The collection further includes the Queen Mother’s royal drum from Bunyoro, a wooden trough from Ankole played privately by women, and a Bunyoro shield made of plant fibre reinforced with leather.

Other rare pieces are ngato, a leather divination card from Buganda once used to seek the favour of the god Mwanga; engyemeko, crafted from black earthenware from Ankole, and ejjembe, a spiritual object made from a clawed creature covered in barkcloth, alongside another version made from a crocodile tooth and animal hide used for spiritual protection.

Also on display is a royal oval wooden meat dish carved from musogo wood, believed to have been used by King Andereya Bisereko Duhaga II of Bunyoro, a shield made from thick hippopotamus hide with a wooden handle and a black milk pot used for drinking milk, both from Bunyoro. While these were taken during the colonial era and preserved for decades in European museums, their presence at the gallery mark a symbolic homecoming, rekindling conversations about ownership, preservation, and the value of cultural memory.

This is because such artefacts trace the evolution of our culture from the past to the present, helping to define the direction in which society is heading. They also serve as valuable resources for research and cultural preservation. One of the guests, Timothy Wasswa Kisuule, a member of the Ndiga clan, remarked that the ejjembe made from a clawed creature holds deep significance for his clan, as it reminds him of a revered elder.

He expressed hope that the artefact could one day be returned to their clan as part of reclaiming their cultural heritage. Many other visitors shared a sense of awe, with some rediscovering stories passed down by elders, and others gaining a deeper appreciation of Uganda’s diverse cultural legacy.

Impact

Phillip Balimunsi, a curator, emphasised that exhibitions of this kind have the potential to position Uganda as a leading destination for cultural and heritage tourism.

He explained that by offering an immersive experience that combines history, artistry, and national identity, such exhibitions can attract local and international visitors, complementing the country’s well-established wildlife and ecotourism offerings.

Balimunsi highlighted that the gallery itself, originally created as a space for researchers to study Uganda’s cultural past, now serves a broader purpose. By showcasing artefacts that reflect centuries of Ugandan heritage, the exhibition allows visitors to engage directly with the nation’s historical and spiritual narratives.

He added that this dual role of preserving knowledge for scholars while educating the public enhances the gallery’s appeal as a cultural tourism hub.

Furthermore, Balimunsi noted that presenting the artefacts within the context of ethical restitution encourages critical reflection among visitors about colonial history, ownership, and cultural justice.

‘By combining aesthetic appreciation with historical and ethical education, we not only strengthen Uganda’s tourism profile but also foster a deeper understanding of the country’s cultural identity and the ongoing journey of reclaiming its heritage.’

So, there was a little storm brewing in the cup with a young nephew aged 11 years! He was born in Greece with a Greek father and a Persian mother, so with both cultures in his background, the boy combines two great dynasties in his family tree portfolio.

It also happens that he is doing very well in school. Besides his excellent academic performance, he is active in sports, traditional Greek dancing and martial arts.

So, having high grades has qualified him for a very interesting role that we do not see enough in schools world over. Moreover, schools have become international and very difficult to associate with just one nationality.

His role is to hold the Greek flag during a parade organised by the school, while marching through the main streets of towns and villages.

One such occasion coming up is on October 28, on which day in 1940, Italy demanded that Greece allows Axis troops to enter Greece, but the then Prime Minister Ioannis Metaxas, said ‘No’ and this created a huge sense of national pride as a symbol of resistance to Mussolini’s ultimatum, the day is now called the Ohi (OXI) day, which means ‘No’ in Greek.

For two consecutive years, my young nephew had the opportunity to hold the flag in front to his school parade and in his young mind, it was clear that everyone appreciated him for being an excellent student. Of course, this brought joy to his parents’ and grandparents’ hearts. However, as success path is not always rosy and smooth.

This year, there were new students who joined the school and the administrators decided to have a lottery between the four best ones, and my nephew lost. Hell broke loose! Of course, it took a lot of counselling to make him understand that it is okay not to be always at the forefront and that sharing with other deserving people is good for everyone. At the end of the day, it all worked out.

He was reminded by his best mentor, his grandmother, that it is not such ranks that make a real difference in his life, but being at the forefront in rendering service to his community that really counts.

Also, having a mother that is always involved in activities and charities that benefit the whole community, his young soul had the best example just in front of him.

In fact in a recent yearly campaign for cancer awareness week, he was actively participating as a volunteer alongside his mother, helping in raising funds that are earmarked for buying hospital equipment to help cancer patients. He was even interviewed by the local radio station as one of the youngest volunteers in this year’s campaign.

As a member of the Baha’i Faith, I grew up reading and learning by heart this quote by Bahá’u’lláh, the Prophet founder of the Baha’i Faith, where he says ‘It is not for him to pride himself who loveth his own country, but rather for him who loveth the whole world. The earth is but one country, and mankind its citizens’.

Of course, this does not negate our love for our countries; on the contrary, it merges love with the love for the whole world. Indeed Earth is one country and we are all its citizens.

At latitude zero, in Laikipia County, central Kenya, two magnificent creatures graze quietly under the morning sun. Their names are Najin and Fatu, the world’s last two remaining Northern White rhinos. They move slowly, their immense frames casting long shadows on the dry grass as armed rangers watch silently nearby, never more than a few metres away.

It was here, within the 90,000-acre Ol Pejeta Conservancy, that their ancestor, Sudan, the last male of the subspecies, walked his final steps before dying in March 2018. His grave now lies under a tree, a quiet reminder of how close the world lost an entire lineage. Around this sacred ground, the conservancy hums with life.

Zebras flick their tails as they trot across the plains. Elephants gather near water marshes, splashing dust over their backs. From a distance, a group of schoolchildren in standard uniforms watch through binoculars, their teacher pointing at a herd of impalas grazing nearby. For many, this is their first encounter with Kenya’s wild heritage, and the lesson is clear: wildlife and people can coexist.

‘Conservancies are showing that conservation and community development are not opposites,’ says Vincent Oluoch, programmes manager at the Kenya Wildlife Conservancies Association (KWCA). ‘They are two sides of the same coin. When people see value in protecting wildlife, they protect it voluntarily.’

A model born out of crisis

Kenya’s wildlife once seemed boundless. But over the past four decades, the East African country lost nearly 68 percent of its wildlife population-victims of poaching, land-use changes, and the growing human-wildlife conflict. National parks, once seen as the backbone of conservation, struggled to balance ecological protection with public participation.

Out of that crisis emerged the conservancy model, landscapes managed by communities or private entities that combine conservation, tourism, and livelihoods. Today, there are more than 200 registered conservancies across Kenya, covering nine million hectares, roughly 15 percent of the country’s total landmass. These conservancies, linked under the KWCA umbrella, now anchor Kenya’s ambitious 30×30 target: protecting 30 percent of land and sea by 2030.

‘The Wildlife Conservation and Management Act of 2013 was a turning point,’ Oluoch explains. ‘For the first time, the law legally recognised conservancies as formal conservation areas. We now have structured systems where communities and private actors co-manage land. The results speak for themselves, reduced poaching, restored habitats, and better livelihoods.’ He adds: ‘About 45 percent of Kenya’s black rhino population now lives within conservancies, mostly in Laikipia. In some areas, poaching incidents have dropped to zero for over five years. That’s a powerful shift.’

Ol Pejeta

Few places illustrate that transformation better than Ol Pejeta Conservancy, a once-colonial cattle ranch turned into one of Africa’s most successful conservation enterprises. Today, it shelters East Africa’s largest population of black rhinos, 173 individuals alongside 51 Southern White rhinos and, of course, Najin and Fatu, the Northern White rhinos whose survival depends on groundbreaking science. Behind their care is a team of devoted keepers. Jeremy Kimathi, one of Ol Pejeta’s rhino caregivers, shares an intimate perspective. ‘These animals are family,’ Kimathi says, looking over the wide enclosure where the two rhinos graze. ‘We tried the first embryo transfer in 2023 using a Southern White rhino as a surrogate mother, but sadly, she died at 70 days. The next attempt will be later this year. We still believe we can bring the Northern White rhino back.’

Using advanced in-vitro fertilisation (IVF) technology, scientists have already created and preserved multiple embryos using eggs from Fatu and sperm from deceased males. The hope is to find a surrogate mother to carry the embryos to full term. This is a last-ditch attempt to reverse extinction. Yet, as Enid Nkatha, head of tourism at Ol Pejeta, points out, conservation here is not only about protecting species. It’s about people. ‘We realised early that we cannot protect animals if our neighbours see no benefit in them,’ she says. ‘So we built a model where conservation creates jobs, scholarships, and opportunities for the communities around us.’

Each year, Ol Pejeta awards over 300 scholarships to children from surrounding villages. Residents are prioritised in hiring, from rangers to hospitality workers and administrative staff. ‘Before we employ anyone,’ Nkatha adds, ‘we first contact the community. If someone qualified is available, they get the job. Only when no one fits the role do we advertise outside. That builds trust and ownership.’

Turning conflict into coexistence

Across Africa, human-wildlife conflict remains one of the biggest threats to conservation. Elephants raid farms, lions attack livestock, and frustrated communities often retaliate. Ol Pejeta has worked to turn this tension into collaboration. ‘When our neighbours lose animals to theft or predators, they can call us directly,’ Nkatha explains. ‘Our canine unit and rangers help trace and recover livestock. We also hold barazas [public meetings] where we listen to their concerns. It’s not about policing; it’s about partnership.’

Community leaders serve as liaisons, ensuring open communication between the conservancy and nearby villages. Schoolchildren are also regular guests on educational visits. ‘We bring them for game drives, to see what we do and why it matters,’ she says. ‘Some of our staff started as interns from these communities. Now they’re part of the conservancy team. That’s what success looks like.’

The economics of conservation

At Ol Pejeta, sustainability is not charity, it is economics. Tourism generates about 65 percent of conservancy revenue across Kenya, according to KWCA data. Ol Pejeta alone welcomes more than 110,000 visitors annually, with a self-imposed cap of 120,000 to avoid ecosystem strain. ‘We know our limits,’ Nkatha says. ‘Once we reach 120,000 visitors, we’ll pause and evaluate. Conservation must never come at the expense of the ecosystem. For now, we’re within safe limits, and every visitor directly supports conservation.’

The conservancy markets itself as part of the ‘Magical Kenya’ experience, offering guests immersive wildlife adventures from tracking collared lions with radio antennas and night drives to Run the Wild, a morning jog alongside rangers through the plains. Behind the scenes, Ol Pejeta also runs a livestock-wildlife integration programme. More than 6,000 Boran cattle graze within the conservancy in controlled rotations, trimming grass and enriching the soil through manure, helping sustain wild herbivore habitats. ‘It’s a win-win,’ Nkatha smiles. ‘The cows feed, the land stays healthy, and wildlife always finds fresh grass. Plus, the cattle program generates extra income that supports our conservation work.’

The business of coexistence

Across Kenya, conservancies collectively host around 240 tourism facilities with a bed capacity of 3,450, directly benefiting over 8,000 people and generating approximately $26m (Shs89.5b) annually. Yet, only about 100 out of Kenya’s 245 conservancies operate formal tourism ventures leaving enormous room for investment. ‘Tourism is not just about lodges,’ Oluoch explains. ‘It’s about value chains, beekeeping, guiding, crafts, and local produce. When investors partner with conservancies, communities become stakeholders, not bystanders.’

Counties like Samburu, Narok, Taita Taveta, and Baringo are now allocating budgetary funds to support conservancies. ‘Samburu already passed legislation to fund its conservancies,’ Oluoch notes. ‘During Covid-19, the national government even paid ranger salaries for a year. That shows how vital these landscapes have become.’

Challenges and prospects

Despite success stories, challenges persist. Many emerging conservancies rely heavily on donor funding, limiting their long-term sustainability. ‘Younger conservancies need help to build governance structures and management systems,’ Oluoch admits. ‘Bigger ones face higher operational costs, more rangers, vehicles, and infrastructure. KWCA acts as a funnel, channelling funds where they’re most needed.’

He argues that the future lies in diversified income streams not just tourism, but also carbon credits, livestock programs, and ecosystem service payments.

‘Sustainability will come when conservancies earn from multiple sources. That’s when conservation becomes self-sustaining,’ he says. At its heart, Ol Pejeta’s success rests on a simple but radical idea: conservation must pay its way, not only for wildlife, but for people too. When tourists buy beadwork from local women’s groups, when herders earn salaries as rangers, and when children from nearby schools win scholarships funded by park fees-conservation stops being an external agenda and becomes a shared community aspiration.

‘Our people now see wildlife as an asset,’ Nkatha says with pride.

A taxing second day, on Friday, at the 10th edition of the Africa Aquatics Zone III Swimming Championships at Kasarani Stadium Nairobi saw defending champions Uganda continue to show presence.

But hosts Kenya are not far off as they dominated the relays to show their balance in squad selection. Dark horses Tanzania dominated the 200m events but generally the second day was more taxing as swimmers had to catch up with the events, including the opening ceremony, that were cancelled on Day One following the death of former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga.

The president of Africa Aquatics Mohamed Diop – who swam at Kasarani at the Africa Games in 1987 – and Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for Youth Affairs, Creative Economy, and Sports Salim Mvurya joined Zone III president Donald Rukare in opening the event.

In the pool, Uganda were initially hard done as a crucial examination coincided with their female star Tara Kisawuzi’s morning events.

17 and Over

Kisawuzi, the only girl in the 17 and Over age group, missed the 100m butterfly (one of her favourite events), 50m backstroke, and the 4x50m medley relay in the expanded 15 and Over age group.

Kisawuzi, however, returned to win Uganda gold in the 200m breaststroke (3:13.55), 100m backstroke (1:13.91), and 200m freestyle (2:21.15).

Pendo Kaumi brought home bronze in the senior boys’ 100m fly (1:00.63) while Kyle Kaweesa (1:03.36) was 6th in a very fast race won by Sudan’s Saleem Mohamed Ziyad (57.20) followed by Kenya’s Johari Masinde (59.63).

Malcolm Nahamya (30.43) lost a medal place to Burundi’s Flack Zacharie Harinzimana (30.05) by microseconds in the senior boys’ 50m back where Ziyad (27.90) and Tanzania’s Romeo-Mihaly Mwaipasi (29.36) dominated. Mathew Mwase was 5th in the 50m back (31.06) but 4th in the 100m (1:06.92) behind bronze medalist and teammate Kaumi (1:06.26), runner-up Mwaipasi (1:04.60), and winner Ziyad (58.64).

Kyle (2:41.89) and captain Ampaire Namanya (2:46.24) took the seniors’ 200m breaststroke gold and silver.

Kaumi went one better with silver in the 200m free (2:12.78) behind Kenya’s Nathan Matimu (2:04.07) while Jordan Munyikwa was 5th (2:16.79).

15-16 Years

Peyton Suubi got the 15-16 girls’ 100m fly (1:11.61) gold while Paloma Kirabo (1:17.36) was 4th as was Ethani Ssengooba (1:05.18) in the boys’ category. Isaiah Kuc (1:04.05) bagged boys’ silver behind Kenya’s Victor Okech who was out like a light to clock 1:00.31.

Rahmah Nakasule (34.41) bagged the girls’ 50m back bronze behind Tanzania’s Filbertha Demello (33.00) and Kenya’s Ruth Wangari Lindkvist (34.39) while Kirabo (36.28) was 5th behind Burundi’s Lois Eliora Irishura (34.86). The first trio finished the same way in the 100m back with times 1:12.96, 1:14.42, and 1:16.82 while Kirabo was 4th (1:18.66).

Peterson Inhensiko (30.23) was second in the boys’ 50m back behind Okech (29.97) while Ssengooba was 4th (32.40) also behind Kenyan Igbaal Bayusuf (30.53). Inhensiko (1:05.10) was still second in the 100m but this time behind teammate Shaun Murungi (1:03.55) and ahead of a familiar face on the Kenyan team Joshua Andriatsitohaina (1:06.05).

Peyton also took 200m breaststroke gold (2:59.12) while Alexis Akol crawled from 5th place to take bronze (3:23.33), with an impressive final lap, behind Tanzania’s Bridget Heep (3:06.23).

For the boys, Kenya’s Neo Olengo (2:35.32) took gold with the best team across all age groups as his teammate Jeremy Kogo (2:49.87) finished 3rd behind Uganda’s Daniel Rukundo (2:40.87) and ahead of Kuc (2:51.03).

A third gold on the day for Peyton came through the 200m free (2:20.47) as Nakasule settled for 7th (2:37.66).

Kuc got his first gold in the boys’ 200m free (2:10.59) while Rukundo (2:15.28) got bronze behind Okech (2:14.43).

13-14 Years

Tyrah Muganzi got Uganda her first gold of the day in the 13-14 girls’ 100m fly (1:10.58) while teammate Mackayla Ssali (1:14.06) got silver. For the boys’ Jonathan Kaweesa also bagged gold (1:03.10) while teammate Benjamin Ssali (1:04.97) also bagged bronze behind Kenya’s Andrew Ogola (1:04.25).

Tanzania Crissa Dillip (31.32), Nigeria’s Alfred Boluwatife (33.55), and Kenya’s Aariana Barchha (33.94) pushed Zara Mbanga (34.02) and Crystal Ssemanda (35.42) to 4th and 5th in the girls’ 50m backstroke. Mbanga (1:14.21) got between Dillip (1:10.82) and Barchha (1:14.89) in the 100m back while Muganzi was 4th (1:14.99).

Jonathan (31.41) was just micros behind Tanzanian winner Kaysan Kachra (31.31) in the boys’ 50m back as Manuel Ssemanda (35.90) finished 8th. Jonathan, however, avenged in the 100m back (1:09.09) pushing Kachra to second (1:10.81) just micros ahead of Uganda’s Jayson Aronda (1:10.95).

In the 200m breaststroke Dillip (2:55.24) combined with teammate Nicolene Viljoen (2:58.42) to push Mbanga (2:59.71) to bronze while Theresa Kikambi (3:10.45) finished 6th behind a Kenyan duo.

For the boys, Jayson Aronda (2:56.22) kept pace for 150m behind teammate Elijah Mukisa (2:58.66 for silver) and Tanzania’s Delbert Kenemo (2:59.37 for bronze) then changed pace in the last 50m to take gold.

Jonathan (2:13.70) bagged his third gold for the day in the 200m freestyle as Benjamin (2:19.14) settled for bronze behind Kenya’s Tevin Waweru (2:16.50) while Dillip and Viljoen again pushed Muganzi (2:29.41) and Kikambi (2:31.53) to 4th and 5th in the girls’ race.

12 and Under

Alba Ihunde (1:18.57) and Ashton Regina Suubi (1:19.97) got Uganda started off with the day’s medals bagging silver and bronze in the 12 and Under girls’ 100m fly behind Tanzania’s Leyna Borega (1:15.81). For the boys, Elijah Ayesiga got silver (1:09.95) behind Kenya’s Don Ndirangu (1:07.92) while Jordan Musoke (1:16.01) finished 4th behind another Kenyan AbdulKadir AbdulKadir (1:13.33).

Nisha Pearl Najjuma won the age category’s 200m backstroke on Thursday and returned on Friday to show she’s queen of the stroke with 35.07 and 1:18.65 gold in the 50m and 100m backstroke respectively. Jinan Nakato (37.13) was 4th in the 50m while her twin sister Jehan Babirye (1:22.94) was 5th in the 100m.

She also won the 200m breaststroke (3:07.59) while teammate Ihunde (3:11.13) was 4th.

Kristian Bwisho (33.67) and Raymond Ssali (34.39) took silver and bronze respectively in the young boys’ 50m back behind Ndirangu (32.47). But Bwisho (1:16.06) recovered to win the 100m one ahead of AbdulKadir (1:17.08) and Ugandan teammate Ayesiga (1:17.44)

Ndirangu, however, returned to be a pain in the 200m breaststroke taking gold (2:57.53) away from Ugandan duo Ayesiga (2:59.93) and Jeremiah Ssempijja (3:06.44) which settled for silver and bronze respectively.

Ayesiga finally found gold in the 200m free (2:25.28) as Musoke (2:29.01) bagged silver while for the girls, Ashton (2:36.83) and Nakato (2:37.45) got silver and bronze.

Relays

In the 14 and Under 4x50m medley relays, Uganda’s girls represented by Crystal Ssemanda, Mackayla, Muganzi, and Gabriella Opolot were second (2:16.41) behind Kenya (2:15.77) as were the boys – represented by Jonathan, Kigundu Ssango, Benjamin Ssali, and Manuel Ssemanda – who clocked 2:02.24 to finish just a touch behind the hosts on 2:02.16.

Uganda still finished behind Kenya in both the 15 and Over 4x50m medley relays in the girls’ and boys’ category. The girls (2:21.82) who missed Kisawuzi and were represented by Peyton, Nakasule, Mwere, and Kirabo were dominated by the hosts (2:10.14).

The boys who included Mwase, Ampaire, Kuc, and Inhensiko missed out on gold by almost two seconds clocking 1:54.74 compared to Kenya’s 1:52.85.

In the mixed freestyle relays, Kenya (1:51.22) just about edged Uganda’s team of Jonathan, Mbanga, Mackayla, and Benjamin (1:52.28) in the 14 and Under category first, then did the same (1:46.40 compared to 1:47.72) in the 15 and Over category where Uganda was represented by Mwase, Kirabo, Kisawuzi, and Kaumi.

In the mixed medley relay, Uganda (2:08.31) put in a good position by Jonathan doing backstroke and both Mbanga and Muganzi chasing boys in the breaststroke and fly legs respectively got gold in the 14 and Over category after Manuel’s excellent freestyle performance to anchor.

In the 15 and Over, Uganda represented by Nakasule, Kyle, Pendo, and Peyton (in that order) finished third (2:03.97) behind Kenya (1:59.10) and Tanzania (2:01.85).

Masters

In the women masters’ 50m backstroke, Patricia Ejalu got Uganda her only gold in the 50-54 age group. Resty Kiwuka won silver in the 25-29 age group while Sandra Arinaitwe bagged bronze in 30-34 ahead of teammates Olivier Nalwadda, Belinda Illamai, and Kezia Wairimu who finished 4th, 5th, and 6th respectively.

Rachael Amito got the 35-39 silver as did Abisagi Mugenyi Namugenze in the 40-44 group where Dorothy Ssemanda was 4th.

For the men, Yuda Morris Ssekamatte, Uganda Aquatics vice president Peter Mugisha, and Peter Ssebanakitta got gold in the 35-39, 55-59, and 60 and Over age groups respectively.

Ivan Muhoozi got bronze in the 25-29 group as did Habib Yawe in the 30-34 and Patrick Magezi in the 55-59. Ismail Munaaba was 4th in the 45-49 men.

Perhaps, Deus Muhumuza’s lowest moment in his glorious career as Cricket Cranes’ all-rounder came in 2017.

It wasn’t on tour but rather on home soil in a match against Canada at the Lugogo Oval during the ICC World Cricket League Division Three championship.

With Uganda fielding first, Muhumuza dropped Rizwan Cheema on three runs and the Pakistani-born player ended up a match-winning half-ton of 91 runs off 44 balls including 10 sixes and three boundaries.

The 66-run defeat got the hosts on a perfect relegation route in that tournament. ‘It hurt. As a trusted boundary patrol fielder, I let my team down,’ said Muhumuza about that pricey error.

‘It was a tough experience but there were more tasks ahead and I never played with a limbo mentality,’ said the man now in charge of coaching the senior national women’s cricket team – the Victoria Pearls.

Now eight years later, Muhumuza and Cheema will meet again in Lugogo on Monday morning, both as coaches as their countries Uganda and Canada face-off in T20 International matches of the Victoria Series over the next week.

Of course, revenge innately should Muhumuza to guide his charges that are attempting to recover from a recently failed ICC Twenty20 Africa World Cup Qualifier in Namibia early last month.

However, it won’t be about the emotions of 2017. ‘?It’s going to be a great opportunity to discuss ways to support our young players’ growth and development. As coaches, our focus is on creating an environment where they can showcase their skills and reach their full potential,’ Muhumuza said of his meeting with Cheema.

Muhumuza and his assistant Brian Masaba expect consistently in the partnerships atop the batting order from Esther Iloku, skipper Janet Mbabazi, Immaculate Nakisuyi, Rita Musamali and Stephanie Nampiina.

With the ball, Sarah Akiteng should have learnt a thing or two more about her pace variation before any impact from overs by Musamali and Nampiina is needed. Newcomers Sarah Tino, Jimia Mohammed and Teddy Oyella will want to stand up and be counted too.

For Cheema, it is an opportunity to grow his team, which is ranked 31st by ICC, 13 places below Uganda. ‘Playing in Uganda will challenge our team in new conditions and help us grow as a unit. It’s an exciting opportunity for player development and team building,’ he said.

Canada has played 21 T20Is in six years with 11 wins and 10 defeats, often facing Brazil, Argentina or the USA. The North Americans have now embarked on a tour of Africa with Tanzania their next stop, all in a bid to grow.

Canada, who promise to host Uganda in similar engagements in the future, arrived on Saturday and skipper Amarpal Kaur who bats at three, will hope they can rely on openers Achini Perera and Indomatie Goordial-John for runs.

Unlike Uganda, this is going to be Canada’s first T20I match since March and they as well trust that the bowling lines of right-arm medium fast Vandana Mahajan and off-break pairing of Terisha Lavia and Kaur are tidy.

CANADA WOMEN’S TOUR OF UGANDA

VICTORIA T20 BILATERAL SERIES

MONDAY AT LUGOGO (10AM)

1st T20I: Uganda Women vs. Canada Women

VICTORIA PEARLS SQUAD: Janet Mbabazi (C), Esther Iloku, Immaculate Nakisuyi, Rita Musamali, Stephanie Nampiina, Proscovia Alako, Kevin Awino, Consy Aweko, Sarah Tino, Sarah Akiteng, Naome Amongin, Kevin Amuge, Jimia Mohammed, Teddy Oyella

In 2005, musician Moses Ssali, alias Bebe Cool, released an album titled Kisanja. The word Kisanja was derived from esanja, which means a pile of dry banana leaves in Luganda, and came to be a term for giving anyone in office another term. President Museveni had campaigned in 2001 that the second term, as per the 1995 Constitution, ending in 2006, was his last. By 2003, manoeuvres to remove term limits to allow him a third term had started. Term limits were later removed in July 2005.

During the marking of the NRM’s 19th anniversary on January 26, at Kololo Independence Grounds, President Museveni and thousands of his supporters turned up wearing dry banana leaves. Hence, the word ‘ekisanja’ became synonymous with another term. Term limits were later removed in July 2005 after a section of MPs received an inducement of Shs5m. The title track of Bebe’s album was Bamuwe Ekisanja, musically expressing support for the incumbent’s third term bid. Kads Band’s Prossy Kankunda had also released Tumwongere ekisanja. Five years later, President Museveni took matters into his own hands, coming up with Another Rap, a song that earned him the title ‘The First Rap president’. This song was used at all his 2011 election campaign rallies.

Lines drawn

However, it was in 2015 that the line was drawn between politics and music. That year, a group of artistes, including Bebe Cool, Joseph Mayanja (Jose Chameleone), Juliana Kanyomozi, Iryn Namubiru, Pr Wilson Bugembe, Manisul Ssemanda (King Saha), Haruna Mubiru, Douglas Mayanja (Weasel), Moses Nakintije Ssekibogo (Mowzey Radio), Emmanuel Matovu Mungi (Mun G), Judith Babirye, and Rema Namakula teamed up on Tubonga Nawe (We are with you) as the 2016 election campaign anthem.

The song that spoke about the incumbent’s achievements in the entertainment sector was unveiled at an invite-only event at Speke Resort Munyonyo on October 16. Museveni reportedly gave the artists Shs400m for their Sacco. Despite the actual figures not being stipulated anywhere, it is said all participating artists pocketed at least Shs20m and Shs2m more on every campaign trail they performed on.

The song was a big deal not just because of the big names on the collaboration, but also because Robert Kyagulanyi, alias Bobi Wine, one of the biggest male acts, was not part of it. It wasn’t surprising because the music catalogue of the future MP and presidential aspirant is full of songs about political and social decay in the country.

Despite the participants reaping big from the song project, most of them did not enjoy it as the public decided to boycott them and everyone affiliated with NRM. They also came under attack from all corners, with lurid insults hurled at them. On several occasions, Bebe Cool, Catherine Kusasira, and Ibrahim Mayanja (Big Eye) were pelted with bottles every time they stepped on stage. It is even said that bookings for the participating artistes reduced tremendously.

Knives out

The situation became even more impassioned when the artistes came out on their public Facebook pages to defend themselves or clarify their involvement. Juliana Kanyomozi in a post on Facebook said: Ndi munnauganda nga abalala bonna. (I am Ugandan like everyone else). ‘It means we all have the same fundamental rights regardless of our positions in society, or political beliefs, or even life experiences. But there’s one thing that brings us together, and that’s humanity, obuntu.’ the songbird added. Her critics even went as far as using the passing of her son in 2014 at the Aga Khan Hospital in Nairobi as a reference point for the moribund state of the healthcare system at home. It was the last time she publicly associated with a political project.

When Bobi Wine entered politics, first as Kyadondo East MP, then went to crusade for candidates in the by-elections in Arua Municipality, Bugiri, and Jinja East, and later, in August 2020, declared intention to challenge President Museveni, the entertainment/creative industry was pushed between the devil and the deep blue sea. Artistes were faced with three options; support your own and face State ire, including blockage of concerts; sit on the fence; or support the other side.

So much so that this fiscal year’s budget included a Shs60 billion package for the creative industry, music and arts, culture, and tourism, among others, to generate a revolving fund, ‘acquire a home for you, and enact a copyright law to protect your intellectual property.’

Yoweri album

On September 29, Edrisah Musuuza, alias Eddy Kenzo, was joined by over 10 artistes to compose the Yoweri album, a 15-track album that was launched at Speke Resort Munyonyo, with the President and his wife as chief guests. The President pledged to inject Shs20b to Shs30b annually into the Uganda National Musicians Federation (UNMF), one of the two musicians groups, led by Kenzo. He described the initiative as part of a broader effort to professionalise and empower Ugandan artistes.

‘Kenzo has told you that we have already given them the money to go and open zonal circles. That’s what you said. But after the elections, we are going to do much, much more to really support you because it’s not such a big problem. Even if we said Shs20b or even Shs30b, one time, because you are earning money from the public,’ he said. The album launch attracted more than 500 industry stakeholders, with several artistes obviously keen on rubbing shoulders with the ruling party politburo. However, even within the visibly celebratory mood, there were signs of caution among performers.

Several musicians in attendance wore face masks, hoodies, sunglasses, and branded caps pulled low, clearly avoiding full exposure to media cameras. Though physically present, some appeared reluctant to be photographed, with multiple artistes telling this newspaper off the record that they did not want to be ‘publicly seen’ as part of a NRM-linked event. They were also wary of being branded antipathetic. A number of artistes specifically requested not to be named in official programmes or media coverage, fearing backlash from fans against backdrop of a groundswell of resentment.

On the rise

Uganda’s music sector has grown rapidly in recent years. According to the Performing Artists Database under the Uganda Registration Services Bureau (URSB), more than 14,000 artistes are formally registered under various associations. However, thousands more remain in the informal space, surviving on concerts, streaming platforms, and fan donations. With more than 30,000 stakeholders across the creative industry, including producers, DJs, dancers, instrumentalists, and promoters, the sector plays a critical social and economic role, particularly among Uganda’s youth.

While over the past decade, musicians like Bebe Cool, Catherine Kusasira, and Full Figure have remained strong NRM die-hards and often performed at political rallies or composed songs praising the regime, Bobi Wine’s ascent to the pinnacle of opposition politics has further polarised the creatives industry as powerful agents of change. His support base is largely the urban youth disillusioned by underemployment, joblessness. Since 2019, the artistes, promoters, and other creative groups trekked to Gulu City to seek financial handouts from President Museveni’s young brother, Gen Salim Saleh. He, however, drew a line in the sand in December 2024.

While in Gulu, the visitors would denounce support for opposition politics, especially Bobi Wine and his National Unity Platform (NUP) party. In mid-June 2025, a Kampala-based gospel artiste, David Mugema, died in a hotel room in Gulu while waiting for a meeting to solicit financial support towards his medical treatment.

Besides the individual search for financial support, the creatives also pressured Gen Saleh, demanding the Shs5 billion that he promised them as Covid-19 relief. ‘Because when it is morning, I am meeting Buchaman (Mark Bugembe), in the afternoon I’m meeting Ragga Dee (Daniel Kazibwe), in the evening I’m meeting manya Odongo Romeo. So, when will I work on the other Kirabira there? You’re wasting my time. I have told you that I’m finished with you,’ Gen Saleh expressed displeasure about the artistes’ begging culture at a trade fair attended by many musicians in Gulu City.

Delicate balancing

Owing to these differences and the state’s divide-and-rule policy, the musicians themselves are divided into two camps, the UNMF led by Kenzo and the Uganda Musicians Association (UMA) led by ‘Cindy’ Sanyu. Analysts say the government’s direct funding of the music sector may be part of a broader effort to win back cultural ground ahead of the next election. To President Museveni, as he remarked late last month, the issue is about catching up with priorities long delayed: ‘I want to thank all the musicians for finally getting a bit organised. This was not really the government’s problem because when we started, the country was in such a bad situation. We had to begin with the basics, start with peace. Now, there is peace in the country. Some of the roads are in place, health services have improved. That’s why you are all here, you don’t have polio and so on.’

Industry players we talked to argued that to criticise the artistes is to forget about the bigger ecosystem in which they live; affected by problems and making them survivors like politicians and many public figures in the country. The power that celebrities and well-known people have in everyday life is phenomenal. In developed countries like the United States, Canada, the UK, and France, pop stars are known for endorsing candidates of their choice. They sing at their rallies and usually move around on campaign trails. In Uganda’s case, it is a delicate balance. Mr Ronald Mayinja’s [formerly of Eagle’s Production] award winning ‘Tuli Kubunkenke’ (we are under tension) released in 2005 in the run-up to the 2006 elections got him summoned several times by security agencies to clarify on the lyrics of the song which was said would likely to incite violence.

In 2007, Mayinja released ‘Africa’, another song about the hopeless state of the continent-plagued by corruption, hunger, dictators, diseases but yet with vast natural wealth. In 2014, he released Tuwalana Nguzi (we are against corruption) which were all received positively because they held leaders accountable. Today, Mayinja is in the NRM tent.